International and Cultural Psychology

International and Cultural Psychology Series Editor Anthony Marsella, University of Hawaii, Honolulu, Hawaii For further volumes: http://www.springer.com/series/6089 Dan Landis • Rosita D. Albert Editors Handbook of Ethnic Confl ict International Perspectives An International Academy for Intercultural Research Book Editors Dan Landis Rosita D. Albert Department of Psychology Department of Communication Studies University of Hawaii University of Minnesota Hilo, HI, USA Minneapolis, MN, USA [email protected] [email protected] ISSN 1574-0455 ISBN 978-1-4614-0447-7 e-ISBN 978-1-4614-0448-4 DOI 10.1007/978-1-4614-0448-4 Springer New York Dordrecht Heidelberg London Library of Congress Control Number: 2011937572 © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2012 All rights reserved. This work may not be translated or copied in whole or in part without the written permission of the publisher (Springer Science+Business Media, LLC, 233 Spring Street, New York, NY 10013, USA), except for brief excerpts in connection with reviews or scholarly analysis. Use in connection with any form of information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed is forbidden. The use in this publication of trade names, trademarks, service marks, and similar terms, even if they are not identifi ed as such, is not to be taken as an expression of opinion as to whether or not they are subject to proprietary rights. Printed on acid-free paper Springer is part of Springer Science+Business Media (www.springer.com) For Rae, what can I say? 51 years ago they said it would not last! And, to the late Ross Stagner and Charlie Solley, extraordinary scholars, teachers, friends and the persons who set me off on the journey of a lifetime. I hope they are pleased with what I have become. Dan Landis To the memory of my parents, Ella and Bernardo Daskal, whose life experiences and values imbued me with a profound desire to work for the amelioration of ethnic confl icts and the improvement of intercultural relations. To my husband, Stuart Albert, for his love, companionship, and support and To Herbert H. Kelman, a wonderful mentor and role model, for his inspiring, life-long work towards the resolution of the Israeli–Palestinian confl ict. Rosita D. Albert Foreword There is a common saying that nothing in life is certain except death and taxes. As depressing as this outlook may be, it fails to include one, even more disquieting, foible of human existence: ethnic/cultural confl ict. I recently became aware of this point when my family decided to plan a once-in-a- lifetime trip around the world. Each time we identifi ed a “must visit” para- dise, someone spoiled the party by pointing out, “We cannot visit there because group X and Y are engaged in violent confl ict, and it is not safe.” As one location after another was deleted from our list, the universality of violent ethnic confl ict became painfully clear. Although not its intention, the chapters in this book serve to emphasize this sad note on human relations. One, but only one, of the points that becomes clear in the chapters is how widespread ethnic confl ict is. The chapters take us to all points of the world: Europe, Asia, Africa, South America, North/ Central America, and New Zealand. The journey of confl ict takes us through large, highly populated countries (China, Turkey, India) and small, less populated regions (New Zealand, Cyprus, Israel). And we are guided to well developed countries (France, Netherlands, Israel, Spain) and less developed areas (Congo, Uganda, Kurdish regions). The scope of ethnic confl ict becomes more mind numbing when we realize that many regions where confl ict thrives are not included (N. Ireland, many countries in Africa, Australia, United States, Russia). Indeed, it is diffi cult to identify a country or region that has not or presently is not dealing with destructive confl ict between ethnic, cultural, or religious groups. Pervasiveness, however, is only one of the characteristics of ethnic confl ict. The chapters vividly tell the tale of the persistence of intergroup confl ict and violence. Ethnic confl ict is not a New Age phenomenon or passing fad. The confl icts of today have roots deep in the history of the regions. History is often used to “justify” violence and it serves as the basis for each group to claim the position as a “victim.” Indeed, it is diffi cult to fi nd a violent confrontation where each side does not label the other as the aggressor. I have spent several years working with a “peace camp” that brought youth from troubled regions (Middle East, Balkans, Cyprus) to a bucolic camp in the heart of the Maine woods. Although the names and faces of the campers changed from summer to summer, their discussions of the violent confl ict in their region was always the same. When the focus of facilitation groups was the Middle East, the Arab and Jewish campers resorted to reciting history; vii viii Foreword beginning with great detail of the confrontations over the last 60 years but then going back over 4,000 years. Each side claimed that it was the fi rst inhabitant of the land, and, hence, the rightful owner of it. History is of great importance, not only to track the confl ict, but also to understand how each side justifi es its actions. This critical component in confl ict is very clearly described in the chapters of this book. Each chapter traces the confl ict in the region back in time, sometime hundreds of years. The historical context allows the reader to not only understand the conditions that gave rise to the confl ict, but also to understand why each side believes that it has been victim- ized by the other. Given the critical role of history in intergroup confl ict, it is disappointing that research in Social Psychology generally ignores this factor in research and theory. Group history is typically treated as a confounding variable, something to be eliminated as completely as possible. For this reason, research designs often involve forming de facto groups without a history or expecta- tion of a future. The clear message in the present chapters is that this approach is fraught with peril and bound to present an incomplete understanding of intergroup confl ict. The persistence of ethnic confl ict is not only evident in the fact that its roots often extend backward hundreds, even thousands, of years. The pattern of confl ict often involves violent outbreaks followed by years of relative quiet and “peace,” only to give rise to another period of violent confrontation. This maddening pattern is evident in the Balkans where violence characterized the relationship between Serbs and Croats (and several other ethnic groups) in the period prior to and through World War II. Under the fi rm dictatorial hand of Tito, the groups lived together in peace for nearly a half-century. Intermarriage was common and sharing of power occurred. Yugoslavia enjoyed economic prosperity and played a unique role in world politics. However, the region erupted with some of the most terrible genocide since Hitler. Neighbors who had lived side-by-side for decades suddenly became bitter enemies. The intensity and viciousness of the slaughter shocked the world. The aftermath resulted in several, rather ethnically homogeneous, small countries being formed. It would be comforting to consider the sad situ- ation of Yugoslavia as an exception, but unfortunately it is not. The eruption of tribal violence in Uganda, the infl amed racial tensions that are ignited by publicized incidents of police brutality in the United States, and sporadic violence in Turkey that involves both Kurds and Armenians gives testimony that ethnic violence is often a crouching tiger that lurks just below the sur- face of apparent harmony and peace. The clear message is that we should not be lulled into thinking that relatively calm relations between groups are an end state that signals harmony and a lack of tension. Indeed, I have argued that periods of peace are the best time for groups to work on confl ict management. If the pervasiveness and persistence of ethnic confl ict were not suffi ciently disturbing to get one’s attention, we should consider two additional factors that will have profound implications for ethnic relations in the future. First, the world’s population is growing at an alarming rate. There were one billion people in the world in 1800. The population on our planet doubled to two Foreword ix billion by 1930, within a period of 130 years. By 2030 (a 100 year period), there will be over eight billion humans on our planet. For my personal stand- point, the most startling fi gure is that the world’s population grew by four billion people during the time when I started high school to the date I retired! The greatest increases are occurring in the least developed regions, such as Africa, South and Southeast Asia, and Latin America (the focus of half the chapters in this book). One consequence of this rapid growth is that we are living closer together, and group confl icts involve increasingly more people. More people also mean that there are more possible points of friction. A second consequence arises from the disproportional growth. Greatest increase in regions with the least opportunities for jobs, education, and standards of living has given rise massive immigration and shifts in populations. This immigration has created dramatic change in the social landscape of many countries. New groups are added to many regions and existing groups that were once only small minorities have experienced signifi cant growth.

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