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Une Conséquence Inattendue De La Politique Fiscale Du Sultan Selim Ii : De L’Origine De La Dédicace Aux Autorités Athonites Des Couvents De Valachie Et De Moldavie

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Une Conséquence Inattendue De La Politique Fiscale Du Sultan Selim Ii : De L’Origine De La Dédicace Aux Autorités Athonites Des Couvents De Valachie Et De Moldavie Guillaume DURAND 167 UNE CONSÉQUENCE INATTENDUE DE LA POLITIQUE FISCALE DU SULTAN SELIM II : DE L’ORIGINE DE LA DÉDICACE AUX AUTORITÉS ATHONITES DES COUVENTS DE VALACHIE ET DE MOLDAVIE L orsqu’en 1566, le sultan Selim II succède à son père Soliman Kanûnî, l’État ottoman, dans sa partie européenne, est en pleine réforme fiscale et territoriale1. Un nouveau recensement dans la région de Skopje et de Thessalonique est mis en place, notamment sur l’impulsion du ≥eyhülislam, autorité suprême de l’Empire sur la Sainte-Loi, Ebu’s-su-ud2, en fonction entre 1545 et 1574, année de sa mort. Guillaume Durand, boursier de l’Academia Româna, chercheur post-doctorant, École des hautes études en sciences sociales, Centre d’études byzantines, néo-helléniques et sud-est européennes, 190-198 avenue de France, F-75244 Paris Cedex 13. [email protected] 1 Le présent article a été rédigé dans le cadre du programme « Les sciences socio- humaines dans le contexte de l’évolution globalisée : le développement et l’implémenta- tion du programme d’études et de recherches postdoctorales » (code contrat : POSDRU/89/1.5/S/61104, cofinancé par le Fonds social européen, programme opération- nel sectoriel « Le développement des ressources humaines » 2007-2013. Je tiens à remer- cier M. Nicolas Vatin pour le temps qu’il a gentiment accepté de consacrer à cette étude et les précieuses informations qu’il m’a communiquées. 2 Imber, Ebu’s su’ud. Turcica, 44, 2012-2013, p. 167-199. doi: 10.2143/TURC.44.0.2988849 © 2013 Turcica. Tous droits réservés. 996295_Turcica-44_09_Durand.indd6295_Turcica-44_09_Durand.indd 167167 226/08/136/08/13 111:421:42 168 GUILLAUME DURAND S’apercevant d’infractions commises par les communautés locales, dont les moines du mont Athos3, le juriste ottoman fait ordonner la confiscation de toutes les possessions foncières. Le firman promulgué le 21 janvier 1569 décrète que les terres seront allouées en usufruit viager contre paiement d’une taxe foncière (kesim) et que les biens considérés par la sharia comme appropriés pourront être rachetés par leurs proprié- taires4. Ce firman concrétise la volonté des juristes ottomans de définir et d’harmoniser les relations à la propriété foncière dans le cadre de la Sainte-Loi. Ce firman et plus largement la question de la confiscation ont fait l’objet d’insignes études dans la continuité de celle publiée en 1948 par P. Lemerle et P. Wittek5. B. Djurdjev, s’appuyant sur l’étude des defter de la région de Srem a élargi la question de la confiscation aux monas- tères de ce sandjak6 tandis que J. C. Alexander s’attachait aux monastères des Météores7. Récemment, le sujet a été repris par E. Kermeli8 et A. Fotic9 qui cha- cun apporte de nouveaux éléments au dossier. Dans son étude publiée dans Hilandarski Zbornik en 1997, A. Fotic entreprend l’analyse d’un firman adressé au cadi en charge de dresser la liste des propriétés dans le sandjak de Krusevac en Serbie. Ses conclusions, ajoutées à celles mises en avant par les historiens de la question, permettent de circonscrire avec précision les tenants et les aboutissants de la décision du sultan au sein de l’Empire ottoman. Les significations politiques, juridiques et économiques de la confiscation sont aujourd’hui bien connues et le présent article n’entend pas remettre en question les résultats obtenus par un demi-siècle de recherches. Son objet est d’ouvrir une perspective sur l’une des conséquences indirectes induites par le firman de 1569 dans les principautés de Valachie et de Moldavie, en mettant en relation la portée et l’impact de la décision de Selim II sur la péninsule athonite et la manière dont les moines rap- portèrent l’événement auprès de leurs bienfaiteurs traditionnels, les princes roumains. 3 Beldiceanu, « En marge d’une recherche ». 4 La traduction du firman se trouve dans : Alexander, « The Lord », p. 185-200, pour le document. 5 Lemerle, Wittek, « Recherches ». 6 Djurdjev, « Prodaña ». 7 Alexander, « The Monasteries ». 8 Kermeli, « The Confiscation ». 9 Fotic, « The Official Explanation » ; id., « Sveta Gora ». 