DOCSLIB.ORG

Yushchenko Agrees to Yanukovych As Prime Minister

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Yushchenko Agrees to Yanukovych As Prime Minister INSIDE:• Former envoy: West can work with Yanukovych — page 2. • Book notes: a century of hidden stories — page 12. • Ukrainian Dance Workshop struts its stuff — page 13. Published by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profit association Vol. LXXIV HE KRAINIANNo. 32 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, AUGUST 6, 2006 EEKLY$1/$2 in Ukraine YushchenkoT U agrees to Yanukovych Was prime minister by Zenon Zawada among the Orange Revolution’s heroes. Kyiv Press Bureau “And just as Moroz has sold Ukraine out for money, and I won’t say it myself, but all KYIV – In what he described as a historic the people are shouting and crying that moment to unite a deeply divided nation, Viktor Andriyovych Yushchenko did the President Viktor Yushchenko on August 3 same thing. And it’s worse and more painful accepted the parliamentary majority coali- because we defended him,” she added. tion’s nomination of his Orange Revolution The National Unity Coalition will base its enemy Viktor Yanukovych to become principles on the Declaration of National Ukraine’s next prime minister. Unity, an eight-page document hashed out Mr. Yushchenko’s Our Ukraine parlia- among Messrs. Yushchenko, Moroz and mentary faction is expected to unite with the Yanukovych. Party of the Regions and the Socialist Party Leaders of the five parliamentary fac- of Ukraine to form a new coalition in tions, as well as Mr. Yushchenko, Mr. Moroz Parliament called the National Unity and Prime Minister Yurii Yekhanurov, took Coalition. part in a nationally televised signing ceremo- “We have a unique chance regarding ny of the declaration the afternoon of August what we discussed on the maidan and what 3, in which Mr. Yushchenko offered each we hope for every day – how to bring both leader a chance to voice his opinion of the banks of the Dnipro to understanding,” Mr. document. Yushchenko said. It’s uncertain whether the Communist Official Website of the President of Ukraine The Ukrainian president frequently Party of Ukraine will be part of the National cited the need for stability, compromise Unity Coalition. President Viktor Yushchenko speaks during the roundtable discussions that led and unity in explaining his decision, Communist Party leader Petro to the Declaration of National Unity signed on August 3. In the background which he announced at 2 a.m. Kyiv time, Symonenko expressed opposition to numer- (from left) are: Yulia Tymoshenko, Viktor Yanukovych and Oleksander Moroz. after spending many hours in roundtable ous declaration points, including the status talks with Mr. Yanukovych and Verkhovna of Ukrainian as the country’s official lan- the Party of the Regions that it signed this principles expounded during all our won- Rada Chair Oleksander Moroz. guage, land sale reforms, introduction of a document on its terms. That’s a big victory derful events during the presidential cam- “My decision is absolutely necessary real estate tax and creation of a single for those who worked on this document.” paign,” she said. “I want you to have the for the nation’s development,” Mr. Orthodox Church for Ukraine. She then said political betrayal is an opportunity to rely on us.” Yushchenko said. “I have made a step It also remains unclear if the declaration infectious disease, a comment that visibly When she concluded speaking, toward Parliament and I am convinced will become the official founding document irritated Mr. Yushchenko, prompting him to President Yushchenko began harshly that it will use it in a proper way to bring for the National Unity Coalition. interrupt Ms. Tymoshenko. scolding her for what he called her “dem- prosperity to the country.” Former Prime Minister Yulia “This isn’t the Parliament,” he said. agoguery,” prompting an argument While Mr. Yushchenko portrayed the Tymoshenko was the only faction leader “Yulia Volodymyrivna, this isn’t a bazaar, between the two Orange Revolution lead- coalition as a political breakthrough, many who didn’t sign the declaration, referring to this isn’t a bazaar.” ers on live national television. participants of the Orange Revolution it as “an act of political capitulation on Ms. Tymoshenko kept speaking, ensuring He attacked her for