Palestine in the Hellenistic Period Author(S): Andrea M

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Archaeological Sources for the History of Palestine: Between Large Forces: Palestine in the Hellenistic Period Author(s): Andrea M. Berlin Source: The Biblical Archaeologist, Vol. 60, No. 1, Hellenistic Palestine: Between Large Forces ( Mar., 1997), pp. 2-51 Published by: The American Schools of Oriental Research Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3210581 Accessed: 08-09-2015 15:20 UTC

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The Sidoniantomb at Mareshah:the interiorof the central hall of the largestand most elaboratelydecorated of the painted tombs found at Mareshah.The doorway at the rear leads to three individuallarge chambers;the lintel of the southern one carriesthe epitaph of Apollophanes,who led the town's Sidoniancolony. The tomb's painted friezes includeboth real and fantasticanimals, some of which are named ("leopard,""ibis"), wreaths, eagles, and tables carryingprize oil-amphoras-these last are modeled on the famous Panathenaicamphoras of Athens. Photo by RichardT Nowitz.

This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015 15:20:44 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions in the HellenisticPeriod

By Andrea M. Berlin

N 332 BCEALEXANDER THE GREAT LED HIS ARMY SOUTH FROM Background:Devastation and Recovery Cilicia towards Egypt. Although his ultimate goal was (586-301 BCE) Persepolis, the capital of the Persian empire, he realized Alexander the Great would probably take poorly to the that proceeding there directly would open his flank to notion that his were not the decisive campaigns in this region's attack from the southwestern Persian satrapies. Egypt was history. Nevertheless, the archaeological record is unequiv- the strongest of these, from both a military and an economic ocal: the era's most devastating events were the Assyrian standpoint, and its conquest could not be delayed. Alexan- and Babylonian conquests of Israel and Judah in the late der thus turned down the ViaMaris and led his Macedonian eighth and early sixth centuries BCE.Their battles left a swath forces through Phoenicia, the coastal plain of Palestine, of material effluvium in the form of massive destruction and the northern stretches of deposits (e.g., Lachish) and Sinai. With this juncture of Palestinepossesses also Well, ours is not a mar- collections of weaponry (e.g., military and topographical harbors, well-situated, itime country; neither Jerusalem). The broadly coincidence, the Persian which supply its needs, that commerce nor the inter- depopulatedzones of Samaria period in Palestineended and at Ascalon and Joppa, and course which it promotes and Judea reflect the conse- the Hellenistic period began. Gaza as well as Ptolemais, with the outside world has quent exiles of thousands of An historical period is founded by the king.... any attraction for us. people. These two human- usually delineated by spe- made events carriedthe force cific political events, which Letter of Aristeas 115 Josephus, Contra of natural disaster, at least often do not affect or coin- Apionem1.60 partially severing the devel- cide with the continualeddies opmental continuum of the and swirls of ordinarylife. In preceding centuries.The pat- the case of the Hellenistic period, its inaugural and subse- terns of the next centuries would be determined by the form quent military clashes comprise the bulk of most historical and direction of the eventual recovery. reconstructions. In order to assess what life was actually like That recovery came from two different sources, for two in Hellenistic Palestine, however, the full range of the archae- differentreasons. Tradersand colonizers were the first source, ological evidence also needs to be incorporated. This study coming by sea, some from the Greek world, but most from presents the period's material and architecturalremains, ana- Phoenicia. The entire length of the Palestinian coast was in lyzes changes in settlement patterns, and evaluates each fact divied up between the southern Phoenician cities of Tyre region's material culture, in order to understand how the and Sidon, a politically clever machination on the part of the inhabitants in various parts of the country lived, and how Persian king. So the jurisdiction of Tyreextended as far south their lives changed. Looking outside of the historian's ago- as Akko (and its hinterland), while the plain between Dor nistic filter,the country appears to have been largely peaceful. and Joppa was Sidonian, and Ashkelon was again under Tyr- Up until the end of this period, most residentsbecame increas- ian control (E. Stern 1982:238-43; 1995a:432). In this ingly wealthy and cosmopolitan. The most common effect manner, the Palestinian coastal plain was repopulated, turn- of the many campaigns fought in and over the region was ing its face and tying its fate to the currentsof the Mediterranean. simply the abandonment or repopulation of certain areas. The cities depended on the agricultural health of their ter- Lifestyles and routes of exchange continued in the patterns ritories for subsistence, but upon small industry and trade of previous centuries, because they were ordered by two for their prosperity. forces more fundamental and long-lived than battle forma- The Persian administration in the east provided the tions: commercial opportunity and religious affiliation. second source of recovery. Benificent and tolerant rulers

This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015Biblical 15:20:44Archaeologist UTC 60:1 (1997) 3 All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions singled out the Jews for repatriation, allowing the exiles to return to Judah and Jerusalem. There they rebuilt not only An Outstretched Hand: the temple, but significantly also the city walls. The Jews con- Ptolemaic Economic Policies stituted a religious enclave, with their lives centered around For most residents of Palestine during the third century the rebuilt temple and its rites and duties. prescribed Beyond BCE, livelihood was affected by at least one of three subsistence farming, pursued those crafts whose they only administrative policies: the regulation and heavy taxation were of ritual use (see list of in Neh products professions 3). imposed on all commercial tax and The remains of the Persian are thus exchange; farming; royal archaeological period ownership of good agricultural land Land"). While of two sorts. On the settlement con- ("King's understandably coast, this last was in inherited from the Persian centrated in cities and large part previous large villages, including Nahariya, administration, the first two were Ptolemaic innovations. Akko, Shiqmona, Dor, Tel Mikhmoret, Tel Michal, Joppa, Taxation regulations are particularly interesting for what Yavneh-Yam,Tel Mor, Ashdod, Ashkelon, and Gaza. These information they provide on regional commercial activities. were with various small industries, bustling including dye One of the Zenon papyri (P. Cairo Zen. 59.012) contained a installations (found at Dor, Tel Michal, and Apollonia-Arsuf, detailed account of goods imported into Egypt from Syria, Tel Mor), wine presses (found at Tel Michal), and commer- according to the rates of taxes levied, respectively 50%, 33X %, cial storehouses (found at Ashkelon). Mediterranean traders 25%, and 20% (Austin 1981:407-10). The list notably included came and went, bringing from beautifully painted pottery items from around the Aegean, imported and reshipped from Athens and east Greece, from metal and sculpture Cyprus, Phoenicia, e.g., the honey is specified as from Theangela, ivory handiwork from that enlivened the Phoenicia-goods Rhodes, Attica, Lycia, and Coracesia. The variety of goods material world of these coastal settlements 1991a; (Stager emphasizes the important position of this coast in the eastern E. Stem 1993, 1995a). Mediterranean economy. In the central hills, on the other hand, there was but one city: Jerusalem. Small farmsteads dotted the region; set- Items taxed at 50% Items taxed at 25% tlement was fragmented and dispersed; few villages can grape syrup Chian cheese be identified. This area's material remains were poor and filtered wine fish (dried, pickled, salted) simple, the buildings largely unadorned. Lifestyles were ordinary wine wild boar meat untouched by the sophisticated goods available in the coastal white oil Goat-meat plain (E. Stem 1981). Samian earth This was the scenarioin the days before Alexander's army Items taxed at 33 %% nuts (Pontic and "hard") swept through the land. And after the flames died down and Chian wine pomegranate seeds the dust had settled, this is the pattern that largely reasserted Thasian wine sponges (hard and soft) itself. dried figs honey

Still Waters:A SubjectLand (331-200 BCE) Items taxed at 20% wool Alexander met his objectiveof subduing and taking Egypt pure in 332/1 BCE.Reversing his route of the previous year, he made for Persepolis as directly as possible. This took him back through Palestine, where he stopped just long enough 301 that something of a settlement was concluded. Two of to assign a second new governor to the former Persian satra- these generals, Ptolemy and Seleucus, had taken Egypt pal seat at Samaria.According to one ancient source, unhappy and Asia, respectively. They divided the intermediate zone residents had killed his first appointee, one Andromachus between them, with Ptolemy holding Palestine and south- (Curtius Rufus 4.8.9-10). The rebels, who had fled upon ern/central Phoenicia (as far north as Aradus) and Seleucus Alexander's return, were hunted down and killed in turn. controlling northern Phoenicia and Syria. This we know from archaeologicalfinds: their remains, along Limited but vivid archaeological evidence of these skir- with some pottery, legal documents, and two official bullae, mishes remainsin the form of conflagrationlevels at Ashkelon were found by a Bedouin in 1962, in a cave in the Wadi ed- and Dor. These attest to the importance various generals Daliyeh, some miles north of Jericho (Lapp and Lapp placed upon coastal holdings. More impressive, however, is 1974). the almost immediate return to comfort and prosperity Alexander took and burned Persepolis within the year, throughout this region. Commercial opportunities resumed, and continued east to India, where his army refused to go afforded by trade in imported goods and the products of any further. Reversing again, he got as far as Babylon. His local agriculture(including wheat and wine) and small indus- death there in 323 ignited a firestorm of tactical maneuver- try (e.g., purple dye). After their takeover, the Ptolemies did ing by his generals that lasted for the next twenty-two years. impose a new and rigorous economic policy that taxed most Phoenicia and Palestine were particularly coveted, for commercial transactions, including the exchange of a wide their role as a geographical buffer as well as for the economic array of goods (see above box). In Egypt itself, Ptolemy I strength of their coastal cities and harbors. It was not until established an official depot for receiving Palestinian

4 BiblicalArchaeologist This 60:1content (1997) downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015 15:20:44 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions products at Pelusium and stationed a special supervisor Coinof Ptolemy I: for "the revenues of Syria and Phoenicia"in Alexandria (both a silvertetradrachm are mentioned in the Zenon papyri, which recount an Egypt- found at Dor.Ptolemy's ian official's "tour of duty" in 260/59 BCE).In Phoenicia initialcoinage carried and Palestine, new customs houses were built at Akko (now the image of Alexander renamed Ptolemais) and Gaza, and Ptolemaic coins were on the obverse, and the minted at Gaza, Joppa, Akko-Ptolemais, Tyre, and Sidon Ptolemaiceagle on the (Morkholm1983:242). The new controlshad little or no damp- reverse. Beginning in ening effect on the settlement and economy of the coastal 301 BCE,however, he region. At almost every site with Persian period settle- replacedAlexander's ment, occupation continued, uninterrupted in character,into profile with his own, the following century. Excavations have revealed material creating a dramatic prosperity and broad trading connections. statement of At Ashkelon, three large blocks of villas rose in an area independent power of former seaside warehouses. Excavators unearthed wine and imperialposition. amphoras from Rhodes and Italy and fine glazed table wares Photo courtesy E. from Greece, Italy, and Chios. At Tel Mor, the harbor settle- Stern. ment for the coastaltown of Ashdod, archaeologistsuncovered a sumptuous residential area with numerous installations V Dor'sfortification for purple dye manufacture.Farther up the coat, at Dor, res- wall depicted in this idents rebuilt a huge residential district precisely tracing the graphic reconstruction. orthogonal street plan and wall lines of the Persian period Builtover an earlier houses. Construction adopted a distinctive Phoenician style wall line, this thrid- called "pier-and-rubble," in which tall monolithic ashlars century BCEconstruction alternatedwith tightly packed stone fills. In additionto houses, was especially third century remains included streets of shopfronts and tools formidable, measuring and installations for the manufacture of cloth and of pur- two m wide at its ple dye. The city's residentsenjoyed a particularlyrich material height. FromStern culture: their tables were set with fine imported dishes; their 1995b:fig. 4.3. pantries were filled with wine amphoras from Rhodes and Knidos;and theirpersonal effects included earringsand rings of gold and silver and pendants of faience and bone in an Egypto-Phoenician style. Dor had been a dependency of Sidon in the Persian period, and its Phoencian connections remained strong even after the region came under Ptolemaic rule. The city's new fortification wall represented the only significant physical change. All previous defensive lines had been of Phoenician construction techniques, the most recentrebuilding coming after the Sidonian revolt from the Per- sians in 348 BCE.A century later, though this wall was still standing, a new one was built, in a different technique. The Hellenistic wall was constructedentirely of stone, mostly one-meter long kurkar blocks laid with their narrow ends facing out (a style called "header" construction). A series of large square towers projected out from the wall at forty meter intervals. Excavationsin one wall sector uncovered material of the mid-third century BCEsealed below,