996295_Turcica-44_09_Durand.indd6295_Turcica-44_09_Durand.indd 168168 226/08/136/08/13 111:421:42 UNE CONSÉQUENCE DE LA POLITIQUE FISCALE DU SULTAN SELIM II 169 La réforme toucha la partie européenne de l’Empire et fut mise en place entre les années 1567 et 1571, avec quelques exceptions, le sandjak de Sofia notamment10. Le montant du rachat des propriétés ne fut pas le même selon l’importance des monastères en cause. Le monastère de Krusedol dans le sandjak de Srem dut payer 32 000 a. et celui de Rila 60 000 a.. La somme demandée pour les propriétés confisquées à la com- munauté athonite dans son ensemble s’élevait à 970 000 a.11, sans comp- ter les possessions retenues par le firman en dehors du sandjak de Thessalonique. LA RÉCEPTION DE LA CONFISCATION DANS LES PRINCIPAUTÉS ROUMAINES L’acte de la doamna (princesse) Ruxandra12, veuve du prince de Mol- dovalachie (Moldavie) Alexandru Lapu≥neanu, mort au début du mois de mars 1568, offre deux informations de grande importance : un étalon- nage chronologique très pertinent ainsi qu’une idée relativement précise de l’équivalent en argent des biens confisqués au couvent athonite de Karakallou. Pour ce qui est de la date du document, il fut rédigé entre septem- bre 1568 et août 1569 et rappelle de façon détaillée les circonstances de la confiscation. En « 7077 », l’émissaire du sultan Selim II, Mustapha Celebi, porteur d’un ordre impérial, est venu dans la Péninsule annoncer la vente et probablement évaluer tous les biens meubles et immeubles des monastères. L’année mentionnée nous apprend donc qu’immédia- tement après la publication du firman de janvier 1569, des fonction- naires ottomans munis de documents officiels impériaux essaimaient dans les régions nouvellement cadastrées afin de faire appliquer la réforme. La réaction des autorités athonites ne se fit pas attendre ; il est même fort vraisemblable qu’immédiatement après la visite de Mustapha Celebi, des caloyers aient été désignés pour annoncer la nouvelle et tenter de trouver quelques bienfaiteurs susceptibles de sauver financiè- rement la Sainte-Montagne. 10 Le sandjak de Sofia ne fut touché par cette réforme que vers 1575, sous le sultan Murad III. Voir Fotic, « The Official Explanation », p. 39. 11 Ibid., p. 46 12 Documente grece≥ti I, p. 46-47, no CXIV. 996295_Turcica-44_09_Durand.indd6295_Turcica-44_09_Durand.indd 169169 226/08/136/08/13 111:421:42 170 GUILLAUME DURAND Face à la demande de l’un de ces groupes de caloyers, issu du couvent Karakallou, Ruxandra décida de racheter ces biens confisqués pour un montant de 35 000 a. sur un total de 970 000 a. pour l’ensemble de la péninsule athonite. Cette dernière somme est conséquente lorsque nous la mettons en regard des tributs (haradj) payés par les Principautés rou- maines à la Sublime Porte à la même époque13. Ainsi, lors de la confir- mation par le sultan de Mihnea II [dit le Turcisé (Turcitul)] comme prince de Hongrovalachie (Valachie) pour la seconde fois, en 1585, ce dernier s’engageait à payer 7 millions d’aspres de haradj. De manière générale, le haradj de la Moldavie, ayant subi une aug- mentation substantielle sous les règnes de Soliman, de Selim II et de Mehmed III, était passé de 825 000 a. en 1538 à 2 millions d’aspres en 1567-1568 et à près de 4 millions d’aspres en 1582-1583, avant d’at- teindre les 7 millions d’aspres dans la dernière décennie du XVIe siècle sous le prince Aaron le Tyran (1591-1592 ; 1592-1595). En Valachie, la même inflation fait passer le tribut de 1,1 millions d’aspres en 1540-1541 à 10 millions d’aspres en 1586-158714. Un second document rédigé en août 1570 rappelle que la veuve du prince racheta également les biens ayant appartenu aux moines de Dochiariou15 pour un total de 165 000 a., probablement suite à la venue d’une nouvelle équipe de moines quêteurs. La princesse Ruxandra offrit de la sorte aux caloyers athonites plus d’un cinquième du montant demandé par les autorités ottomanes pour racheter les propriétés confisquées. L’argent ainsi récupéré par le fisc ottoman permit de renflouer en premier lieu les caisses de l’État, amoin- dries par le coût de l’accession au pouvoir de Selim II. En effet, au-delà des principes légaux sur lesquels se basa la décision de confiscation, à savoir la volonté de définir, standardiser les relations à la terre, les coor- donner avec la sharia, le premier besoin sur lequel reposa la réforme fut relatif à un besoin financier accru de l’Empire16, d’autant plus que le sultan était en pleins préparatifs de l’expédition contre l’île vénitienne de Chypre.17 13 Maxim, « Haraciul ». Voir également id., « L’autonomie ». 14 Maxim, « Regimul ». 15 Documente grece≥ti I, p. 47, no CXVI. 16 Fotic, « The Official Explanation », p. 49. 17 Zachariadou, « Mount Athos », p. 167 : « By confiscating the monastic properties he [Selim II] could satisfy the budgetary demands being made by his administration. These came at a time when he was preparing an expedition against Venetian-held Cyprus which necessitated additional financial resources ». 996295_Turcica-44_09_Durand.indd6295_Turcica-44_09_Durand.indd 170170 226/08/136/08/13 111:421:42 UNE CONSÉQUENCE DE LA POLITIQUE FISCALE DU SULTAN SELIM II 171 L’ÉVOLUTION DE LA SITUATION ÉCONOMIQUE DE LA COMMUNAUTÉ ATHONITE APRÈS LA CONFISCATION ET LA POLITIQUE FISCALE OTTOMANE APPLIQUÉE À LA PÉNINSULE Le fait que le firman ébranla l’ensemble des monastères concernés est une donnée des plus logiques concernant la portée de cet acte. Comment aurait-il pu en être autrement ? Toutefois, les monastères connurent des sorts très différents, ceci même à l’intérieur de la communauté athonite.
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