her lack of participa- viewed it as yet another devastating betrayal, behalf of the Orange camp.” viewers that her political force wouldn’t tion in drafting the declaration. “It’s empty following Mr. Moroz’s decision to unite the In her comments, she immediately engage in betrayal, the maidan won’t be for- politics to beat your chest and speak about Socialists with the Party of the Regions. declared herself the leader of the opposition gotten by history and that it was the right love and patriotism for Ukraine and to do “Finally, the truth has come out that he force in Parliament. thing to do. nothing towards that,” Mr. Yushchenko betrayed the maidan,” said Praskovia She then launched into a speech indirect- “I can firmly assure you that there is a snapped. Koroliuk, a.k.a. Baba Paraska, the passion- ly accusing Mr. Yushchenko of betraying the political force in Ukraine that will take ate 66-year-old grandmother who was Orange Revolution. “I want to congratulate on the responsibility for realizing the (Continued on page 11) Ukrainian Orthodox Church of Canada Orange Revolutionaries see betrayal in president’s decision enthronesWINNIPEG – Faithful Metropolitan of the Ukrainian born primate John of the Stinka UOCC, was born into by Zenon Zawada Revolutionaries converged on the same Orthodox Church of Canada (UOCC) gath- a Ukrainian pioneer family in Buchanan, Kyiv Press Bureau Independence Square, this time to vent ered on Sunday, July 23, at Holy Trinity Saskatchewan. He was the youngest of 12 their fierce anger and disgust with a KYIV – It was unusually mild in man for whom thousands were ready to Metropolitan Cathedral in Winnipeg to offi- children. Before entering the priesthood, the early morning of August 3, about cially enthrone their new ruling hierarch, he was a teacher in public schools in rural lay down their lives. 65 degrees Fahrenheit, when President Not anymore. Metropolitan John Stinka. Bishops and dig- Saskatchewan and in the city of Saskatoon. Viktor Yushchenko announced he The overwhelming consensus was nitaries from across Canada and the United He was ordained a priest in 1975 and a would accept the nomination of Viktor that Mr. Yushchenko has betrayed the States were in attendance at the archpastoral bishop in 1983. Since 1985 he served as Yanukovych as prime minister. Orange Revolution. divine liturgy and rite of enthronement. the bishop of Edmonton and the Western The cool summer air was a sharp con- The installation concluded a weekend of “In one night, my faith in Diocese, overseeing parishes in the trast to the sub-zero frost that tormented Yushchenko has been completely extin- programming for representatives from provinces of Alberta and British Columbia. the hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians UOCC parishes throughout Canada. On guished,” said Oleksander Turchyn, Upon the passing of the UOCC’s previ- who took to the streets of Kyiv to suc- who camped out on Independence Friday, July 21, clergy gathered for a nation- ous metropolitan, Wasyly Fedak, in cessfully carry out what became the Square since June 14 as part of the al clergy symposium, while clergy wives January of 2005, Archbishop John became defining event in Ukraine’s brief inde- Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc’s campaign met at a conference and retreat. Saturday, acting primate of the Church. In July 2005, pendence, the Orange Revolution. demanding the dismissal of the July 22, saw special sessions for clergy and he was elected as the new archbishop of “I don’t think he felt the cold and Verkhovna Rada. “Essentially, we laity on management issues for parish coun- Winnipeg and metropolitan of Canada. The he doesn’t understand,” said Dmytro regret standing on the maidan for him.” cils and a presentation by a special commit- Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople Dazhuk, 37, a Yulia Tymoshenko sup- Some wondered aloud whether the tee struck to examine potential new candi- formally received his election in the fall of porter. dates for the episcopacy of the Church. Just 20 months later, Orange (Continued on page 10) Metropolitan John, the first Canadian- (Continued on page 10) 2 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, AUGUST 6, 2006 No. 32 ANALYSIS NEWSBRIEFS Former U.S. envoy says West NEWSBRIEFS Roundtable calls for declaration of unity Yushchenko. “We