This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015 Biblical15:20:44Archaeologist UTC 60:1 (1997) 5 All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions dating its construction shortly thereafter (E. Stem 1995:440- 41). Southern Palestine possessed a number of settlements prior to Alexander's conquest, mostly in the Shephelah. Sev- eral large storehouse sites, including TellJemmeh, Tell Nagila, ~lh)Wtiuf and Tell el-Hesi occcupied this region of low hills adjacent to the coastal plain. In the course of the upheavels of the n4)YI b *&li i)) fourth century BCE,these sites, in conjuction with Ashkelon, then the area's major harbor,had taken on additional strategic importance.The administrativechanges of the Egypt-based )P)II Ptolemies caused some shifts in the settlement patterns bo))rp) and local economies of both this area and the adjacent ones of the northern Negev and Idumaea. The development of Gaza as the region's major mercantile center was the most important change. The city's numismatic record well illustrates this situation: its third century BCEissues numbered eight different types (Rappaport 1970). Gaza's new-found status is furtherreflected by the Zenon papyri, in which every long-distance caravan mentioned comes and goes from the R.~i~,~ F( I site. Presumably its warehouse facilities would have obvi- I' H]4r^c& 0CPUA; ated those at Jemmah, Nagila, and Hesi. Excavations at each of these sites have found little or no evidence of occupation later than the later fourth century (on Hesi see most recently Betlyon 1991:40-43). Kh.el-Q6m bilingualostracon. Using a large, flattish pottery The Gaza customs house served as a and ded- protected fragment, probablyfrom a storage jar,a third centuryBCE writer outlet to the lucrative in which icated Egyptian market, recordedthis loan and receipt in Aramaicand Greek,respectively. In demand was for and especially high wheat, oil, wine, spices, each language, the first line recordsthe date ("Year6"), and the last In slaves (as amply reflected in the Zenon papyri). apparent line the amount (32 drachmas).The middle of the Aramaicsection to this a of new settlements response opportunity, string recordsthat "Q6s-Yadathe money-lenderloaned to Nikeratos";the at this time the northern rim. Sur- appeared along Negev's middle of the Greeksays that "Nikeratosreceived from Koside."Year and excavationshave identifiedthird remains veys centuryBCE 6 refersto the reign of PtolemyII Philadelphus, giving a date of 277 at and This Nessana, Elusa, Oboda, Moyat cAwad (Mo'a). BCE.Drawing from Geraty 1975:56. last was a small fortress, interpreted as a guard station and stopover on the route from Petra to Gaza. In fact, all of these in both Aramaic and Greek in the sixth year of Ptolemy II, new Negev sites were road stations, founded and peopled i.e. 277 BCE.It recorded a loan of thirty-two drachmas from by Nabateans-a folk who just now entered the historical an Idumaean shopkeeper /moneylender named Qos-yada record(Negev 1977:522-27).Diodorus Siculus, quoting Hierony- to a Greek named Nikeratos. Both the subject and the lan- mus of Cardia'sdescription from the end of the fourth century guage of this ostraconare important:the firstprovides primary BCE,delineates Nabatean territoryas the eastern sector of the evidence for the monetarization of the local economy, and regionbetween Egypt and Syria.He identifiessome Nabateans the second illustratesthe region's multilingual character(Ger- as pastoralists, raising camels and sheep, but many more aty 1975). as traders, "accustomed to bring down to the sea frankin- The most impressive settlement of third century Idumaea cense and myrrh and the most valuable kinds of spices" was Mareshah (Marisa). Though not a new establishment, (Diodorus Siculus 19.94.4-5). Mareshahwas neither large nor of any economic importance In Idumaea, new or newly enlarged settlements appeared prior to the Ptolemaic settlement. By the mid third century in the third century BCEas well. This area was underpopu- BCE,however, Mareshah had become thriving market town; lated in the Persian period; the development of Ptolemaic in the Zenon papyri slaves, grain, and oil were bought and markets led to its economic transformation.At Aderet, a sal- sold there. This new status resulted directly from the site's vage excavation in 1980 revealed a large farm, newly built location. Mareshah sat about forty-five km from Gaza, an in the third century BCE(the date is based on coins and pot- easy day's journey inland--convenient for both traders and tery found). Installations included presses for both wine and government officials en route to and from that major port. olive oil. At Khirbet el-Q6m, a small village site, diggers Moreover, as an established stop on the way to sites fur- found six ostraca from the late fourth and early third cen- ther east, it anchored an "official" east-west road, roughly turies BCEon the packed earth floor of a house excavated in parallel to and only about fifty km north of the Nabatean a salvage operation in 1971. All were apparently business desert route. Though the texts do not mention it, archaeo- dockets. The longest possessed nine lines and was written logical finds make clear that Mareshah served also as a vital

6 BiblicalArchaeologist This content60:1 (1997) downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015 15:20:44 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Marisa,southern house, reconstruction.This cut-away reconstructiondrawing illustrates features shared by most of the Hellenistic houses at Marisa:side-street entrance way, central, open-aircourtyard, classical-style stucco pilasters,capacious upper storey.Also visible is the open stairwelldescending to the quarried-outcave below the house. These subterraneanspaces were used as cisterns,as well as for storage rooms, olive presses,and columbaria(for raising pigeons). FromNEAEHL, s.v. Mareshah.

point in the country's southern defensive line (see further, below). Mareshah was one of the first Hellenistic sites to be excavated in Palestine. Bliss and Macalister partially cleared the acropolis in 1900.A few years later excavators discovered and cleaned several groups of Hellenistic painted tombs; these remain both the most exotic and most important Hellenistic necropoli to have been found in Palestine (see furtherbelow). As with most old excavation sites, however, for years all that could be seen of this once vital town were rolling fields of wildflowers and occasional outcrops of the underlying soft, chalky limestone, or nari. That is no longer the case: since 1988, renewed excavations have revealed a large and prosperous town, with a material prosperity and abundance of "western"goods that place its residentson the same economic and culturalfooting as those of Ashkelon and Dor. In the third century, Mareshah anchored an Idumaea that was an extension of the coastalregion, with commercialopportunity defining the economy of its settlements. Today visitors to Mareshah can pass by the wild flowers and on into some of the large, well-equipped houses that sur- round the lower slopes and bottom of the acropolis.Inhabitants built these houses of blocks of the local nari and arranged them in rows of three or four,with party walls between them. Their plans are typically Levantine, with windowless exterior walls and a central courtyard open to the high bright Marisa,underground columbarium. This view inside one of the sun. The houses contained an unusual feature situated to one columbariacarved underground at Marisashows the neatly stacked side of the courtyard: a small stepped plastered basin that roosting holes that providedbreeding space for pigeons. Morethan may have functioned simply as a semi-private bath or had sixty such columbariahave been found at Marisa;the numberof ritual uses. Other interior arrangements reflected Mediter- niches is between fifty and sixtythousand. Excavationhas shown ranean tastes: stucco Ionic pilasters and beaded mouldings that the industrydeclined alreadytowards the end of the third adorned courtyard walls, and pantries were loaded with centuryBCE, and by the beginning of the second centurythe wine amphoras imported from Aegean islands. A high columbariawere either abandoned or transformedinto stables. proportion of the household pottery, especially the table FromNEAEHL, s.v. Mareshah. wares (such as plates,bowls, and drinkingcups), was imported

BiblicalArchaeologist 60:1 (1997) 7 This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015 15:20:44 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Area C C14 as well, probably from Alexandria, though good locally C2 C3 produced imitations also appeared. ca C1 The most fascinating discovery of the new excavations C21 Tower (?) was the extent and arrangement of the town's underground levels. Inside each a small central descended house, stairway P Area P into a vast, interconnected series of chambers, comprising a basement living system unique to Mareshah. Residents apparently situated their houses immediately over quarried- out chambers, which they then used for additional rooms, bathing installations, and ritual spaces; as stables, cisterns, and dry storage holds; and to house oil presses. Other sub- terranean chambers, nearby but unconnected, were used as columbaria(dovecotes). In fact, much of Mareshah'sunder- Plo" ground levels was given over to workings for two of the town's major industries-olive oil production and the rais- Area K ing of doves. The sale of products from the chambers below at least the evident in partially supported prosperity F10 the houses above. FU These finds augment the evidence for the local economy given in the Zenon papyri. Mareshahmanufactured a tremen- Area M dous quantity of olive oil: more than twenty beam presses * F have been found, with an estimated annual output of 270 -Fs Area F the most of the tons of oil. In order to supply necessary fruit, Area G hills must have been in olive trees, and surrounding planted Gl0 G1 G2 S a significant proportion of the town's residents must have OS3 been occupied in various aspects of the production. The mag- S G3S2 nitude of dove breeding was also astounding: more than sixty columbaria have been identified, containing in all some fifty to sixty thousand niches in which individual birds could 0 m 10 roost. Doves were commonly raised in Egypt since Dynas- tic times (and the practice continued well into the Roman Planof Qalandiyeh.The size and arrangementof buildingsat period); at Mareshah, the industry was probably developed Qalandiyehreveal a communalsettlement organized around specific under Ptolemaic auspices. This would explain why most activities.In their earlierphases, AreasC and F (southernand central) of the dovecotes went out of use at the end of the third or the were equipped for the manufactureand storage of wine. Towards beginning of the second century BCE,since it is precisely at the end of the period, however,both areas became pens for sheep this time that controlof the country passed from the Ptolemies and cattle. Plan from NEAEHL,s.v. Qalandiyeh. to the Seleucids. The new excavations have also traced the extent and clar- ified the dating of the town's fortification system. Builders elaborate array of goods available on the coast (Harrison erected a huge and deep-founded tower at the northwest 1994:106-7). As in the preceding period, patterns of settle- corner of the acropolis, part of a defensive line along the ment and industry depended more on religious affiliation entire north side, in ca. 300 BCE.This early date, just a few rather than simple economic opportunity. Jerusalem con- decades after the death of Alexander, makes this one of the tinued to be the only city in Judea, and the archaeological very first defensive structures built by Ptolemy I. Its con- evidence shows it to have been small and materially rather struction is understandable in light of Mareshah's strategic poor throughout the third century (Avigad 1984:135).Resi- situation. The site not only served as a southern bulwark dents occuppied only the City of David ridge south of the against possible Nabataean hostility pushing north from the Temple Mount. Finds in this area included a few imported desert, but it protected east-west access from the coast. The saucers and bowls (though no examples of the fancier fortified acropolis at Mareshah lies at the western end of a table wares of Italy, Greece, or the Aegean), but most of the line linking the coast to the Dead Sea. Continuing east, a trav- pottery was local in manufacture and utilitarian in function. eler (or group of soldiers) could arrive next at Beth Zur In a letter sent to the council of elders shortly after he took and then Arad. Both sites witnessed new defensive con- Jerusalem at the end of the third century,Antiochus III com- structions in the third century BCE. mented twice on the city's underpopulation. He enumerated Throughout the third century BCE,the central hills con- a series of pensions and taxation discharges, dispensed so tinued for the most part thinly populated. The materialculture that the citizens might "retrieve the condition of their city." of their few settlements was largely uninfluenced by the These benefits included:

