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Umbria from the Iron Age to the Augustan Era
UMBRIA FROM THE IRON AGE TO THE AUGUSTAN ERA PhD Guy Jolyon Bradley University College London BieC ILONOIK.] ProQuest Number: 10055445 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest. ProQuest 10055445 Published by ProQuest LLC(2016). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Abstract This thesis compares Umbria before and after the Roman conquest in order to assess the impact of the imposition of Roman control over this area of central Italy. There are four sections specifically on Umbria and two more general chapters of introduction and conclusion. The introductory chapter examines the most important issues for the history of the Italian regions in this period and the extent to which they are relevant to Umbria, given the type of evidence that survives. The chapter focuses on the concept of state formation, and the information about it provided by evidence for urbanisation, coinage, and the creation of treaties. The second chapter looks at the archaeological and other available evidence for the history of Umbria before the Roman conquest, and maps the beginnings of the formation of the state through the growth in social complexity, urbanisation and the emergence of cult places. -
Iron Age and Roman Italy
World Archaeology at the Pitt Rivers Museum: A Characterization edited by Dan Hicks and Alice Stevenson, Archaeopress 2013, page 336-357 16 Iron Age and Roman Italy Zena Kamash, Lucy Shipley, Yannis Galanakis and Stella Skaltsa 16.1 Introduction The Pitt Rivers Museum (PRM) holds c. 346 artefacts from Italy that are recorded as Iron Age or Roman in date. A further c. 302 artefacts are listed as ‘Roman’, but with no country of provenance. This chapter therefore presents a characterization of c. 648 artefacts, complementing the discussions of Iron Age and Roman material in the chapters on Egypt (Chapter 7), Europe (Chapter 11), the Aegean and Cyprus (Chapter 15), the Levant (Chapter 22) and South-West Asia (Chapter 23). After setting this collection in its geographic and temporal context (16.2), this chapter presents an overview of the collectors represented by the Iron Age and Roman Italian collections (16.3), with reference to the PRM founding collection (16.3.1), and the material collected by John Wickham Flower (16.3.2), Henry Balfour (16.3.3), Robert William Theodore Gunther (16.3.4), Anthony John Arkell (16.3.5), Walter Leo Hildburgh (16.3.6), and other collectors (16.3.7). The collections from Iron Age Italy are considered in section 16.4 by Lucy Shipley, Yannis Galanakis and Stella Skaltsa, with reference to the Etruscan collections (16.4.1) and the other Iron Age material from Italy (16.4.2). Collections from Roman Italy and unprovenanced Roman objects are considered by Zena Kamash in section 16.5, and brief conclusions are drawn in section 16.6. -
Domitian's Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome
Rising from the Ashes: Domitian’s Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome Lea K. Cline In the August 1888 edition of the Notizie degli Scavi, profes- on a base of two steps; it is a long, solid rectangle, 6.25 m sors Guliermo Gatti and Rodolfo Lanciani announced the deep, 3.25 m wide, and 1.26 m high (lacking its crown). rediscovery of a Domitianic altar on the Quirinal hill during These dimensions make it the second largest public altar to the construction of the Casa Reale (Figures 1 and 2).1 This survive in the ancient capital. Built of travertine and revet- altar, found in situ on the southeast side of the Alta Semita ted in marble, this altar lacks sculptural decoration. Only its (an important northern thoroughfare) adjacent to the church inscription identifies it as an Ara Incendii Neroniani, an altar of San Andrea al Quirinale, was not unknown to scholars.2 erected in fulfillment of a vow made after the great fire of The site was discovered, but not excavated, in 1644 when Nero (A.D. 64).7 Pope Urban VIII (Maffeo Barberini) and Gianlorenzo Bernini Archaeological evidence attests to two other altars, laid the foundations of San Andrea al Quirinale; at that time, bearing identical inscriptions, excavated in the sixteenth the inscription was removed to the Vatican, and then the and seventeenth centuries; the Ara Incendii Neroniani found altar was essentially forgotten.3 Lanciani’s notes from May on the Quirinal was the last of the three to be discovered.8 22, 1889, describe a fairly intact structure—a travertine block Little is known of the two other altars; one, presumably altar with remnants of a marble base molding on two sides.4 found on the Vatican plain, was reportedly used as building Although the altar’s inscription was not in situ, Lanciani refers material for the basilica of St. -
Tinctoris's Minimum Opus