need to raise this ques- tion for, not having spiritual unity, it is can work with Yanukovych KYIV – During a roundtable meeting difficult to talk about other unity. The of political leaders in Kyiv on July 27, Church is independent of the state, but RFE/RL Belarus, Ukraine and Moldova Report the Orange Revolution. But I’m not sure President Viktor Yushchenko asked that our task, as laypeople, human beings August 1 at this point, if you are saying there has all factions of the Verkhovna Rada sign a who go to church, is to see not a frag- been now a huge geopolitical switch – I declaration of unity, Ukrayinska Pravda mented Orthodox Church, but a united, Former U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine think it is premature to come to that con- reported. The declaration calls upon its single Orthodox Church. If we are talk- Steven Pifer, in an exclusive interview with clusion. signatories to conduct their activities “in ing about unity in society, it is necessary RFE/RL’s Ukraine Service, discussed what Certainly, I think that the millions of the interests of Ukraine” and cites the to talk about spiritual unity.” Yevhen the shifting political landscape might mean Ukrainians who went out and protested need to “create a free-trade zone with the Zakharov, co-head of the Kharkiv Group for Ukraine’s future.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • U.S.-Russian Relations Potomac Paper 22
    PPoottoommaacc PPaappeerr 2222IFRI ______________________________________________________________________ U.S.-Russian relations The path ahead after the crisis __________________________________________________________________ Jeffrey Mankoff December 2014 United States Program The Institut français des relations internationals (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non- governmental and a non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European debate. The views expressed herein are those of the authors. The United States Program at Ifri publishes a series of online policy papers called “Potomac papers”. They present analyses of U.S. policies, politics and social debates, and are reviewed by experts before publication. They are written either in English or French, with a one-page executive summary in both languages. Dr. Laurence Nardon, Head of the U.S. Program at Ifri, is the editor. Many thanks are extended to the Russia/NIS Center at Ifri, whose team kindly agreed to review the
    [Show full text]
  • The Discreet Charm of Ukrainian Elite
    #9 (103) September 2016 Changes in the living standards Pavlo Klimkin on foreign policy Creative destruction: of Ukrainians in 25 years challenges and priorities ideas on Ukraine's evolution THE DISCREET CHARM OF UKRAINIAN ELITE WWW.UKRAINIANWEEK.COM Featuring selected content from The Economist FOR FREE DISTRIBUTION CONTENTS | 3 BRIEFING 24 A trap that didn't close: How the controversial aspects 4 The war of all against all: What to of Slovyansk liberation expect of the fall season in Ukrainian are interpreted on both sides politics of the front line ECONOMICS 27 Leonidas Donskis on the ideological 7 Trotting towards a better life: profile of Vladimir Putin How the living standards of Ukrainians changed in 25 years FOCUS 28 Andriy Parubiy: 10 Ukraine of Dignity: “If we lose the state, The moment of truth there will be nowhere left to fight Pavlo Klimkin on priorities for foreign corruption” policy and Ukraine’s society Verkhovna Rada Speaker on the NEIGHBOURS change of generations in politics 12 A strategic reserve of diplomacy: How 30 Creative destruction Europe is preparing for the possible Economist Vitaliy Melnychuk on presidency of Donald Trump building Ukraine into an open access 14 Yes, I’d lie to you: The new manner order of dishonesty in politics and its HISTORY consequences 46 From autonomism to statehood: SOCIETY The evolution of Ukrainian elite 20 Everyone gets a piece? Where is the and its state-building concepts debate on ownership of firearms in CULTURE & ARTS Ukraine today 50 Festivals of handmade goods, 22 The revelations of the "Russian street food, jazz and short films: Spring": Glazyev-gate as a hint at why The Ukrainian Week offers Russia failed to stir up an insurgency a selection of art and culture events across south-eastern Ukraine in 2014 to attend in September E-mail [email protected] www.ukrainianweek.com Tel.