8 BiblicalArchaeologist This60:1 content (1997) downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015 15:20:44 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions for their sacrifices of animals,... for third-century sherds, but no build- wine and oil, and frankincense, the ings (Kelso 1968). Qalandiyeh, on the value of 20,000 pieces of silver, other hand, was newly settled in the and [six] sacredartabrae of fine flour, third century BCE.It was a fairly large with 1460 mendimni of wheat, and establishment, devoted exclusively to 375 mendimni of salt...and for the the manufacture of wine. Excavations materials of wood, let it be brought there in 1978 and 1981 recovered exten- out of Judea itself, and out of the sive equipment,including six largebeam other countries, and out of Libanus, presses (similar to the ones found at tax free; and the same I would have Mareshah),several treading floors, refuse observed as to those other materi- basins, stone weights, and numerous als which will be necessary,in order storage. Profit realized from this pro- to render the temple more glorious; duction did not lead to a materially and let all that nation live...dis- elaborate lifestyle: locally made, utili- charged from poll-money and the tarian pottery comprised the greater crown tax,and othertaxes also...(Ant. part of the residents' household goods. 12.140-42). The population of Qalandiyeh was Jew- YHDstamped handle. These stamps occur ish, as evidenced by the discovery there This picture of general depriva- only on the handles of largerjars. Such of at least one ritual bath. tion reflectedby the archaeologicalfinds vessels would have contained grain, oil, or In Judea, the scarcity of mercantile and furthersupported by the comments wine collected as "taxes in kind."Photo enterprise made the Ptolemaic policy of Antiochus probably did not apply to from Lapp 1963:25. of directly taxing commercial exchange every citizen of third-centuryJerusalem. unrenumerative.The government there- The religious elite, for example, must have enjoyed a greater fore depended for the bulk of its revenues on two other material prosperity. This, at least, is supported by the words procedures,both inheritedfrom the preceding Persianadmin- of the third-centuryaristocratic author of Ecclesiastes(Qoheleth): istration: a simple annual tax, collected by the High Priest of the temple in Jerusalem(Ant. 12.158);and "taxationin kind," I built houses for myself, I planted vineyards for myself; whereby staple goods such as oil, wine, and wheat were allo- I made gardens and parks for myself, and I planted in cated directly. A dual series of stamped jar handles reflect them all kinds of fruit trees; I made ponds of water for the administration of the latter system. Both series derive myself from which to irrigate a forest of growing trees. from third-century storage jars of local manufacture. In fact, I bought male and female slaves, and I had homeborn the handles can be dated precisely because they are identi- slaves. Also I possessed flocks and herds larger than all cal in form and fabric to unstamped jar handles of the who preceded me in Jerusalem.Also, I collected for myself same period. Handles of the first group are stamped with a silver and gold, and the treasure of kings and provinces. circular impression containing the letters YHD in paleo- I provided for myself male and female singers and the Hebrew script. Handles of the second group are similar, but pleasures of men-many concubines (Eccl 2:4-8). inside the circle is a star with five spiked points and the letters YRSLMbetween the spikes. YHD designates Yehud, Perhaps the author enjoyed his comforts at some as- the name of the province of Judea under both the Persian yet-undiscovered settlement in the countryside. In any case, and the Ptolemaic administrations. The YHD stamp possi- Ecclesiastes's description evidences the Jerusalem aristoc- bly identifiedjars containing taxes in kind for the king. YRSLM racy's ownership of large estates worked with slave labor. is the city of Jerusalem (the spiked star is identified as the Such a situation finds further support in a Judean adminis- symbol of the High Priest),suggesting that jars so designated trativedocument, also of the mid-thirdcentury, which describes were meant for Temple ritual (Lapp 1963). About one hun- the illicit possession of slaves (Applebaum 1989:31-32).This dred stamped handles, evenly divided between the two types, "new class of landlords" would have resided in Jerusalem, have been found; all but a few have come from excavated but lived off of sales from their agricultural estates. Liter- contexts in and around Jerusalem itself. ary evidence of their personal prosperity notwithstanding, Another epigraphic find from Jerusalem may further the archaeologicalrecord indicates that greatermaterial pros- reflect the collection of taxes in kind. A small, fragmentary perity came to Jerusalem's residents only in the later third ostracon contains three short lines of script in Aramaic:"chick and early second centuries BCE. peas, crushed/sacks (of) pine nuts/fodder" (Cross 1981). Outside of Jerusalem, the few third century BCEsettle- Closely paralleling those of the Khirbet el-Q6m ostraca, ments that have been found in Judea, such as Bethel and the letter forms indicate a mid-third-century BCEdate. Exca- Qalandiyeh, lay within two to three hours walk of the city. vators found the ostraconin a pool south of the TempleMount, Bethel was the site of a small town during the Persian period; together with YHD and YRSLMstamped handles and a coin four seasons of excavation there recovered only scattered of Antiochus III (late third century BCE).

This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015Biblical 15:20:44Archaeologist UTC 60:1 (1997) 9 All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions In the northern hills, the only siz- able third century BCEsettlements of any size were Samaria and Shechem. At the first, a Macedonian garrison had been put in place already in the late fourth century BCE.The soldiers probably built at least three round towers to strengthen the already existing fortification wall. As with the new Hellenistic wall at Dor,the towers were constructed of large ashlar blocks laid in headers; this technique,which is not native, com- prisesthe evidencefor dating.Large-scale excavationsconducted at Samaria(1908- 1910, 1935-1938) uncovered few third-century remains; one beautifully carved inscription recording a dedication to Serapis and Isis by Hege- sander, Xenarchis, and their children, indicates the existence of a temple somewhere on the site (Crowfoot, Crowfoot, and Kenyon 1957:37,no. 13). Just south of Samaria, Shechem was the second significant settlement of the northernhills. Seven excavation seasons (1957-1968) recovered evidence for four phases of Hel- lenistic occupation (Toombs and Wright 1961). Settlers reoccupied Shechem in the late fourth century after a period of abandonment. They may have been Samaritans evicted from Samaria at the time of the establishment of the pagan garrison there (Wright 1962 and most scholars since, but see Isaac 1991:143and n. 46). Shechem thus represented another, albeit schismatic, religious community. Its third-century remains are notable for the extent of both domestic and defensive constructions. The latter included a new city wall made from quantities of soil piled up on top of the cleared Middle Bronze Age circuit. Inside were several courtyard houses with stone walls and flagstone or plastered floors. As at and the residents' material m Jerusalem Qalandiyeh, goods 0O m 8 largely consisted of local pottery vessels. Imported wares were scarce, and niceties such as architectural or artistic embellishments were lacking. No evidence of industrialactiv- ity turned up. Rather the discovery of a few agricultural Houses at Mt. Gerizim.One three-partbuilding complex constructed implements (a plow point, an iron bolt) on one house floor within the fortified compound on the southern slopes of Mt. to the settlers' primary livelihood. pointed Gerizim.The southern and western structuresare both residences Beyond subsistence farming, the Samaritans at Shechem built around a central paved courtyard.Each is equipped with a conducted religious activities. These focused on the site of cisternand a separate bath room. The eastern structureis a service Mt. Gerizim, looming five hundred meters above their with two large rooms:an upper paved court, and a lower new town. Here the constructionof a templehad been approved building room with a beaten earth floor, where the cooking was done. From by Alexander himself (Ant. 11.321-24). The mountain had NEAEHL,s.v. Gerizim,Mount. long been a sacred spot (as indicated by the parable of Jotham [Judg 9:7-15]), but prior to this had had no buildings upon it. Excavations carried out on the upper ridge and on the simply gathering its resources. summit itself (1983-1990) uncovered an astonishingly well- In any event, by the beginning of the second century BCE preserved walled village and sacred enclosure, all dating the entire summit was enclosed by a wall, with access through to the reign of the Seleucid king Antiochus III (223-187 two gates on the eastern side. The enclosure contained build- BCE). While a third-century shrine may have existed here, it ing stones with Hebrew and Aramaic inscriptions and many is also possible that during this time the community was charred sheep bones, interpreted as sacrificial remains. A