Tinctoris’s Minimum Opus ROB C. WEGMAN (Princeton University) he story has long been known and often been told: as a student at the TUniversity at Orléans, Johannes Tinctoris made a fool of himself.1 Proud of his accomplishments, and pleased especially with his literary prowess, he allowed his vanity to slip through and leave a permanent record, in full view of all posterity, in a document that would survive the centuries. That document, which is still kept at Orléans today, is precious for several reasons – not the least of which is that it is the only surviving text written in the theorist’s own hand. Yet what makes it truly invaluable is what he reveals about himself, intentionally and, perhaps, unintentionally. The text has been transcribed and edited by several modern scholars, and the facts of the case are well known.2 Yet the story they tell remains a footnote to the larger story of Tinctoris’s life. My aim in the pages that follow is to take another close look at the text, and to give it more of the interpretive scrutiny that we are accustomed to give to other documents from this period. Like so many medieval texts, the Orléans document raises questions that may not be obvious in a face-value reading. Indeed, upon sustained scrutiny we may soon find ourselves wondering what, exactly, is the story it tells, how much of a fool Tinctoris really made of himself, and who, ultimately, has the last laugh. Before delving into those questions, however, let us begin by recapitulating the story, and providing some of the context necessary to analyze it. -
The Evolution of the Roman Calendar Dwayne Meisner, University of Regina
The Evolution of the Roman Calendar Dwayne Meisner, University of Regina Abstract The Roman calendar was first developed as a lunar | 290 calendar, so it was difficult for the Romans to reconcile this with the natural solar year. In 45 BC, Julius Caesar reformed the calendar, creating a solar year of 365 days with leap years every four years. This article explains the process by which the Roman calendar evolved and argues that the reason February has 28 days is that Caesar did not want to interfere with religious festivals that occurred in February. Beginning as a lunar calendar, the Romans developed a lunisolar system that tried to reconcile lunar months with the solar year, with the unfortunate result that the calendar was often inaccurate by up to four months. Caesar fixed this by changing the lengths of most months, but made no change to February because of the tradition of intercalation, which the article explains, and because of festivals that were celebrated in February that were connected to the Roman New Year, which had originally been on March 1. Introduction The reason why February has 28 days in the modern calendar is that Caesar did not want to interfere with festivals that honored the dead, some of which were Past Imperfect 15 (2009) | © | ISSN 1711-053X | eISSN 1718-4487 connected to the position of the Roman New Year. In the earliest calendars of the Roman Republic, the year began on March 1, because the consuls, after whom the year was named, began their years in office on the Ides of March. -
Servius, Cato the Elder and Virgil
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by St Andrews Research Repository MEFRA – 129/1 – 2017, p. 85-100. Servius, Cato the Elder and Virgil Christopher SMITH C. Smith, British School at Rome, University of St Andrews, [email protected] This paper considers one of the most significant of the authors cited in the Servian tradition, Cato the Elder. He is cited more than any other historian, and looked at the other way round, Servius is a very important source for our knowledge of Cato. This paper addresses the questions of what we learn from Servius’ use of Cato, and what we learn about Virgil ? Servius, Cato the Elder, Virgil, Aeneas Cet article envisage la figure du principal auteur cite dans la tradition servienne, Caton l’Ancien. C’est l’historien le plus cité par Servius et, à l’inverse, Servius est une source très importante pour notre connaissance de Caton. Cet article revient sur l’utilisation de Caton par Servius et sur ce que Servius nous apprend sur Virgile. Servius, Catone l’Ancien, Virgile, Énée The depth of knowledge and understanding icance of his account of the beginnings of Rome. underpinning Virgil’s approach to Italy in the Our assumption that the historians focused on the Aeneid demonstrates that he was a profoundly earlier history and then passed rapidly over the learned poet ; and it was a learning which was early Republic is partly shaped by this tendency in clearly drawn on deep knowledge and under- the citing authorities2. -
Diversity in Death; Differences in Burial Ritual As Recorded in Central Italy, 950-500 BC