    [Show full text]
  • Nuclear-Backed "Little Green Men"
    REPORT THE POLISH INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Nuclear-Backed “Little Green Men:” Nuclear Messaging in the Ukraine Crisis POLSKI INSTYTUT SPRAW MIĘDZYNARODOWYCH PISM THE POLISH INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS The Polish Institute of InternationalAffairs (PISM) is a leading Central European think tank that positions itself between the world of politics and independent analysis.PISM provides analytical support to decision-makers, initiates public debate and disseminates expert knowledge about contemporary international relations. The work of PISM is guided by the conviction that the decision-making process in international relations should be based on knowledge that comes from reliable and valid research.The Institute carries out its own WARSAW research,cooperates on international research projects,prepares reports and analyses and collaborates with institutions with a similar profile worldwide. JULY 2015 POLSKI INSTYTUT SPRAW MIĘDZYNARODOWYCH AUTHOR:JACEK DURKALEC THE POLISH INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS UL.WARECKA 1A, 00-950 WARSZAWA ISBN 978-83-64895-45-6 (epub) TEL. (+48) 22 556 80 00, FAX (+48) 22 556 80 99 ISBN 978-83-64895-46-3 (mobi) [email protected], WWW.PISM.PL ISBN 978-83-64895-47-0 (pdf) THE POLISH INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Nuclear-Backed “Little Green Men:” Nuclear Messaging in the Ukraine Crisis Author: Jacek Durkalec Warsaw, July 2015 © Polski Instytut Spraw Międzynarodowych, 2015 Copy editor Brien Barnett Technical editor and cover designer Dorota Dołęgowska This study was commissioned by the Nuclear Security Project (NSP) of the Nuclear Threat Initiative (NTI). The views expressed in this report are entirely the author’s own and not those of the Nuclear Security Project.
    [Show full text]
  • The Report of the 12Th December of the Round Table Committee On
    The Report of the December 12 Roundtable Committee on the Public Investigation of the Events of May 6, 2012 on Bolotnaya Square Moscow April 22, 2013 Report Summary .......................................................................................................... 5 1. Committee Status, Objectives and Principles ..................................................... 22 2. Сomposition of the Committee ............................................................................. 25 th 3. The Public Situation Prior to the 6 of May Events ........................................... 26 The events of May 6, 2012 were preceded by a huge outbreak of civil activity. Yet it cannot be called unexpected. The ground for it was prepared by three interconnected tendencies. ......................................................................................... 26 Conclusions of the Chapter ....................................................................................... 29 4. Organization and Conduct of Public Events ....................................................... 31 4.1 Preliminary legal comments, describing the Committee’s approach to the issues related to the freedom of peaceful gathering ............................................................................................................................. 31 4.1.1 The international and Russian legal acts, guaranteeing the realization of the right to free and unarmed gathering .......................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Kateryna Smagliy
    Kateryna Smagliy Research Paper October 2018 Credits The Institute of Modern Russia (IMR) is a public policy think-tank that strives to establish an intellectual frame- work for building a democratic Russia governed by the rule of law. IMR promotes social, economic, and institu- tional development in Russia through research, analysis, advocacy and outreach. Our goal is to advance Russia’s integration into the community of democracies and to improve its cooperation on the global stage. https://imrussia.org Project “Underminers” has been carried out since 2016 by a group of investigative journalists and activists under the auspices of Free Speech LLC, a US-based entity registered in 2013. Project “Underminers” is supported by a non-profit organization Free Russia Foundation, large part of the work is executed