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Mar. 23, 1968 475 Ri SOUTHERN AFRICA A Monthly Survey of News and Opinion Published by the Southern Africa Committee, University Christian Movement, Room 758 475 Riverside Drive, New York, N. Y. 10027 Vol. I, No. 4 (Revised Edition) March 1968 ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- Contents: Page No. 1. Editorial: "Black Death" 2 2. The Phantom Coalition 2 3. At the United Nations 3 4. Rhodesia and the Americans 6 5. Secret United States Arms Deal With South Africa 6 6. South Africa's Defence Policy Unveiled 7 7. Education: Apartheid Included in History Syllabus 8 Matriculation Results Hardening of Apartheid in Education NUSAS Attacked by Government 8. Execution in Rhodesia 10 9. List of recently published articles on Southern Africa Ui IN MEMRY of CHARLES ANDERS WILHEIM Nov. 29, 1941 - Mar. 23, 1968 During the academic year 1966-67, the Chairman of UCM's Southern Africa Committee was Charles Wilhelm, who in 1966 received his M.A. in Christian Ethics from Col umbia University and Union Theological Seminary. Since that time he passed his doctoral examinations in International Politics at Columbia. Charles died March 23 of lymphosarcoma, and although the loss of his life is a tremendous one to all who knew him, loved him, and worked with him, his life-giving spirit is still in our midst, pushing us to be more creative, more positive, more committed to South ern Africa concerns. His life was a commitment to those concerns, and many of the directions our work has taken were inspired and led by Charles. Charles left us suddenly, yet his work and concerns go on. With the blessing of his wife, Carolyn, and other members of their families, a Charles Wilhelm Memorial Fund has been established at the UCM. Any persons who wish to express their com munion with the Wilhelms and the Dickersons in the form of a gift may make their contribution to this fund. Be assured that it will be used to further the concerns which Charles and Carolyn shared so fully regarding Southern Africa. We invite all our readers to join us in this expression of our gratitude for Charles' life and in a community of concern for Southern Africa of which Charles and Carolyn have been a vital part, and for which they continue to be an inspiration. Please make checks payable to the University Christian Movement, with an indication on them that it is for the Wilhelm Memorial Fund, and mail to the UCM, Room 758, 475 Riverside Drive, New York, N. Y. 10027. EDITORIAL: "Black Death" A prominent Briton .escently said that Ian Smith had chosen the gallows as his symbol of self-issertiono. this is true. By hanging five Africans, Mr. Smith has taken the Rhodesian conflict over a new precipice and cast a glaring light on its transformation to a new violent level. It is clear that the Africans were hanged as a gesture of political power and that the British in their turn were forced to grant a reprieve. But the Hangman's noose caught more than five black necks, it caught a world-wide wave of revulsion and a cry for vengeance. It made five martyrs, and now the Zimbabweians must fight not 'ul' for freedom, but to avenge their dead. As the Security Council of the United Nations meets, there is a confusion of viewpoints and a struggle or1,'. tat constitutes practical action. It is here suggested that some of tbe confusion arises because the Rhodesian conflict is in transition from a rebellion against the Kish Crown to a civil war between black and white. It is not one; it is both. As a rebellion, the conflict is over the legality of the government. The rebels must be made to return to legality. Sanctions are pushing them to doing this. In this view it is Britain's problem., her conflict. If Mr. Smith executes Africans, he executes "terrorists" and contravenes British law only because he ignored the Queen's reprieve. If seen as a civil war, then it is black Zimbabwe's problem. It is a war for power. Mr. Smith has murdered freedom fighters and has executed prisoners of war. The only effective action arill be for of guerrillas to invade Zimbabwe. To stretch the resources of the .hite mane war machine, until it just as !e Vietcong have done in Vietnam. Sickeningly, this is a race war and no quarter will L given. Black death will follow black denth and the cry for vengeance will stir the blood of the living. A plague is growing in Southern Africa which may infect the orld. THE PHANTOM COALITION Two publications (reaching somewhat different audiences) have recently directed their attention to the lines of confrontation that are being drawn in Southern Africa. Articles in the Providence, Rhode Island Journal ("Africa's Mason-Dixon line" by Sevellon Brown, Feb. 8, 1968) and Current History ("Southern Africa--the White Fortress" by Keith