University of Groningen Diversity in Death Nijboer, Albert J. Published in: The Archaeology of Death IMPORTANT NOTE: You are advised to consult the publisher's version (publisher's PDF) if you wish to cite from it. Please check the document version below. Document Version Early version, also known as pre-print Publication date: 2018 Link to publication in University of Groningen/UMCG research database Citation for published version (APA): Nijboer, A. J. (2018). Diversity in Death: a construction of identities and the funerary record of multi-ethnic central Italy from 950-350 BC. In E. Herring, & E. O'Donoghue (Eds.), The Archaeology of Death: Proceedings of the Seventh Conference of Italian Archaeology held at the National University of Ireland, Galway, April 16-18, 2016 (Vol. VI, pp. 107-127). [14] (Papers in Italian Archaeology VII ). Archaeopress. Copyright Other than for strictly personal use, it is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). The publication may also be distributed here under the terms of Article 25fa of the Dutch Copyright Act, indicated by the “Taverne” license. More information can be found on the University of Groningen website: https://www.rug.nl/library/open-access/self-archiving-pure/taverne- amendment. Take-down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Downloaded from the University of Groningen/UMCG research database (Pure): http://www.rug.nl/research/portal. -
The Burial of the Urban Poor in Italy in the Late Republic and Early Empire
Death, disposal and the destitute: The burial of the urban poor in Italy in the late Republic and early Empire Emma-Jayne Graham Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Archaeology University of Sheffield December 2004 IMAGING SERVICES NORTH Boston Spa, Wetherby West Yorkshire, LS23 7BQ www.bl.uk The following have been excluded from this digital copy at the request of the university: Fig 12 on page 24 Fig 16 on page 61 Fig 24 on page 162 Fig 25 on page 163 Fig 26 on page 164 Fig 28 on page 168 Fig 30on page 170 Fig 31 on page 173 Abstract Recent studies of Roman funerary practices have demonstrated that these activities were a vital component of urban social and religious processes. These investigations have, however, largely privileged the importance of these activities to the upper levels of society. Attempts to examine the responses of the lower classes to death, and its consequent demands for disposal and commemoration, have focused on the activities of freedmen and slaves anxious to establish or maintain their social position. The free poor, living on the edge of subsistence, are often disregarded and believed to have been unceremoniously discarded within anonymous mass graves (puticuli) such as those discovered at Rome by Lanciani in the late nineteenth century. This thesis re-examines the archaeological and historical evidence for the funerary practices of the urban poor in Italy within their appropriate social, legal and religious context. The thesis attempts to demonstrate that the desire for commemoration and the need to provide legitimate burial were strong at all social levels and linked to several factors common to all social strata. -
Collection 13
EARLY EUROPEAN BOOKS Explore the Record of European Life and Culture About Collection 13 Early European Books Collection 13 presents a selection themed around literature, poetry and drama. Items from London’s Wellcome Library, Florence’s Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Copenhagen’s Kongelige Bibliotek and The Hague’s Koninklijke Bibliotheek provide a rich assembly of content from across Europe. Supported by key classical and medieval texts, at the heart of Collection 13 is a body of works which document the remarkable flowering of vernacular literatures witnessed during the early modern period. Among the thousands of titles featured are acknowledged literary landmarks, but also less familiar items. Brought together, Collection 13 builds up a picture of the early modern literary scene that embraces ephemeral as well as timeless works, and that strongly accentuates its creative diversity. Collection 13 comes complete with USTC subject classifications to enable and enhance user experience. From Homer to Persius The early modern period was defined by its rediscovery of classical texts, and Collection 13 presents a choice of these ranging from literary giants like Homer and Ovid to more minor figures like Persius (34-62 CE) and Claudian (c.370-c.404 CE). Prose pieces include a 1624 Amsterdam edition of Apuleius (c.124-c.170 CE) which includes his Erasmus (1466-1536) and Philip Melanchthon (1497-1560). Metamorphoses or The Golden Ass, while a 1700 edition of Other Erasmus items include a 1524 edition of Euripides Petronius’ notorious Satyricon is another bawdy inclusion. in Greek and Latin, and a 1507 Aldine printing of the same Classical literature’s rediscovery inevitably involved its Latin translation bound with his own classical imitation, reconstruction, and items featured reflect both advances Ode de laudibus Britanniæ. -
Handout Name Yourself Like a Roman (CLAS 160)
