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Nationalism, Ethnic Conflict and the Quest for Peace in Cyprus

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Nationalism, Ethnic Conflict and the Quest for Peace in Cyprus Book Reviews The Broken Olive Branch: Nationalism, Ethnic Conflict and the Quest for Peace in Cyprus By Harry Anastasiou Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2008, Vol. I: The Impasse of Ethnonationalism, 2008, 254 pp., ISBN, 0815631960 & Vol. II: Nationalism Versus Europeanization, 2008, 313 pp., ISBN 0815631979. The Broken Olive Branch is a two vol- munities. The author argued that it was ume book wherein the author analyses not until the 1990s that Turkish and Greek the Cyprus question through the prisms Cypriots began to overcome nationalist ra- of ethno nationalism. In the first volume, tionals with direct citizen based contacts. through his interpretation, the author eval- Through these initiatives members of both uates the historical origins of the Cyprus communities shared their experiences and issue. According to the author, the uncriti- this helped to overcome prejudices. The cal adoption of ethnocentric nationalism author acknowledged the difficulties of di- is an fundamental factor in evaluating this rect dialogue, since there are issues that led conflict. The author points to the impor- to a breakdown of communication. Both tance of the physical separation of the two communities’ perception of certain events communities on the island since 1964. The is quite different. For example, the author author argued that the Greek Cypriot na- indicated that the Turkish side considered tionalist aspiration of establishing a union the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus with Greece (Enosis) and the Turkish Cy- a historically justified, legitimate indepen- priot aspiration for the ethnic partition of dent state, while the Greek side consid- Cyprus created the outcome of a divided ered it as an illegitimate breakaway state. island. Greek Cypriots wanted to establish While Greek Cypriots claimed the right a Hellenic state in which the Greeks of Cy- of refugees to return to their homes, Turk- prus would secure state power for them- ish Cypriots considered it as an attempt selves alone. Turkish Cypriots also aimed to retake the northern territory, leaving to have a territorially separate Turkish state the Turks without shelter. (vol.1, p.155- in which they would have monopolized 56) These differences of opinion on key state power. (vol 1, p.44-45) While explain- issues were reflected in the endless nego- ing the historical reasons of the division tiation process, which the book explains in of Cyprus, the author underestimated the detail. For example, the author states that suffering of the Turks of Cyprus from 1963 the Greek Cypriots approach to the politi- to 1974 during which Turks were attacked, cal settlement is based on the foundations killed, and forced to leave their homes. set up by the Republic of Cyprus of 1960. In fact the alienation of Turkish Cypriots The Greek side wants to maintain a strict goes back to 1955 when the EOKA started legal continuity of the current state to any its armed struggle for union with Greece future settlement. (vol. 1, p. 186) However, (Enosis). However, even before that date for the Turkish side this approach to the problems existed between the two com- negotiations is opposed to a bicommunal Insight Turkey Vol. 13 / No. 1 / 2011 209 Book Reviews and bizonal federation, which it supports. by their Greek counterparts. And they may The Turkish side’s arguments are based on have interpreted this failure as meaning the principle that no federation can be at- that the Greek Cypriots do not want to live tained without first recognizing the exis- in a bicommunal and bizonal state. Turk- tence of two state entities of equal legal sta- ish Cypriots were also disappointed by the tus. (vol. 1, p.188) The first volume of the process after the referendum of the An- book concluded with the Helsinki Summit nan Plan, since despite the Greek side’s ‘no in December 1999. The author argued that vote’ for the plan, Greek Cypriots became a the summit’s decision to grant Turkey the member of the EU and the comprehensive status of an EU candidate opened the door embargo against the Turkish Cypriots still to a new political environment on the issue continues. It should be added here that the of Cyprus. Since Turkey’s candidacy to the Greek Cypriots were rewarded by the EU, EU, the terms of references by which Turk- while the Turkish Cypriots continue to be ish and Greek Cypriots negotiated have punished. changed. In the two volumes of the book, the au- In the second volume of the book, the thor’s objective is to find and evaluate the author explains global trends and the im- ways and options in which the two com- pact of the EU as a catalyst for political and munities can live