10 BiblicalArchaeologist This content60:1 (1997) downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015 15:20:44 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions watered-was highly suitable for both grape vines and olive trees, and scattered field finds of pressing stones and basins indicate such industry. In Transjordan, the pattern of settlement and the local economy was quite similar to that of the central hill country of Judea and Samaria, with a small, scattered, materially impoverished population, engaged wholly in subsistence agriculture.One of the few sites that remained occupied after the exile and throughout the Persian period was Rabbath- Ammon, which Ptolemy II Philadelphos refounded as Philadelphia. Zenon stopped here in 259 BCE(P. Cairo Zen. 59011);he mentions the (probable)work of quarry men there. Third-century BCEconstructions in fact included fortifications, houses, and water channels. By penetrating these channels and cutting off the town's water supply, Antiochus A reconstructionof the Qasral-Abd at cIraqel-Emir. The Hellenistic III compelled the Ptolemaic garrison to surrender to him in Qasral-Abd was never finished;the remainswere eventually 218 BCE(Polybius Hist. V.71.9). At Aroer (in Moab), several reconstructedin the Byzantineperiod, probablyby a monasticgroup. small farmsteads from this period have been found. Further Excavatorsdug trenchesthrough the Byzantinelevels in the main south, at Petra, some houses and altars existed in the second hall and against the east, west, and north walls;to the original half of the century; this settlement-founded in conjunction Hellenisticbuilding they attribute a stairwellin the northwesttower, with the new Nabatean route across the northern Negev- and several interior large half-columnsthat supported a terrace roof. was the only one with commerciallinks. In northernTransjordan, Two of the animal had remained in situ on the sculpted panels evidence for settlement is even scarcer:at Tell es-SaCidiyeha northeasterncorner, indicating the decorativecharacter of the mudbrick and stone building dated only "Hellenistic" building'sentrance. FromNEAEHL, s.v. 9raq el-Emir. (and so perhaps from the next century instead), and at Pella, some scattered pottery but no structures. broad staircase connected this precinct with the fortified vil- Central Transjordanhad something else in common with on the lage mountain's southern slope. Here excavators the Palestinian central hills: some of the sites were settled by uncovered three large, well-built houses inside the walls, and Jews. In the Persian period, part of this area was within the three more houses of identical plan and style outside it. All holdings of Tobiah the Ammonite, a man referred to repeat- central possessed courtyards, surrounded by dwelling and edly in the book of Nehemiah, who was probably the utility rooms, and an occasional connecting corridor.In plan Persian-appointedgovernor of Ammon. The Ptolemies main- they were quite similar to the houses at Mareshah.The court- tained the Tobiads' status: Zenon traveled to "the land of yards and some hallways were partially paved with roughly Tobiah,"which included a small military settlement. Tobiah, hewn two of stones; the houses also had bathrooms, with apparently a kind of client-sheikhof the Ptolemaic king, lived plastered basins and, in one, a stone tub. Every house was at a place called "Birthaof the Ammonites." This "Birtha," equipped with a cistern;most also contained presses, weights, or stronghold, has been found, twenty-nine km east of Jeri- basins, and jars for the manufacture and storage of olive oil. cho at a site called 'Iraq el-Emir. also found iron and Diggers tools, basalt, metal, and pottery Situated on a small plain at the edge of a deep wadi,'Iraq vessels, though imported and luxury goods were notably el-Emir included a small mound, two large buildings to its absent. This absence is especially interesting: data from else- south, some water channels, and a series of both natural and where indicate that the Samaritan community was by no hewn caves in cliffs to the north. Carved over entrances to means isolated. Two beautifully carved inscriptions from the two of these caves are inscriptions reading "Tobiah";the let- island of Delos Aegean refered to offerings made "to the holy ters have been variously dated on paleographicgrounds from at Mt. Gerizim." One was temple carved between 250-175, the fifth through the third centuries BCE.1Third-century finds the other between 150-50 BCE (Kraabel 1984). include Ptolemaiccoins, the stampedhandle of a wine amphora No Hellenistic settlement of size early any has been found from Rhodes, and most importantly,a monumental gateway in the northern central hills outside of those at Samaria, near the mound (Gera 1990:25). The French team who Shechem, and Mt. Gerizim. But the area was not unutilized. excavated the gateway discovered within it two floors: on Surveys of this region have identified at least twelve hun- the upper one were six coins of Antiochus III (208-200 BCE). dred small stone field towers (Dar 1986:88-109). About This constructionwas probably part of the "Birtha"of Tobiah fifty towers have been excavated, and third-century BCEpot- visited by Zenon. has tery been found in and under the lower levels of several One of the two large buildings to the south of the mound of these. The towers functioned as temporary shelter for was a huge edifice with monolithic pillars forming a win- workers and for occasional of storage produce. The region's dow wall on one side, and four monumental relief panels topography-hilly, easily terraced, and reasonably well- each depicting a large feline identified as either a lion or a

This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015Biblical 15:20:44Archaeologist UTC 60:1 (1997) 11 All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions leopard. Known as the Qasr al-Abd, or Fortress of the Ser- vant, the entire structurewas reused in the Byzantine period as a church, so its original internal arrangements are not entirely clear. A series of narrow corridors apparently surrounded a large central hall, creating an environment both imposing and secure. Pottery found within the Qasr as well as beneath its founding levels dates its construction to the early second century BCE.This date and the character of the remains allow the Qasr to be further identified via a story told by Josephus. It seems that during the later part of the rule of Ptolemy IIIEuergetes (246-221 BCE),the High Priest Onias, described as "one of little soul, and a great lover of money," refused to pay Jerusalem's annual tax. Ptolemy sent an envoy, whom Onias ignored. The Jerusalemites, fearful of retribution, encouraged one Joseph, the son of Tobiah and a nephew of The fountain sculptureof the Qasral-Abd at Clraqel-Emir. This feline Onias, to deal with the envoy and, later,the king. Joseph went was carvedin high relief on a block of locally-quarriedred and white to Alexandria,impressed the king with his humor and extrav- dolomite. The opened mouth was intended as a fountain spout, agent promises, and won the right to "farm"the taxes for all though there is no other evidence for a completed fountain of Coelesyria, Phoenicia, and Judea with Samaria.In this sys- installationhere. The panel was discoveredin the eastern wall of the tem, as described by Josephus, Qasral-Abd during the 1962 excavations.Along with the megalithic sculpted panels that adorned the upper course,this decorative ...all the principalmen and rulers went up out of the cities addition illustratesthe building'sHellenized character. of Syria and Phoenicia to bid for their taxes, for every year the king sold them to the men of the greatest power account of Josephushave made its identificationas "the strong in every city.... And when the day came on which the fortress" of Hyrcanus incontestible. king was to let the taxes of the cities to farm, those that The large animal panels that adorned the Qasr al-Abd were the principal men of dignity in their several coun- (and so impressed Josephus) have long attracted the tries bid for them...(Ant. 12.169, 175). attention of scholars. Their very presence raises questions, not only concerning their artistic heritage, but perhaps more Joseph retained his concession for twenty-two years, dur- interestingly, concerning the cultural orientation of the ing which period, he "gathered great wealth together" (Ant. person who lived there. For though the sculptures are not 12.184).When he died, during the reign of SeleucusIV Philopa- very distinguished artistically, they are, first and foremost, tor (187-175BCE), he bequeathed much of this wealth on (along representational art in the Greek tradition, and they adorn a with his very valuable concession) to the last of his eight sons, building constructed by a member of the Jewish elite. We Hyrcanus. know that by this time, the early second century BCE,the Jew- Now shortlybefore Joseph'sdeath, a series of family feuds ish population of Judea was rent into factions, one of had caused Hyrcanus to "retirebeyond the river Jordan,and which approved most "Hellenizing" customs, another pas- ab[i]de there," where he built for himself a fortress (Saris), sionately opposed to them. The sculptures on the Qasr are which he called Turos. Josephus describes it in detail: the most graphic evidence that we possess of the taste, or perfidy, of one Jewish Hellenizer. [Hyrcanus] built a strong fortress, constructed entirely of In the third century BCE,northern Palestine-including white marble up to the very roof, and had beasts of gigan- the Jezreeland Beth-Sheanvalleys, the Galilee,the Hula basin, tic size carved on it, and he enclosed it with a wide and and the Golan-was also thinly populated. This continued deep moat. He introduced also a vast quantity of waters the situation prior to Alexander's conquest, and its causes which ran along it, and which were very delightful and were also identical.In both Persianand Ptolemaic times, large ornamental in the court. He also made caves of many fur- swaths of fertile agricultural land were frequently classified longs in length,... and then he made large rooms in it, as "King's Land," directly owned by and farmed for the some for feasting, and some for sleeping and living in. crown (Smith 1990 does not take this into account). Most But still he made the entrances at the mouth of the cave (if not all) of the Jezreel Valley and Galilee (as well as large so narrow, that no more than one person could enter by tracts of Samaria and northern Judea) fell into this cate- them at once.... Moreover,he built courts of greatermag- gory. These areas were all highly suitable for agriculture and nitude than ordinary,which he adorned with vastly large horticulture.Sites with third century BCEoccupation included gardens (Ant. 12.230-33). Tell Keisan and TellQiri at the western end of the JezreelVal- ley and Philoteria (ancient Beth Yerah) and Kinneret on the The congruity of the finds of the Qasr al-Abd with the Sea of Galilee. These few third century BCEsettlements were

12 BiblicalArchaeologist This content60:1 (1997) downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015 15:20:44 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions apparently villages of agricultural workers; at none was any evidence of industry found. The Hefzibah inscription indicates that some parts of the JezreelValley were indeed royal land (Landau 1966;Bertrand 1982). Unearthed in 1960 seven km northwest of Beth-Shean, the stone is the longest and perhaps the most important Hel- lenistic inscription yet discovered in Israel. It recorded six official letters beween Ptolemaios, military governor and chief priest, and the Seleucid kings Antiochus III and IV.All were written between 201 and 195 BCE(that is to say, immediately after the Fifth Syrian War,in which Antiochus III won this region from the Ptolemies). In letter IV,written to the king, Ptolemaios requests that nobody be allowed to quarter or supply others from "the villages belonging to me as property and hereditary tenure." As Ptolemaios had originally been a commander in the Egyptian army, apparently defecting to the Seleucid side at the beginning of the war, he may have been granted his villages by the Egyptian king. Antiochus rewarded his defection by guaranteeing and aug- menting his possessions (Landau 1966:66, n. 14, noting Woodhead). In any event, the nature of the inscription-a permanent record designed to be set up in a public place- along with the circumstance of its discovery-surely close to its original location-confirm the existence in the vicinity of Beth-Shean of royal and/or official properties. The Ptolemies "refounded" Beth-Shean sometime in the second half of the third century BCE,renaming the place Scyth- opolis. Like the establishment of A Hefzibahinscription. This remarkable document provideda permanent, publicrecord of Philadelphia on the old city of Rabbath- Beth-Shean'smilitary governor's requests to the Seleucidking. The fact that the inscription Ammon, the founding of Scythopolis was written in Greekis evidence that some people must have understoodthe language by ca. also consisted of a new name being 200 BCE.Photo from Landau 1966. draped over an old settlement. In this case, however, the precise area of set- 7 The Jezreel This Valley. photograph illustratessome of the exceptional agriculturalland of tlement moved. The old tell of the Jezreel and covered with richalluvial the Valley.Well-watered, temperate, soil, valley Beth-Shean, site of the Bronze and Iron floor is one of the most fertile areas of the country.Its level topography also allowed for easy Age cities, was almost completely passage between the coast and the JordanRiver Valley. Author's photo. deserted after the Assyrian conquest. Persian period remains from the top of the mound comprise only some clay figurines. A coin hoard from the time of Ptolemy II was found here as well, but this is no indication of settlement (Rowe 1930:45).Hellenistic remains otherwise occur only on an adjacent ridge called Tel Istabah, where excavators have found several hundred stamped handles from wine amphoras imported from Rhodes and Knidos (Landau and Tzaferis 1979). The earliest date from the late third century BCE,indicating the period of the town's refoundation. The new inhabitants clearly had the taste for such goods and the means for acquir- ing them; their markets were easily accessible from the port of Akko-Ptole- mais via the Jezreel valley.