NAME YOURSELF LIKE A ROMAN Choose Your Gender 0 Roman naming conventions differed for men and women, and the Romans didn’t conceive of other options or categories (at least for naming purposes!). For viri (men): Choose Your Praenomen (“first name”) 1 This is your personal name, just like modern American first names: Michael, Jonathan, Jason, etc. The Romans used a very limited number of first names and tended to be very conservative about them, reusing the same small number of names within families. In the Roman Republic, your major options are: Some of these names (Quintus, Sextus, • Appius • Manius • Servius Septimus, etc.) clearly originally referred • Aulus • Marcus • Sextus to birth order: Fifth, Sixth, Seventh. Others are related to important aspects of • Decimus • Numerius • Spurius Roman culture: the name Marcus probably • Gaius • Postumus • Statius comes from the god Mars and Tiberius from the river Tiber. Other are mysterious. • Gnaeus • Publius • Tiberius But over time, these names lost their • Lucius • Quintus • Titus original significance and became hereditary, with sons named after their • Mamercus • Septimus • Vibius father or another male relative. Choose Your Nomen (“family name”) 2 Your second name identifies you by gens: family or clan, much like our modern American last name. While praenomina vary between members of the same family, the nomen is consistent. Some famous nomina include Claudius, Cornelius, Fabius, Flavius, Julius, Junius, and Valerius. Side note: if an enslaved person was freed or a foreigner was granted citizenship, they were technically adopted into the family of their “patron,” and so received his nomen as well. De Boer 2020 OPTIONAL: Choose Your Cognomen (“nickname”) Many Romans had just a praenomen and a nomen, and it was customary and polite to address a 3 person by this combo (as in “hello, Marcus Tullius, how are you today?” “I am well, Gaius Julius, and you?”). -
The Recollections of Encolpius
The Recollections of Encolpius ANCIENT NARRATIVE Supplementum 2 Editorial Board Maaike Zimmerman, University of Groningen Gareth Schmeling, University of Florida, Gainesville Heinz Hofmann, Universität Tübingen Stephen Harrison, Corpus Christi College, Oxford Costas Panayotakis (review editor), University of Glasgow Advisory Board Jean Alvares, Montclair State University Alain Billault, Université Jean Moulin, Lyon III Ewen Bowie, Corpus Christi College, Oxford Jan Bremmer, University of Groningen Ken Dowden, University of Birmingham Ben Hijmans, Emeritus of Classics, University of Groningen Ronald Hock, University of Southern California, Los Angeles Niklas Holzberg, Universität München Irene de Jong, University of Amsterdam Bernhard Kytzler, University of Natal, Durban John Morgan, University of Wales, Swansea Ruurd Nauta, University of Groningen Rudi van der Paardt, University of Leiden Costas Panayotakis, University of Glasgow Stelios Panayotakis, University of Groningen Judith Perkins, Saint Joseph College, West Hartford Bryan Reardon, Professor Emeritus of Classics, University of California, Irvine James Tatum, Dartmouth College, Hanover, New Hampshire Alfons Wouters, University of Leuven Subscriptions Barkhuis Publishing Zuurstukken 37 9761 KP Eelde the Netherlands Tel. +31 50 3080936 Fax +31 50 3080934 [email protected] www.ancientnarrative.com The Recollections of Encolpius The Satyrica of Petronius as Milesian Fiction Gottskálk Jensson BARKHUIS PUBLISHING & GRONINGEN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY GRONINGEN 2004 Bókin er tileinkuð -
Angerona E Il Silenzio Del Confine. Tempi E Spazi Liminari Di Una Dea Romana Muta
Angerona e il silenzio del confine. Tempi e spazi liminari di una dea romana muta Ciro Parodo Angerona o Diva Angerona, a cui il 21 Dicembre era dedicata una festività denominata Angeronalia o Divalia1, si contraddistingue, al pari di Tacita Muta, per il suo mutismo. Come ricordato da Ovidio (fast. II, 583-616), chiamata in origine Lara, dal verbo λαλεῖν “chiacchierare”, la figlia del fiume Almone assunse il nome parlante di Tacita dopoché le fu strappata la lingua per ordine di Giove che intendeva così punirla per aver rivelato alla sorella Iuturna la passione amorosa nutrita dal padre degli dei nei suoi confronti e a Giunone il tentativo di seduzione del marito. Tacita fu quindi affidata a Mercurio affinché fosse condotta negli Inferi dove avrebbe presieduto alle acque del regno dei morti. Lungo la strada, tuttavia, il dio messaggero usò violenza nei confronti della ninfa che così partorì i Lares compitales preposti alla tutela dei crocicchi urbani e rurali. In Varrone la loro maternità è attribuita a Mania (ling. IX, 61; cfr. Lact. div. inst. I, 20, 35 che riporta anche la denominazione Larunda), ulteriore ipostasi divina – insieme a 1 Le fonti sono discordanti circa l’esatto nome della dea e della festività ad essa dedicata. Così in Varro ling. VI, 23; Solin. I, 6; Macr. Sat. III, 9, 4, è documentato il nome Angerona, mentre in Plin. nat. III, 65 e Macr. Sat. I, 10, 7 quello di Diva Angerona. Solo nel suddetto passo macrobiano è anche attestato il nome Angeronia. Parimenti, se nelle fonti letterarie (Varro ling. VI, 23; Fest.