together in the same civil changes in Turkey and Greece. The state. However, in the first volume of the negotiation process through the Annan book, the description of the history of Cy- Plan and political realities of the post refer- prus and particularly the increase of ten- endum era were discussed in the book. sions and conflicts since the1950’s would The impact of globalizing trends began lead the reader to question whether the to function as a vital catalyst of socio-polit- two communities of Cyprus can run a ical change, reducing the impact of nation- common state as envisaged in the Annan alistic politics of unilateralism and isola- Plan and other previous UN plans. As the tionism. While stressing that global trends author indicated, in 1963 the Greek Cypri- encourage integration, the author neglect- ots pushed forward constitutional amend- ed to discuss that global trends of fragmen- ments aiming to abrogate the 1959-1960 tation and etno-nationalism are also very agreements in order to open the way for real today. This latter group of global trends ‘Enosis.’ It should be noted that besides the may have had a great impact on the Cyprus Greek Cypriots’ goal of establishing ‘Eno- question, particularly, after the failure of sis,’ the Greek Cypriots felt that the 1959- the Annan Plan. As he correctly pointed 1960 agreements were imposed by the in- out the failure to resolve the Cyprus prob- ternational community and they wanted lem (with the Annan plan) was perhaps the an out at the first occasion. Realistically, we greatest political setback in the history of should acknowledge that any international the island. (vol. 2, p. 140) The Annan plan agreement on the Cyprus question would failed at a time when even nationalist Greek have to be imposed by the international Cypriots like Marios Matsakis talked about community. And even if the both sides ac- a two-state solution. (vol. 2, p. 189) Turk- cept a plan for a solution, there would still ish Cypriots were very disappointed by the be a danger that history would repeat itself. failure of the Annan Plan to be approved Meaning, that the only reason either party 210 Insight Turkey Vol. 13 / No. 1 / 2011 Book Reviews or both would accept a plan would be be- and relevant. Because the question of Cy- cause of the pressure from major interna- prus can be compared to the continuing tional powers. Always leaving the possibil- global trend towards separation of certain ity open that the unsatisfied side would try nations today, like the independence of Ko- and change and/or reverse any potential sovo. Despite his lack of emphasis on the future agreement. terror faced by Turkish Cypriots, particu- In the two volumes of the book, the larly in the period between 1963-1974, and author gave an insightful and comprehen- the extreme hardships the embargo con- sive analysis and he showed goodwill in his tinues to impose on Turkish Cypriots, the intention and recommendations for the author did try to objectively understand solution on the questions of Cyprus. If the and evaluate the arguments and positions author had explained and analyzed the im- of Turkish Cypriots. pact of international developments on the Cyprus question after the post Annan era, Kamer Kasım the work would have been more thorough Abant İzzet Baysal University Turkey’s New European Era: Foreign Policy on the Road to EU Membership By Burak Akçapar AltaMira: The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing, 2007, 211 pp., ISBN 9780742554016, $77.00. The European Commission, once as- to address the wide dimensions of the rela- serted that “even before Bulgaria and Ro- tionships between Turkey, Europe, and the mania joined the Union, Turkey and Croa- United States (US). The major hypothesis tia, had begun joining the EU. Negotiations that gives substance to the book is to en- with Croatia may be concluded within a gender the policies for Turkey, Europe, the few years, while those with Turkey are ex- US, and the neighbours of Europe. pected to take considerably longer.”1 Yet Akçapar’s book aims to fill the gap be- the crux of the matter is that Turkey’s full tween the EU and Turkey’s full member- membership negotiation in the EU was not ship perceptions. His purpose is to study fruitful over the previous four decades. De- and analyze from various perspectives the bates over Turkey’s full membership in the benefits of Turkey’s membership in the EU. European Union (EU) have been gaining In terms of Turkey’s full membership in the salience not only as a matter of scholarly EU, however, Akçapar seeks to elucidate a interest in Europe but also as a major issue pivotal argument convincingly perceiving in Turkey. Akçapar’s book sets out to ex- his book as an account of a case study for amine the optimal future of the EU mem- Turkey joining the EU as a full member. In- bership process for Turkey.
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