This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015Biblical 15:20:44Archaeologist UTC 60:1 (1997) 13 All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The best evidence for considering much of the Galilee, Hula Valley, and Golan as "King's Land" comes from several of the Zenon papyri (Tcherikower1937:39-40). In one (P. Cairo Zen. 59004), Zenon travels north from "Birtha"((Iraq el-Emir) and Philadelphia. He stops at five places to pick up flour for his travelling party: Aicacoit (Awicaooto), No-lt (Noei), Etoutt (Etoutt), Beth Anath, and Kedesh. The locations of the first three sites are unknown; they may be in the Hauran or the Golan (Harper 1928). Kedesh is certainly located in the northeasterncomer of the Upper Galilee;archaeological evidence for Hellenistic period occupation there is so far confined to pottery found when the high tell was excavated in the 1950s. Beth Anath is generally thought to be somewhere in the Galilee (though it too could be in the Golan or in the Hula valley). Here Zenon stopped to inspect a vine- yard, where peasant leaseholders cultivated the land in part A Spatter painted ware vessels found at TelAnafa. A smalljar, or for themselves and in part for Apollonius, to whom they table amphora,and a cooking pot, both made of spatter painted owed a fixed percentage of their output. These were the con- ware. SaulWeinberg, the first excavatorof TelAnafa, identified and ditions of "King'sLand" in Egypt, indicating the same status named this fabricbased on the ware'sdistinctive decoration, in for this area as well (Tcherikover1933:39). which paint was spattered and dribbledover the lower section of the Recent excavations at two sites in the northern Hula Val- pot. Spatterpainted ware pottery is found all over the HulaValley, ley, Tel Anafa and Banias, provide more evidence for the but practicallynowhere else, indicatingits probable area of character of third century occupation here. Tel Anafa is a manufacture.At TelAnafa, vessels made of spatter painted ware small mound situated at the foot of the Golan Heights.2 account for 10%(by weight) of all identifiablewares found in third The combined evidence of the architecturalremains, the pot- centuryBCE deposits, and 15% in late second centuryBCE deposits. tery,and the associatedfauna reflectsa small, poor community, Photo courtesyof SharonHerbert. whose livelihood depended on intensive agricultureand the rearingof cattle and goats. The settlersbuilt house walls using 7 The Sanctuaryof Pan at Banias.The Sanctuaryof Panwas large, rough, basalt boulders; they laid floors of pebbles and probablyestablished here in the third centuryBCE. The site includes tamped dirt. Theirmaterial possessions consisted very largely this large, naturalcave in the southern face of Mount Hermon,a of utilitarian pottery made in the Hula itself, though a few narrowterrace immediatelyin front, and severalsprings that feed perfume bottles from southern Phoenicia indicate some con- into the JordanRiver. The combinationof looming mountain, tact with the coast. They apparently produced their own cavernousgrotto, and rushingwater created an environmentideal cloth, as excavators unearthed a considerable number of for a ruralnature deity such as Pan. Photo courtesyof ZviMaCoz. weaving-related artifacts, including spindle whorls, bone weaving tools, over twenty-five loomweights, and a circular,sludge-filled, stone structureperhaps used for dying. The inhabitants of Tel Anafa were unsophisticated, insular, and self-sufficient-far removed in attitude and lifestyle from the residents of such bustling, cosmopolitan cities as Maresha, Ashkelon, and Dor. The people who lived at Tel Anafa did, however, share one fundamental characteristic with many residents of the coast and south: they were pagans. And only nine km to their north, at Banias, or as it was called in antiquity, Panion, was a sanctuary dedicated to the Greek god Pan, whose cult must have drawn dedicants from Tel Anafa. The imposing setting-a huge naturalcave in the southern face of Mt. Hermon, beneath which emerged the springs of the Jordan River- was ideal for a rural, nature deity. The cult was established sometime in the third century BCE,as indicated by evi- only these few, poor offerings, reflections of the cult, as well dence fromexcavations underway here since 1988.No buildings as its dedicants. can be dated to early Hellenistic times; the finds consist solely of about thirty small bowls and saucers, all made of a fab- New Currents:Seleucid Control(200-160 BCE) ric local to the Hula Valley, and all identical to vessels found The Ptolemiesand Seleucidsremained antagonists through- at TelAnafa. In its initial phase, then, the sanctuary received out the third century, fighting five wars for hegemony of

14 BiblicalArchaeologist This 60:1content (1997) downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015 15:20:44 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions the Ptolemies, however, the shift to Seleucid dominion had little perceptible effect on the locations and economies of settlements in Phoenicia and Palestine. In central Transjordan, Hyrcanus the Tobiad enlarged

This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015Biblical 15:20:44Archaeologist UTC 60:1 (1997) 15 All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions and Yeivin 1977). Tirat Yehuda also may have been a military farm,probably established by Seleucid ex-soldiers.While this interpretation lacks direct support, the farm's destruction in the first wave of Hasmonean expansion under Jonathan and Simon suggests that its inhabitants were not Jewish. Jerusalem remained the only large settlement in Judea, and the lives of its inhabitants remained connected to their religious activities. But changes did come to the city.The gen- erous allotments of Antiochus IIIhad their effects: increased material prosperity, and more importantly, a sympathetic attitude on the part of some of the city's elites towards their new political masters. Both archaeological and literary sourcesreflect the physical and philosophicalchanges wrought. In Ecclesiasticus (The Wisdom of Ben Sira), written ca. 190- 180 BCE,the author reportedon several importantconstruction projects overseen by the high priest Simon at the end of the third century:

In his lifetime the house was repaired, in whose days the temple was fortified. He laid the foundation for the high double wall, the high retainingwall of the temple precinct. In his day they dug the reservoir, a cistern broad as the sea (Sir 50:1-3).

These are the first large-scale architectural additions TiratYehuda pressing installation:This multi-stage olive oil attested in Jerusalem since the time of Nehemiah, a fact the productionarea from the farm at TiratYehuda has been author himself emphasizes by omission. While no incontro- reconstructedjust below the IsraelMuseum in Jerusalem.The vertible physical evidence for any of these constructions originalsituation includeda stone bench where basketsof olives remains, one section of the eastern wall of the Temple Mount could be stacked,a plastereddepression in the ground for storing could possibly represent some of Simon's work. This is the cracked,unpressed olives, and a storage area for jarsof oil. Inthe piece north of the "seam," a straight vertical line thirty- backgroundis the crushingbasin and stone, in the foregroundthe two meters north of the southeastern corner. From the seam beam and three stone weights. Three pillarsformed roof supports, south, the masonry is of Herodian date and was part of demarcatingthe areas for each activity.BA archive photo. Herod's enlargement of the Temple Mount. The section to the north, however, is built in a different, and earlier, tech- Jerusalem,seam in the nique of ashlars drafted with a projectingboss and laid in an eastern wall of the Temple alternating sequence of headers and stretchers. While this Mount:detail illustrating piece is thought by many to be Hellenistic in date (though two phases of construction some would attribute it to First Temple times), it cannot be within the TempleMount linked with any specific construction (see further below, in wall. To the right,the less discussion on the Akra). regularlycarved, roughly Jerusalem's population was now large enough to have finished ashlarblocks expanded beyond the confines of the City of David to the characteristicof the second southwestern hill (now the Jewish and Armenian quarters to mid-first centuries BCE.To of the Old City, along with Mt. Zion). Though excavations the left, the large, smoothed in this area have uncovered no structures from this period, ashlarblocks typical of the finds of the early second century BCEindicate the existence period from Herodthe Great of a small settlement here. These include both Jewish (Yehud) through the destructionof and Greek (Rhodian) stamped jar handles and coins. The the city.Other than the growth of this area, reasonably removed as it is from the City masonrytechnique, no evidence exists to date the earlierwall. of David hill, may be relatedto the increasinglydivisive social atmosphere of this period. a community increasingly open to a Hellenizing lifestyle. The constructionsoverseen by the High Priest Simon ben- During the reign of Seleucus IV, the city market (agora)was efitted a still wholly traditional community. By the early overseen by an agoranomos(2 Macc 3.4), a Hellenistic-style second century BCE,however, there also existed in Jerusalem adminstrative official. One fundamental reflectionof the new

16 BiblicalArchaeologist This 60:1content (1997) downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015 15:20:44 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions I Temple I Mount

I Importedstamped amphora handle from Jerusalem,City of David. Thisimpression was stamped onto the handle of a large wine jar I--4- made on the islandof Rhodesbetween 175 and 146 BCE.To the left is I L I I O I the head of Helios,with its distinctiveradiant crown; to the right,the name of the official Peisistratos,who was presidingin the year that this vessel was filled and/or shipped. Photo courtesyof DonaldAriel. Mount 0 attitude was the growing use of the Greek language. Greek Zion I had already become the language of both commerce and administration for the cities of the coast and Idumaea in Circuit the third century BCE.Its use is attested in Jerusalem itself by --.FirstWall... . two long Greek inscriptions from the time of Antiochus IV (Rappaport 1981:175;Applebaum 1980; a possible third is the Greek tariff Merker 1975). In inscription published by Valley of Hinnom 175 BCE,the size and strength of the Hellenizing Jewish community was such that one of their own was assigned the role of High Priest. According to 2 Maccabees, when this man, Possible sites of the Akra,Jerusalem. This map indicatesthe three Jason, came into office: most likelylocations of the SeleucidAkra: 1) at the northwest corner of the TempleMount, where the Herodian-periodAntonia was he at once shifted his countrymen over to the Greek way situated; 2) in the southeastern cornerof the TempleMount itself, of life. He set aside the existing royal concessions to the incorporatingthe section of the eastern wall north of the "seam";or Jews,... and he destroyed the lawful ways of living and 3) south of the TempleMount, on the Ophel or at the upper end of introduced new customs contrary to the law. For with the Cityof David. alacrityhe founded a gymnasium right under the citadel, and he induced the noblest of the young men to wear the than ca. 260 or later than 150 BCE.The single largest group are Greek hat. There was an extreme of Hellenization and the 216 handles that date between 205 and 175 BCE.While increase in the adoption of foreign ways...(4:10-13). some of these handles may represent only reused containers, some must derive from vessels bought for the sake of their Along with the sculpted animal reliefs of the Qasr al-abd original contents. at Iraq el-Emir,the establishmentof a gymnasium in Jerusalem Ptolemaic designs on Phoenicia and Palestine did not dis- comprises the most vivid physical reflection of the "Hell- appear after the battle at Panion in 200 BCE.Nor was the enizing" ways of at least some Jews. In the colonnaded Seleucid vision of broad imperium destroyed by the defeat enclosures of the gymnasium, training in both Greek at Magnesia ten years later. In the fifth or sixth year of sports and Greek philosophy occured. Such influences acted, Antiochus IV (170/169 BCE),a sixth war between the Seleu- in the words of Elias Bickerman, "as a powerful dissolvent cids and Ptolemieserupted and, almostimmediately, Antiochus [on] the traditional discipline of life" (1962:59). IV took Pelusium, at the eastern end of the Nile Delta. The Materialevidence for the "adoptionof foreignways" exists Ptolemies quickly sought Roman intervention, which soon in the copious presence at just this time of foreign wine arrived in the person of a legate named C. Popillius amphoras. Over one thousand stamped handles of imported Laenas. In one of the most famous (or infamous) scenes of amphoras, mostly from Rhodes, have been found by archae- history,Laenas forced the withdrawalof Antiochusby demand- ologists in Jersualem since the later nineteenth century. Of ing his response before he stepped out of a circle drawn in these, the 477 found in the City of David excavations have the sand around his feet. Retreatwas rapid and, more to the been the most thoroughly studied (Ariel 1990).These include point, wholly without reward: the king returned with nei- 450 Rhodian handles of which only 10 may be dated earlier ther territorialgain nor spoils. This lattersituation he managed