Irvine, February 1968) make reference to the development of a "phantom coalition" that is turning Southern Africa into a white fortress. Both articles trace the growing military and economic strength of South Africa since the early 60's and the increasingly close ties among the white dominated countries. Mr. Brown concludes: "The growing economic and military strength of the white outposts, their increasing cohesion, the troubles that beset the rest of the continent and the in difference or greed of so many outside nations all combine to make any early change seem most unlikely." Mr. Irvine, although also pessimistic, sees a possibility that "South Africa's luck, together with that of her partners, which has held for seven years, may soon run out." He speculates on what might happen if (1) other international problems are settled and there is a resurgence of interest in Southern Africa; (2) France would turn to Niger rather than South Africa for uranium; (3) Television, and along with it gain in experience and support (here he speculates that "the situation may produce an unusual man--a twentieth centutr7 African Toussaint Louverture--who will, by the strength of his personality, exert a decisi's influence.") Mr. Irvine concludes that "the situation therefore seems bound to escalate on both sides until, at last, the conflict becomes so insupportable and disruptive that the outside world is obliged to intervene." "Power - - Hydroelectrical and Political" In a joint statement issuedti February 23, 1968, the governments of South Africa and Lesotho in-'e-i rrincipie, to proceed with the Oxbow hydroelectric scheme. In Maseru, Chief Jone1Uan said his government was negotiating with a big in- rnational consortium for the construction work. The most extensive study of the feasability of the project was done by the Capetown firm of Ninham, Shand and Partners. Stanley E. Sporseen, a member of the United States High Dams Commission, hoover, had looked over the proposed scheme on a visit to Lesotho four years ago, and was quoted by Newscheck (March 1, 1968) as having said: "To me, this is the kind of bargain we all look for and seldom find. And it is a bargain to both the seller and the purchaser." It appears, however, that South Africa will be the major beneficiary--as both Newscheck and the London Times state quite openly. (London Times, Feb. 24 and Newscheck March 1). Lesotho has vast water resources and has been called the "sponge" of South Africa. As Newscheck puts it, "Oxbow will divert and canalise the vast water resources of the 'sponge' to where they are most needed--the industrial areas of the Southern Transvaal and the Orange Free State." The cost of the scheme involving huge dams, tunnels, water pipelines and hydro-stations may be as high as RlOOm. But it is estimated that Lesotho will sell electricity to the Republic for as little as R2.5m annually. The Times Pretoria correspondent feels that South Africa has been cautious on the negotiations, fearing to invest so much in a country that might be expected to disapprove of her race policies. "These doubts appear to have been resolved on the assumption that if the Republic becomes associated in such schemes important to her neighbours, they would be likely to place political consideration in the background rather than put their economics into jeopardy." (London Times, Feb. 24, 1968) The Oxbow scheme is only one part of attempts to utilize the hydroelectric poten tial in the Southern Africa area. The political implications of these attempts are far reaching, as Dr. P. Smit hints in an article, "Water and Power" in Southern Africa (Feb. 5, 1968). (Dr. Smit is head of the geography department of the Africa Institute of South Africa.) All the important rivers are international (the Zambesi, Cunene, Oka vango, Limpopo, Konati, Usutu, Orange River and Calecon River) and utilization of their resources would require cooperation between countries. Also the projects would have to be undertaken and utilized on a large scale to make them profitable--here again requiring international cooperation. Dr. Smit says, "Large projects are only possible if markets can be found for water and especially power beyond the borders of those countries where schemes are erected.. A study of the water and power requirements of Southern Africa indicate that such a market exists in the Republic." (Our emphasis.) Whereas Dr. Smit sees Lesotho, at its "level of development", not being able to utilize more than 719 of the water and power available from the Oxbow scheme by the end of the century, the Re public will be needing 2 times as much water as it now uses by that time. As far as utilization of water in the smaller countries for irrigation purposes is concerned, Dr.
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