on a voluntary basis by mostly Russian-speaking experts that now live in Europe and USA. Our goal is to raise awareness and start debate in the post-Soviet states and among Western audiences on the scale and nature of kleptocratic actors’ action in domestic politics and their corrosive activities in Europe and USA. https://www.underminers.info Author: Kateryna Smagliy Contributor: Ilya Zaslavskiy (chapters 6 and 7) External editing: Peter Dickinson, Ariana Gic, Monika Richter, Roman Sohn Infographics: Roman Sohn Cover design: Marian Luniv Cover photo: The KGB museum in Prague (credit: author) © Kateryna Smagliy © The Institute of Modern Russia © Project “Underminers,” Free Speech LLC ABSTRACT This paper examines the Kremlin’s connections with think tanks, universities, and research institutions in Russia, Europe and the United States and its co-optation of Russian and Western experts into the pool of proxy communicators for the Putin regime.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia and Georgia the Ways out of the Crisis
    Russia and Georgia The ways out of the crisis Tbilisi 2010 International Center on Conflict and Negotiation Russia and Georgia The Ways Out of the Crisis George Khutsishvili and Tina Gogueliani (Editors) Tbilisi 2010 Russia and Georgia: The Ways out of the Crisis Edited by George Khutsishvili and Tina Gogueliani Publication of the International Center on Conflict and Negotiation (ICCN) www.iccn.ge ICCN represents the Caucasus region in the Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflict (GPPAC) www.gppac.net Published thanks to the support from the Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflict (GPPAC) All reviews and comments for the book are welcome to be addressed at [email protected] English translation by Tina Chkheidze. Cover design by Beka Berikashvili. Copyright © 2010 by ICCN All rights reserved ISBN 978-99940-805-0-2 Authors of the Book Zurab Abashidze Ivlian Khaindrava George Khutsishvili Alexandre Kukhianidze Emil Pain Vladimer Papava Andrey Piontkovsky Andrey Ryabov Ramaz Sakvarelidze Alla Yazkova Contents Editor’s Preface ......................................................................................................... 5 Russia and Georgia: Myths and Reality (Ramaz Sakvarelidze) ............................... 7 The Political and Psychological Aspects of the Georgian- Russian Conflict (Emil Pain) ......................................................................... 17 Post-Soviet Economic Relations between Georgia and Russia: Reality and Development Potential (Vladimer Papava) .................. 28
    [Show full text]
  • La Experiencia De La Oposición Política Rusa: Del Legado De La Perestroika a La Democracia Soberana
    1 ¿CAMBIAR PARA SEGUIR IGUAL? LA EXPERIENCIA DE LA OPOSICIÓN POLÍTICA RUSA: DEL LEGADO DE LA PERESTROIKA A LA DEMOCRACIA SOBERANA. MONOGRAFÍA DE GRADO PARA OPTAR AL TÍTULO DE MAGISTER EN ESTUDIOS SOCIALES PRESENTADA POR CARLOS EDUARDO ESPITIA LEON DIRECTORA DE TESIS CAROLINA GALINDO HERNÁNDEZ UNIVERSIDAD DEL ROSARIO BOGOTÁ 2016 2 INDICE I INTRODUCCIÓN. p.4 Objeto de estudio. p.5 Una breve descripción sobre el actual sistema político ruso. p.6 Gorbachov, La Perestroika y sus resultados. p.7 Yeltsin: transición traumática, volatilidad e inestabilidad. p.7 Putin y la fase de consolidación. p.8 Justificación. p.10 Pregunta de investigación. p.11 Objetivos. p.11 Metodología. p.11 Estado del Arte. p.14 II CONSIDERACIONES TEÓRICAS. p.19 ¿Qué tipo de sistema político tiene ¿Rusia? p.20 La noción de oposición política. p.25 La noción de política 2.0. p.30 La noción de political outsider. p.35 III GRUPOS EN CONCURRENCIA EN EL ASCENSO DE PUTIN. p.40 Un mundo nuevo, una nueva elite. p.40 Presidente versus Parlamento, la pugna por la supremacía política. p.43 Los costos de la victoria yeltsiniana. p.45 El ascenso de Vladimir Putin, fortalecimiento del Estado y del gobierno. p.48 ¿Y los reformistas liberales democráticos? p.53 Anexos. p.64 IV POSIBILIDADES Y DESAFIOS DE LA OPOSICIÓN EN EL p.66 ESCENARIO REELECCIONISTA-CONTINUISTA PUTIN-MEDVEDEV. De insiders a outsiders. p.66 El combate en el ostracismo. p.72 La oposición liberal democrática en la coyuntura de la “Democracia Soberana”. p.79 ¡Una luz al final del camino! La estrategia de la oposición liberal democrática para la sucesión de Putin.