This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015Biblical 15:20:44Archaeologist UTC 60:1 (1997) 17 All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions to reverse, however, by stopping in Jerusalem and looting the temple treasury (1 Macc 1:21-24). Two years later, he sent an occupying force to the city: "they fortified the city of David with a great strong wall and strong towers, and it became their citadel" (1 Macc 1:33).The precise location of this "citadel"-known by its Greek name, In the winter of 166 BCESeleucid officers came to a small the Akra (meaning "the heights")-remains unknown. Jose- Modein, on the road between and phus provides the most detailed description: village Jerusalem Joppa (Tel Aviv). They ordered an older man named Mattathias to make the sacrifice on the altar erected in accordance with the issued edict [Antiochus] built a citadel in the lower part of the city, pagan there, recently of the Mattathias refused. The action is for the place was high, and overlooked the temple, on king. vehemently subsequent described in 1 Maccabees: which account he fortified it with high walls and towers, dramatically A came forward in the of all to offer sacrifice the and put into it a garrison of Macedonians (Ant. 12.252). Jew sight upon altar.... When Mattathias saw it, he burned with zeal and his heart was stirred. He vent to he ran and Several locales fit this description: the northwestern cor- gave righteous anger; killed him the altar. At the same time he killed the ner of the TempleMount (on which stood the Herodian-period upon king's officer who was them to and he tore down the Antonia);the southeasterncomer of the TempleMount (which forcing sacrifice, altar. would incorporatethe possibly Hellenistic piece of wall north (1:23-25) Then with his five sons and a small band of of the "seam");and the Ophel rise just south of the Temple Mattathias, along "fled to the hills." Mount (in which area a pre-Herodian rock-cut cistern was followers, the next found).5 While of uncertain location, the Akra is of definite During year Mattathias and his group operated as a their and lawless importancefor our understandingof the settlementof Jerusalem guerrilla band, concentrating fight against "sinners into and at this time. With its construction, the city's two Jewish fac- men," sneaking villages overturning altars, circumcising In the latter of 166 or the of 165 tions now resided in separate neighborhoods: "in that citadel Jewish boys. part beginning BCE, Mattathias and his third son surnamed the dwelt the impious and wicked part of the [Jewish] multi- died, Judah, Maccabee, took command tude" (Ant. 12.252). in his place. For the next two years Judah continued these assaults, so much renown that the local In the year 166 BCE,two separatehistorical currents merged. surprise garnering administration decided to him. the Seleucid Antiochus IV Epiphanes, whose grand vision of Seleucid engage Apollonius, in fielded a but defeated and killed empire had been cut off two years earlier in the Egyptian governor Samaria, force, Judah him. the commander of the came towards sands, now needed a way to boost his dynasty's prestige Seron, Syrian army, on the road from the coast with a second which without alienating Rome. In the meantime, the Jewish Jerusalem force, men routed. With this the Maccabeean band also community of Jerusalem had become so divided that upon Judah's victory, of construction of the Akra, some Jews chose to live within its acquired their first piece territory: the very road that Seron the so-called corridor." When Antiochus walls ratherthan among their co-religionists.Antiochus chose traversed, "Jerusalem received this he ordered his to field a to vent his humiliation and reinforce his position by vic- news, general Lysias large and while he himself took a force timizing Jews (Gruen 1984:661), a reaction perfectly well contingent against Judea Jerusalem, towards Persia in order to collect additional funds. understood by our lone contemporary witness, the book of Seleucid intervention on this scale altered-for a time-the Daniel (which describes the event in the form of an apoca- character of the conflict. Rather than a between a civil lyptic vision): fight factions, war, it became a civil insurrection. The government's troops, now unable to via the instead at Therefore [the king] will be disheartened, and will return approach Jerusalem coast, encamped about km south of the to 1 and become enragedat the holy covenantand take action.... Beth-Zur, thirty city. According Maccabees, routed there. It is clear from 2 And forces from him will arise, desecrate the sanctuary Judah decisively Lysias Maccabees, which official from to the fortress,and do away with the regular sacrifice.And they however, preserves correspondances Lysias Antiochus to Antiochus to the and the Romans to will set up the abomination of desolation...(Dan 11:30- Jews, Lysias, Jews, the all 31). Jews (11:16-38), that parties realized the benefits of laying down arms, and quite readily agreed to do so. Elias Bickerman summarized the situation thus: "In of was at the The specific actionsthat Antiochus undertookwere spelled point fact, Epiphanes moment in a serious war in the the out in the more news-like/historiographic account of 1 Mac- engaged East, imperial treasury was and of in cabees:the king issued ordersto forgo the traditionalsacrifices again empty, the question whether the Jews would eat and rituals in the Temple, and instead "sacrifice swine and accordance with or in opposition to their dietary laws must now have unclean animals" there; to further abandon their laws and seemed of little consequence to the government" (1962:117). The customs, including circumcision; and finally, to "build altars persecution thus ended as it had begun, by royal decree. and sacred precinctsand shrines for idols" (1:44-50).But these The persecution ended, but the war did not. The hostilities had in actions of Antiochus-hostile though they were-did not bring on confrontation. In fact, as the author of 1 Maccabees

18 BiblicalArchaeologist This60:1 content (1997) downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015 15:20:44 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions A Sudden Squall Civil War (166-160 BCE) the firstplace erupted not againstthe king's edicts and the officers Antiochushis son to be king, had returnedfrom Persia and sent to enforcethem, but againstJews who had complied with them. Mediawith the forcesthat had gone with the king, and that he At this moment,the most powerful of these was none other than the was trying to seize controlof the government.So he quicklygave High Priest,Menelaus (originally named Onias).This Menelaus, ordersto depart,and said to the king, to the commandersof the upon receiptof Antiochus'first edict, had readilyrededicated the forces,and to his men,... "Now then let us come to termswith temple in Jerusalemto include the worship of OlympianZeus, and these men, and make peace with them and with all theirnation, for the past three years he had conductedpagan sacrificeson its altar. and agree to let them live by their laws as they did before"(1 In his letterto the Jews,Antiochus markedly omits mentionof the Macc6:55-57, 58-59). Maccabeesand emphasizesMenelaus' position as theirproper leader. So a peace was quicklynegotiated. In addition,the High Priest Such an outcomewas not the one for which the Maccabeesand their Menelauswas deported and executedand a new High Priest followers had been fighting.Their next attackwas thereforeagainst assigned:Jakim, who hellenized his name to Alcimus.Though most the HellenizingJews in Jerusalemitself. of the Jewishpopulation of Judeasupported him, Judah,who had At the end of 164 BCE,Judah and his men made a surpriseassault retreatedwith the remnantsof his band into the hills, remained on the city.Their goal was the Temple(as opposed to the Akra),and unsatisfied.Alcimus was accused of having "willinglydefiled they apparentlytook it easily.They repurifiedand rededicatedit at himself"under the originaledicts of AntiochusIV, and so could not once, "choos[ing]blameless priests devoted to the law,"after which be recognizedas a legitimateleader (2 Macc14:3). Judah continued to they quicklyestablished a fortifiedgarrison post on Mt. Zion (1 Macc engage in the sorts of periodicassaults that had characterizedthe 4:42,60-61). This garrisonwas soon supportedby a second war's initialphases; Alcimus twice complainedto the king that establishedat Beth-Zur,"so that the people might have a stronghold "thoseJews...are keeping up war and stirringup sedition, and will that faced Idumaea"(1 Macc4:61). According to the accountin 1 not let the kingdom attaintranquility" (2 Macc14:6). In responsethe Maccabees,within the next six monthsJudah and his brothersled Seleucidmonarch again dispatcheda general,this time Nicanor,and theirmen in brief foraysagainst settlements in Idumaea(including a sizeable force,against Judah. Mareshah),the Shephelah(Gezer), Transjordan ("the land of In the spring of 161 BCE,in quick succession,Nicanor and Judah Tobiah"),Galilee ("tothe gate of Ptolemais"),the Golan,and the fought twice. In the firstbattle, Nicanor defeated Judah and forced coastalplain (Yavneh-Yam,Ashdod). At this last site, Judah"tore the latter'sretreat into the Mt. Zion garrison(Ant. 12.369-75);but in down their altars,and the graven images of theirgods he burned the second battle,near a pass in the hills about an hour and a half with fire"(1 Macc5:68). The correspondingarchaeological record is, northof Jerusalem,Judah's troops won and Nicanorwas killed. however,blank: these sites containno evidence of damage at this Judahreturned to Jerusalem,this time victorious.In Antioch,the time. Judah'sactivities were likely brief raids, ratherthan truly currrentking DemetriusI at once orderedhis generalBacchides to disruptiveassaults. Judea.And in the next spring, 160 BCE,Bacchides arrived-this time In late winter or early spring, 163BCE, Judah's newly established from the north,from Galilee. He could feel secureenough to advance garrisonon Mt. Zion began a siege of the Akra.Word was sent to the throughlargely Jewish territory because he had travellingwith him court at Antioch,which was then controlledby Lysias(the former as an ally none other than the High PriestAlcimus (1 Macc9:1, but general),acting as the regentfor the new boy-king,Antiochus V. Such contraAnt. 12.394).Bacchides came upon Judah'smen at a place an act by Judah'sforces ran counterto the settlementpreviously called Elasa(it has not been identified),where his superiornumbers negotiated,and Lysiasdecided on a massive assault to crushthe alone scaredoff about two-thirdsof the defenders;in the ensuing insurgents.He again marchedto Idumaea,in orderto attackfrom the battle "Judahfell, and the rest fled" (1 Macc9:18). south;his firststep was a successfulsiege of the new Maccabean The victoriousBacchides at once refortifiedand garrisoneda garrisonat Beth-Zur.This victory drew Judahout of Jerusalem,and numberof Judaeansettlements, including Bethel, Jericho, Beth-Zur, the two sides met in battle at Beth-Zechariah,about halfway to Beth- Gezer,Emmaus, and the Akrain Jerusalem:"in them he put troops Zur.The royal army prevailedand advancedto Jerusalem,where and stores of food" (1 Macc9:52). The locations,tightly encircling they laid siege in turn to the settlementon Mt. Zion. Withhis food Judeaproper, reflect how focused the now-containedconflict had supply almost depleted (it was a sabbaticalyear, in which observant been; it had not even spread to the northerncentral hills. There,the Jews let theirland lie fallow) and much of his fightingforce killed, schismaticSamaritan communities living at Shechemand Mt. weakened, or scattered,Judah was in desperatestraits. And then, in Gerizimhad complied with the edict of AntiochusIV early on; in a anotherhistorical coincidence, he was throwna lifeline: formalpetition, they had "beseeched[the king] to let our temple, [Duringthe siege of Mt. Zion] Lysiasheard that Philip,whom which at presenthas no name at all, be named the Templeof Zeus KingAntiochus [LV], while still living, had appointed to bring up Hellenios"(Ant. 12.261).

This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015 15:20:44Biblical UTCArchaeologist 60:1 (1997) 19 All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Jonathan's Rise:160 to 145 BCE

All of the energy of JudahMaccabee had not producedany of its laterconquest by Simonsuggests a more substantial stablepolitical gains. Immediatelyupon his death in 160 BCE,in the occupation;see below). One possible archaeologicalreflection of polemicalformulation of 1 Maccabees,"the lawless emerged in all Jonathan'snew status is the massive new fortificationwall parts of Israel;all the doers of injusticeappeared" (9:23). Jonathan, constructedaround the acropolisof Samaria;it follows the line of the second son of Mattathias,assumed leadershipof the small the IronAge period-wall,and is enhancedby squaretowers at remnantof the Maccabeanband. At first,Jonathan's sole regularintervals. On the evidence of coins and stamped handles accomplishmentwas to remainat large,though at one point he found within the foundationfills, its excavatorsdated the organizedan ambushof a Nabataeanwedding party in southern constructionto the middle of the second centuryBCE (Crowfoot, Transjordan.After a few years, however,Jonathan apparently tired Crowfoot,and Kenyon 1957:218-19).This may well have been the of the outlaw life and petitionedBacchides (the currentgovernor) independentwork of the local garrison,responding to Jonathan's for amnesty.Bacchides complied, and Jonathanwas allowed to settle ascensionor a laterdevelopment. at Michmash(now Mukhmas),a small village eight miles northeast Jonathan'snew energy and position attractedthe attentionof of Jerusalem.Here he "beganto judge the people,"much in the Alexander(actually, one must assume, Ptolemy),who also began mannerof illustriouspredecessors such as Deborahand Samuel(1 seeking the formerrebel's alliance. Upping the stakes,he wrote to Macc10:73). But in 152 BCE,an opportunityfor greaterpower Jonathan: presenteditself to him, with the arrivalin Akko-Ptolemaisof KingAlexander to his brotherJonathan, greeting. We have AlexanderBalas, a pretenderto the Seleucidthrone. heard about you, that you are a mighty warriorand worthy to be AlexanderBalas' appearance at this time reflectstwo political our friend.And so we have appointedyou today to be the high realities:the continuedpower-driven machinations of the various priest of your nation;you are to be called the king's friend,(and he Hellenisticdynasts (in this case, PtolemyVI Philometerof Egypt, sent him a purple robe and a golden crown),and you are to take our Attalus II of Pergamon,and AriarathesV of Cappadocia),and the side and keep friendshipwith us (1 Macc10:10-14). personalinstability of the currentSeleucid king, DemetriusI. As at Withinthe few months of autumn, 152BCE, Jonathan had risen other times during this period, far-removedforces impelled events from a small-townsheikh to the JewishHigh Priest,in whom was that had immediatelocal consequences.In this case, Ptolemy also vested militarypowers. decided that the Seleucid'sweakness might allow him to retake Jonathan'smetamorphosis reflects the first realrecession of Phoeniciaand Palestine,to which end he took the lead in propping Seleucid authority.Previously, internal rebellions were met by a up a pretender.This explainsAlexander's choice of landfall;upon successfulshow of Seleucidmilitary might, and upstartsangling for his arrivalat Akko-Ptolemais,the city's garrisondeclared its loyalty power were firmlyput in theirplace (Gruen1984:611-71). With to him. Demetrius,presented in essence with afait accompli,decided Jonathan'sreceipt of the fawning offersof DemetriusI and at once to enlist Jewishmilitary assistance. This was an obvious AlexanderBalas, the mechanismof Seleucidcoercion changed from move: if the Graeco-Phoeniciancities of the coast were defectingto intimidationto bribery.As various personagesstruggled for the Ptolemaicside, the Jewishcentral hills must be persuadedto Seleucidhegemony, Jonathan was able to extractmore power- remainpro-Seleucid. And the only person in this areawhom administrative,economic, and territorial. Demetriusknew to be in controlof fightingmen was Jonathan.So DemetriusI counteredAlexander Balas with a series of gifts for Demetriussent a letterto Jonathan,which "gavehim authorityto Jonathanand Judeathat included exemptionsfrom tribute (poll tax), recruittroops, to equip them with arms,and to become his ally" (1 salt tax, crown levies, and other taxes in kind, as well as the addition Macc10:6). of threelarge parcels of King'sLand in southernSamaria (these are Jonathanbetook himself at once to Jerusalem.The people there the districtsRamatayyim, Lydda, and Aphairema).Within two "weregreatly alarmed when they heard that the king had given him years, however,Demetrius fell in battle againstAlexander. Ptolemy authorityto recruittroops" (1 Macc10:8). Current events, however, VI, seeing the firststage of his plan succeed,then came to Akko- left them without recourse;Demetrius' troubles had become Ptolemaiswith his daughter,whom he marriedto Alexander"with Jonathan'sopportunity: great pomp, as kings do" (1 Macc10:58). Alexander in turn made And Jonathandwelt in Jerusalemand began to rebuildand Jonathan"general and governorof the province"(1 Macc10:65). In restorethe city.He directedthose who were doing the work to build 147BCE, however, Demetrius II (the son of DemetriusI) arrivedfrom the walls and encircleMount Zion with squaredstones, for better Crete,a challengesufficient to scareAlexander back to Antioch. fortification;and they did so. Then the foreignerswho were in the DemetriusII appointedone Apolloniusgovernor of Phoenicia; strongholdsthat Bacchideshad built fled.... Only in Beth-Zurdid Apollonius,encamped at Jamnia,challenged Jonathan; Jonathan some remain... (1 Macc10:10-14). advancedto and took Joppaand then pursued Apolloniusas far No structuralevidence fromJerusalem can be associatedwith south as Ashdod. Therehe burnt the town, includingthe temple of Jonathan'sefforts. The evidence fromBeth-Zur indicates only the Dagon,and plunderedthe countryside(1 Macc10:84). His success most minimaloccupation by this time (thoughJosephus' description heartenedAlexander Balas, who rewardedhim with another

20 BiblicalArchacologist This 60:1content (1997) downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015 15:20:44 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions notes, "many of the people joined them" (1:52). It was this territorial this time the fertiledistrict of Ekron,located on the gift, Jewish compliance, not Seleucid antagonism, that led to inner of the coastal Ashdod Macc edge plain directlyopposite (1 the subsequent armed confrontation:traditional Jews against In fact,the lands must have been of Ashdod's 10:89). part city their hellenizing brothers and sisters, or, in other words, civil territory,and the gift retaliationfor that community'sharboring of war. Apollonius. The literary sources for this period, primarily 1 and 2 In 145 BCE, VI died. Demetrius at once summoned Ptolemy II Maccabees and Josephus, tell the convoluted history of the to Ptolemais,where he to honor the Jonathan promised early years of the Maccabeanrebellion. Beginning in the win- concessions his father Macc But the grantedJudea by (1 11:24-37). ter of 166 BCE,Mattathias, and subsequently his son Judah, most obvious and most troublesome manifestation (to Jonathan) led a rebellion directed against those in the hills who com- of Seleucid continued of the Akrain power-the occupation plied with Antiochian decrees. Their initial successes in civil asked that the Jerusalem-remained.Jonathan imperialgarrison insurrection attracted the intervention of the Syrian army. be and DemetriusII to do disbanded, though promised exactly The relative fortunes of the Maccabees, their local opposi- "he brokehis word about all that he had Macc that, promised"(1 tion, and the forces of the Selucids vacillated through a In when anothercontender for the Seleucid 11:53). consequence, half-decade of surprise assaults, staged battles, occupations, thronematerialized within the shifted his year,Jonathan and flights to the wilderness (see the sidebar:A Sudden Squall: He made a with this new Seleucid allegiance. treaty hopeful, Civil War). in Hasmonean was Tryphon, which Simon,the remaining brother, Between 166 and 160 BCE,Judea witnessed a number of "made from the Ladderof to the bordersof governor Tyre Egypt" battles, but their relentless pace has left little trace in the Macc (1 11:59). archaeological record. At Bethel, excavators found traces This was an reversalof circumstance.For astonishing political of a wall and some second-century BCEpottery on a hillock now the large,strong, and wealthy Graeco-Phoeniciancoastal east of the mound; this has been taken as evidence of the cities came under the immediate and controlof political military Seleucid general Bacchides'refortification. At Gezer,the large Jerusalem: city gate built during the period of Solomon (Iron II) was Simon went forth and marched the as far as through country rebuilt around the middle of the second century BCE;this may Askalonand the He turnedaside to neighboringstrongholds. reflect Bacchides' work as well. Only at Beth-Zur is the fre- and took it And he stationeda there Joppa by surprise.... garrison netic jockying of these times reflected in the archaeological to it Macc guard (1 12:33-34). remains. The evidence, collected in two campaigns (1931, Withthis move, so recountedin both 1 Maccabees blandly 1957), reveals a single third-century settlement phase, then and the first over the Josephus(Ant. 13.180), bridge topographic, three phases of the early-mid second century (Sellers et al. social, and economicdivide between the coast and the political, 1968). Beth-Zur's importance rests in its strategic position centralhills was constructed. Maccabee's Judah uprisingfinally on the boundary between the high Judean hills and the gen- bore fruit. tler slopes of Idumaea. Under Ptolemaic rule, the top of the mound had been fortified; the site probably constituted the next stop after Mareshah on the way to the Dead Sea. By the early second century this citadel had grown into a town, whose residents lived on the slopes and plain outside the walls. As with other settlements in Idumaea, Beth-Zur was O1an the excavators uncovered a mar- I I economically diverse; large ketplace with an inn, a butcher shop, a tavern, and several other shops. The most interesting find was a public bath house (balneum),which included a room with two tubs, a basin, and a foot bath (twelve other single tubs were found scattered throughout the town; Sellers 1933:16-17).Such public bath facilities are known from other sites in the Hellenistic NI Mediterranean, and the example at Beth-Zur reflects a fairly cosmopolitan community (Reich 1988). Sometime before the middle of the second century BCE,the citadel was rebuilt as a series of elongated rooms around a central court. At this same time the old Middle BronzeAge wall was reconstructed. Both of these projects are attributed by the excavators to

0 m 40 ; Judah's establishment of a garrisonhere in 164 BCE,Soon after the rededication of the temple. The citadel was again

The complicatedoverlay of structureson the citadel at Beth Zurbears witness to the site'ssrategic location. At least three different episodes of defensive constructionsmark the Hellenisticsite. Plan from Sellers 1968:plan 1.

This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015Biblical 15:20:44Archaeologist UTC 60:1 (1997) 21 All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Strato'sTower, round tower and wall. Remainsof the north constructionbeneath the acropolisindicates the entire circuitwas enclosurewall, with one polygonal and one roundtower, uncovered constructedin the second half of the second centuryBCE. The most by Italianexcavators in 1963. The wall is constructedof rectangular likelyperson to have installedthe defenses is Zoilus,who held both limestone blocks,drafted with wide rough bosses, laid in alternating Strato'sTower and Dor duringthe later second centuryBCE. Photo headers and stretchers.Though no evidence existsto date this courtesyof RichardCleave. particularstretch, excavation against a wall segment with identical modified shortly thereafter by the inclusion of a peristyle coast and in Idumaea continued prosperous, the result of courtyard, with a hall running around it on three sides and long-standing commercial connections, a diverse economic entrances on the fourth. Both the rapidity of reconstruc- base, and geographic good fortune. Luxury goods and for- tion, and the Greek-style courtyard, suggest that Bacchides eign imports of this period found at Akko-Ptolemais, Dor, was responsible for this operation. Light occupation appar- Ashkelon, and Mareshah reveal residents' material comforts. ently continued. A final later-second-century BCEphase is Some coastal settlements actually expanded, such as Ash- representedby remains outside the citadel (on which see fur- dod and Strato'sTower, which had both been relatively small ther, below). third-century hamlets. Ashdod, known in Hellenistic times as Azotus, included Receding Waves:Seleucid Disintegration a low acropolis and large surrounding town in the southern (160-145 BCE) coastal plain.6The city had been made an administrativecen- Throughout the first half of the second century BCE,the ter under the Persians-a position that afforded its residents turmoil in Judea had remained almost completely contained, material prosperity, as reflected in finds of painted Greek without consequences-political, military, economic, or pottery, Achaemenid jewelry, and an ostracon refering to social-for the largerregion. The archaeologicalremains from imported wine. During the period of Ptolemaic rule, how- settlements in the northern central hills (Shechem, Samaria), ever, Ashdod was both smaller and less well connected; Transjordan (Heshbon, Pella), and the central valleys third-century finds included only a few imported table (Beth-Shean-Scythopolis, Tell Keisan) show their peaceful vessels, along with many locally made utilitarian wares maintenance or expansion during this time. Life along the (Dothan 1971:42-64).In the late third/early second centuries