    [Show full text]
  • “Hybrid” War – Challenge and Threat for Europe
    NATIONAL SECURITY & DEFENCE π 9-10 (167-168) CONTENT 2016 RUSSIA’S “HYBRID” WAR – CHALLENGE AND THREAT FOR EUROPE .................2 Founded and published by: European Dimension of Russia’s Aggression ............................................. 2 Russia’s Hybrid Aggression: Ukrainian Foothold ........................................ 7 RUSSIA’S “HYBRID” AGGRESSION: GOALS, CONSEQUENCES, COUNTERMEASURES UKRAINIAN CENTRE FOR ECONOMIC & POLITICAL STUDIES (Interview) ...................................................................................................... 17 NAMED AFTER OLEXANDER RAZUMKOV Director General Anatoliy Rachok Maksym ROZUMNYI, Anatoliy OKTYSIUK, Vadym TRIUKHAN, Kostiantyn KONONENKO, Dmytro ZOLOTUKHIN, Vitaliy MARTYNIUK, Editors Valeriya Klymenko Hryhoriy PEREPELYTSYA, Volodymyr OHRYZKO, Leonid POLIAKOV, Hanna Pashkova Oleksandr KHARA, Yevhen MAHDA, Volodymyr FESENKO, Photo-editor Andriy Khopta Oleksiy SEMENIY, Volodymyr KOPCHAK Layout and design Oleksandr Shaptala RUSSIA’S “HYBRID” AGGRESSION IN UKRAINE AND IN EUROPE: Technical support Volodymyr Kekukh EXPERT OPINIONS AND ASSESSMENTS Eugen Skrypka (Expert Opinion) ............................................................................................. 38 This journal is registered with the State Committee THE RUSSIA-UKRAINE CONFLICT IN THE EYES OF CITIZENS of Ukraine for Information Policy, (Public Opinion) ............................................................................................. 45 registration certificate KB №4122 CHARACTERISTICS AND CONSEQUENCES
    [Show full text]
  • How War Becomes Acceptable: Russian Re-Phrasing of Chechnya
    How War Becomes Acceptable: Russian re-phrasing of Chechnya Julie Wilhelmsen PhD thesis in Political Science, submitted to the Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Oslo November 2013 Acknowledgements There are many people I would like to thank for their support in helping me to complete this dissertation. First of all, Richard Wyn Jones has been the perfect tutor. He has been frank, enthusiastic and supportive beyond what could be expected from any supervisor. I have benefited greatly from the environment at the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI), and in particular from my colleagues in the Russia research group. Cooperation and conversations over the years with Helge Blakkisrud, Geir Flikke, Jakub Godzimirski, Heidi Kjærnet, Elana Wilson Rowe and Indra Øverland have made this dissertation possible. Also the group of NUPI colleagues who persistently work on theory, despite the lack of funding for such activity, have been a great inspiration. I would like to thank Iver Neumann, Ole Jacob Sending, Halvard Leira, Karsten Friis and Morten Skumsrud Andersen for keeping up the good work. I am particularly grateful to Kristin Haugevik, who has been my closest companion on this journey, intellectually and personally. Several persons have read my text or parts of it at various stages. I would like to thank Patrick Jackson for very useful comments on the theory chapter and Jeff Checkel for thorough feedback on the research design. I am indebted to Elana Wilson Rowe, Iver Neumann, Ole Jacob Sending and Stacie Goddard in particular, for having read the entire text and providing comments that were both encouraging and challenging.
    [Show full text]
  • The Ukrainian Weekly, 2017
    ХРИСТОС НАРОДИВСЯ! CHRIST IS BORN! THEPublished U by theKRAINIAN Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal W non-profit associationEEKLY Vol. LXXXV No. 2 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY 8, 2017 $2.00 New OSCE chief visits war-torn Donbas; U.S. senators vow no ‘Faustian bargain’ Kyiv cites massive Russian cyber attacks with Russia, pledge to target Putin ‘harder’ by Mark Raczkiewycz der with Russia and carry out local elec- tions in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions. KYIV – The new chairperson-in-office of However, the OSCE’s mandate to monitor the Organization for Security and the implementation of the truce measures Cooperation in Europe chose war-torn has been compromised from the start. Its Ukraine for his first foreign visit as the monitors from 44 participating states, of leader of the 57-state organization. whom 39 are from Russia as of December Having announced that part of his mission 21, haven’t been given unfettered access in would be to “defuse conflicts” during his the war zone, including the border areas year-long chairmanship, Austria’s Foreign where Russia continues to transport sol- Affairs Minister Sebastian Kurz visited the diers, weapons and other supplies. frontline village of Shyrokyne in Donetsk “Together we have to make Russia Oblast along the Azov Sea coast on January 4. implement [the] Minsk [peace agreement],” Mr. Kurz noted that the OSCE, whose Ukraine Foreign Affairs Minister Pavlo 693 monitors have a mandate to monitor Klimkin tweeted after the joint news con- ceasefire efforts in the Donbas war, isn’t ference with Mr. Kurz. “First of all – security satisfied with the current “status quo” in issues, give the OSCE access to the Ukraine- eastern Ukraine.
    [Show full text]
  • Vladimir Putin's Culture of Terror: What Is to Be Done?
    University of St. Thomas Journal of Law and Public Policy Volume 9 Issue 2 Spring 2015 Article 5 January 2015 Vladimir Putin's Culture of Terror: What Is to Be Done? Charles Reid Jr. University of St. Thomas School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.stthomas.edu/ustjlpp Part of the Human Rights Law Commons Recommended Citation Charles Reid Jr., Vladimir Putin's Culture of Terror: What Is to Be Done?, 9 U. ST. THOMAS J.L. & PUB. POL'Y 275 (2015). Available at: https://ir.stthomas.edu/ustjlpp/vol9/iss2/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by UST Research Online and the University of St. Thomas Journal of Law and Public Policy. For more information, please contact the Editor-in-Chief at [email protected]. VLADIMIR PUTIN'S CULTURE OF TERROR: WHAT IS TO BE DONE? DR. CHARLES REID INTRODUCTION.............. ........................ ..... 276 I. BORIS NEMTSOV ............................................... 277 II. A LONG TRAIL OF TERROR AND BLOOD ............. .......... 282 A. The Murders .............................. ..... 282 1. Sergei Yushenkov .......................... ..... 283 2. Anna Politkovskaya .............................. 284 3. Alexander Litvinenko ...................................285 B. Putin's Culture of Domestic Terror........................ 287 III. PUTIN EXPORTS HIS CULTURE OF TERROR .................... 291 A. Georgia............ ..................... ..... 292 B. Ukraine ....................................... 300 1. The Poisoning of Viktor Yushchenko .................. 300 2. 2014/2015: The Russian War On Ukraine ..... ..... 304 C. Dreams of a Greater Russia ................... ......... 318 IV. VLADIMIR PUTIN AND THE NUCLEAR TRIGGER .. .................. 329 V. WHAT IS TO BE DONE? ................................... 340 A. Russian Autocracy .........................................340 B. Support For Liberal Democracy ................... ..... 344 C. Economic Sanctions ..................................... 348 D. Diplomacy: China and India......................
    [Show full text]
  • E Different Faces of "Soft Power": the Baltic States and Eastern
    e dierent faces of "so power": the Baltic States and Eastern Neighborhood between Russia and the EU Editors: Toms Rostoks and Andris Spruds Editors: Toms Rostoks and Andris Spruds Andris and Rostoks Toms Editors: 2015 The different faces of “soft power”: the Baltic States and Eastern Neighborhood between Russia and the EU Editors: Toms Rostoks and Andris Sprūds This publication aims to provide a thorough analysis and conceptual (re)definition of “soft power” projected by the EU and Russia in the shared neighbourhood. The book will have a special focus on Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia among the EU’s Eastern Partners. It will also examine the experience of the Baltic States, which, despite being full-fledged members of the EU, still remain an area of interaction and contestation. Editors: Toms Rostoks and Andris Spruds Authors: Victoria Bucataru, Sergi Kapanadze, Linas Kojala, Jakub Korejba, Andis Kudors, Kai-Olaf Lang, Ahto Lobjakas, Victoria Panova, Gatis Pelnens, Leonid Polyakov, Diāna Potjomkina, Toms Rostoks, Rafal Sadowski, Andris Spruds, Aivaras Zukauskas The opinions expressed here are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the positions of the Latvian Institute of International Affairs, its partners or any other institution. English language editor: Emily Kernot (endtoend editing) Design and layout: Līga Rozentāle ISBN: 978-9984-583-61-7 (printed) 978-9984-583-62-4 (PDF) UDK: 32(4)+316.77(4) Di382 © Authors of the articles, 2015. © Līga Rozentāle, cover design and layout, 2015. © Latvian Institute of International Affairs, 2015. Contents Introductory Remarks /Andris Spruds/ 6 Forms of Russian and EU Power in the ‘New Eastern Europe’ /Toms Rostoks/ 8 Germany, the European Union, and Their Gentle Force in the European Neighbourhood – A Comparison of Two Soft Power Engines /Kai-Olaf Lang/ 30 Poland’s Soft Power in Eastern Europe /Rafal Sadowski/ 64 Russia’s ‘Soft’ Policies towards the Baltic States /Victoria V.
    [Show full text]