22 BiblicalArchaeologist This60:1 content (1997) downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015 15:20:44 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions must have been a working harbor,however, as Zenon stopped here in 259 BCE (P. Cairo Zen. 59004). By the middle of the second century BCE,the settlement included a series of houses north of the acropolis. Quantities of domestic pottery, including both imported and locally made table vessels, a few Aegean and Phoenician wine amphoras, and local cooking and utilitywares, date the expansion(Berlin 1992). Evidence of a Hellenistic period anchorage emerged in the area that later became part of the Herodian inner harbor.Here archaeologists exposed a stone wall with a mooring stone set into the top. Digging down to the wall's base they discovered that it had been set directly on bedrock that had itself been cut away. This ancient inward excavation, a Phoenician practice, provided a more protected haven, and created greater depth for bringing boats up safely (Holum et al. 1988:46-49;Raban Phoeniciansemi-fine pottery vessels found at TelAnafa. These 1992:21-22).The construction can be dated only generally as vessels, all dating to late Hellenistictimes, includeforms for table prior to that of Herod, but it does indicate one source of serviceand personaluse. In the upper row, from left to right, are a the settlement's economic sustenance during that time. table jug, a juglet, a table amphora,and a lagynos;in the lower row, Meanwhile, in Judea the situation in 160 BCEwas thus: from left to right, are two amphoriskoi,a saucer (or possiblya lid for the Maccabean band, greatly reduced, had "fled into the the table amphora),and three unguentaria.Phoenician potters wilderness," while the larger part of the population had manufacturedother shapes in semi-fine as well, includingsmall resumed its life and livelihood in peace. Despite the pre- bowls, flasks,funnels, and large jarsfor transportand storage. (See ceding years of guerilla attacks and occasional large-scale box, "ToEach Its Own," p. 24, for an illustrationof a semi-finejar.) military intervention, the Maccabees had not succeeded in Photo courtesyof SharonHerbert. either persuading or running off Judea's Hellenizing Jews. .Jonathan had assumed leadership upon the death of BCE,two large buildings were constructed on either side of a Judah and had managed only to remain outside the grasp of narrow street. These were maintained for over half a century, the Syrians. After receiving amnesty from the Syrian gov- through two subsequent occupation phases. Evidence for ernor, however, Jonathan began to build a local power pagan religious practices appeared in one room: several stone base and was soon embroiled in international politics. A slabs that perhaps formed an offering table; two miniature lengthy season of alliance making and breaking between altars made of gypsum, both incised with branches, and on Jonathan and various reigning and aspiring Seleucid mon- one the letter M; a group of corroded iron tools, including archs revealed the weakness of Syrian hegemony. Eventually, two scimitars and two knives; and a molded lead plaque political machinations placed in Maccabean hands what depicting a possibly fish-tailed female supporting herself on no military tactics had been able to achieve: political control a column. This last might be a votive of the Phoenician deity of the coastal plain, "from the Ladder of Tyre to the border Atargatis, who, according to Diodorus Siculus, was wor- of Egypt" (1 Macc 11:59). shipped at Ashkelon as half-woman-half fish (2.4.2-3). Appointed governor of this new polity,Simon, Jonathan's Excavators of these second century phases also unearthed sole surviving brother, stationed troops at Joppa. Many his- a good number of imported wine amphoras, mostly Rho- torians have identified Simon's establishment of a Jewish dian; painted and mold-made pottery from Athens, Asia garrison at Joppa as an initial maneuver allowing the Has- Minor, and the Aegean; and-from the second half of the moneans a Mediterranean outlet (most recently Applebaum century-beautiful red-slipped table vessels from southern 1989:20 and Kasher 1990:99-102).Goods acquired via inter- Phoenicia (the ware is known as Eastern Sigillata A, or national commerce do not, however, begin to appear in Judea. ETS-I;see further,below). The Joppa garrison was, instead, an outpost in an essentially Further north, immediately on the coast, was a small foreign country, a religiously-defined force in a mercantile, anchorage known as Strato'sTower (the name implies a sim- maritime land. This force was soon joined by other "colo- ple bastion but actually indicates a fortified town). This nizing" efforts, whose establishments helped to change the site might easily have escaped the notice of future archeaol- region's long-entrenched socio-economic patterns. But the ogists, except for the fact that Herod the Greatbuilt his harbor material culture and lifestyle of the Jewish central hills did city of Caesarea directly on its ruins. Though there is no firm not wash quickly over the land. For just as the Has- date for the eponymous Strato, excavations at the site since moneans found openings in the region's anarchic political the 1950s have uncovered remains that can be associated with situation, so too did other power-seeking cities and lead- the Hellenistic town. A few imported and local fine wares ers. The efforts of these emerging principalities mark the and some cooking pots emerged from the third century, history and archaeology of the ensuing half century. though no structural remains can be dated this early. There

This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015Biblical 15:20:44Archaeologist UTC 60:1 (1997) 23 All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions MergingCurrents: Independent Dynasts (145-104 BCE) To Each Its Own: Marketing Wine And Oil the second half of the second BCE, Throughout century Two of the most important commodities of the ancient in Palestine and Phoenicia to many peoples sought world were wine and oil, both of which were transported and consolidate their revenues, and territory, political power. stored in large jars. All wine and oil jars have several features In the the Nabateans their dominion in the south, expanded in common: thick walls, narrow mouths, rounded bottoms or and southern while in the north, the Itu- Negev Transjordan, protruding toes, and two wide, sturdy handles. (This last raeans moved into the Golan. In central an Transjordan, feature is the reason that most such jars are termed ambitious named Zeno seized dynast Cotylas Philadelphia "amphoras," which simply means "two handled vessel" in and its environs, while on the coast, a local named strongman Greek). Every producing locale did, however, use jars with Zoilus controlledthe towns of Dor and Strato'sTower. Ascalon, details specific to that area; in this way buyers could Akko-Ptolemias, and Sidon all declared or Tyre, purchased recognize the products of specific regions. In Hellenistic their from various Seleucids. For the most independence part, Phoenicia and Palestine, the three most common types of these rulers and did not seek to land "principalities" acquire wine and oil jars come from Rhodes, southern Phoenicia, and at another's Rather,each to consolidate and expense. sought Judea. The map on page 48 indicates which types have been maintain their traditional territories and related revenues. found at which sites. The confinement of Phoenician wine/oil Their was economic ratherthan goal strength, military acqui- jars to the coastal plain and the north is notable, as is the sition. The record reflects this in several archaeological ways. absence of Judean wine/oil jars from sites in the Hula valley First, while many of the period's most substantial con- and in some coastal areas. The wide distribution of Rhodian structions were walls and towers, there are few destruction amphoras is somewhat misleading, however; such vessels are levels or Individual towns were conflagrations. protected, essentially absent from Judea before the later third century but evidence of strikes is rare. Strato's Tower and military BCE,as well as after the middle of the second century BCE. offer two of this Philadelphia good examples phenome- They are rare throughout the north in the third century BCEas non. Zeno took in 134 BCEand Cotylas Philadelphia apparently well, and appear in quantity set about the He rebuilt the Iron bas- refortifying city. Age there only towards the later tion in the southeastern corner of the southern extension of second century BCE. the acropolis as a large, curved casemate wall (this was the lower city, known today as the citadel in the center of modern Amman). Pottery found within the rubble and earth fill dated to the second half of the second century BCE.The masonry was very much like that of the earlier section of the east wall of the Temple Mount in Jerusalem:bossed stones arranged in headers and stretchers. Identical masonry also characterized the earliest walls surrounding the town and harbor of Strato's Tower. Several sections of walls, along with one connected polygonal tower, two connected round towers, and a third round tower just offshore, comprise an architecturallyconsistent series of for- Phoenician tifications. Two stratigraphic probes dug against separate Semi-fine wall sections produced pottery dating down to the later sec- Baggy Jar ond century BCE,thus fixing their construction to that period Rhodian when Zoilus controlled both this town and Dor whose third- Amphora BCEwalls still stood intact Raban century (Blakely1992:31-34; (winejar) 1992:18-21). None of these strongly fortified places during this period showed any evidence of attack or destruction. The maintenance and/or expansion of traditional trade patternsprovides the second category of evidence that reveals the essentially economic, ratherthan military,interests of the various polities of the later second century BCE.At Nabatean sites in southern Transjordan and the northern Negev, for example, Mediterranean trade items began to appear at just this time. At Nessana, one of the largest encampments of the period, archaeologists collected thirty-three stamped han- Palestinian dles of Aegean wine amphoras, all dating from the middle Jar of the second to the early first centuries BCE.Fine table wares Baggy of this period also appeared, including mold-made bowls

24 BiblicalArchaeologist This 60:1 content (1997) downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015 15:20:44 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Phoenician product of this period, was a new pottery ware designed for fancy table use. The ware, known as Eastern Sigillata A (ESA for short; it is also known as ETS- I) had a thick, smooth, bright orange-red slip covering a clean, pale brown clay. Both the origins and date of ESAhave been hotly debated since the excavations of Antioch, Tarsus,and Samaria in the 1930s. Recently, a combination of petrographic and chem- ical analyses have demonstrated the ware's close affinities with Phoenician semi-fine, leading to the still-provisional but reasonable conclusion that it too was a product of the Phoenician coast (Elam, Glascock, EasternSigillata A tablewares found at TelAnafa. Thiscollection of and Slane 1989, contra Gunneweg, Perlman and Yellin 1983). vessels was found smashed in pieces in the eastern colonnade of the Its initial production date, also once a matter of contention, Late HellenisticStuccoed Buildingat TelAnafa. Includedare three can now be fixed around 140-130 BCE.The Phoenician very large platterswith wide rims,five medium sized dishes with manufacturers of red-slipped ESA had first experimented upturned rims,two small drinkingcups, and a locallymanufactured with a black-slipped predecessor, examples of which appear the middle of the second brazier(lower left). Productionof EasternSigillata A began shortly by century BCEat sites in Pales- after the middle of the second centuryBCE; the medium sized dishes tine and on Cyprus (Hayes 1985; Slane 1997). The with upturned rimare one of the first shapes to be made. This producers of EasternSigillata A (and its predecessor) particulargroup dates from the building'sfinal Hellenistic specialized in vessels for dining and drinking. The earliest occupation, between 100 and 75 BCE.Photo courtesyof Sharon shapes were platters and small cups. Some variety was soon Herbert. introducedfor cup shapes,but the plattersremained unchanged for over a century (until about 20 BCE).Despite the limited and the Phoenician red-slipped pottery known as Eastern range of styles, however, ESA soon became the single most Sigillata A (see further,below). Excavators have found iden- popular ceramic table ware at sites throughout the south- tical wares at Oboda and at Petra, confirming the economic eastern Mediterranean and especially along the Palestinian links between Nabatean and Mediterranean traders. A later coast. Its rapid spread was probablydue, in part, to its durable second-century BCEreference to Nabatean activity refers to and lovely semi-lustrous sheen and its striking new color their trade in "frankincense and the other aromatic wares" schema. An equally important factor, however, must have from upper Arabia (Diodorus Siculus 3.42.5, ascribed to been the unceasing shipping activity of Phoenician mer- Agatharchides of Knidos). chants, the entrenched strength of their commercial ties, and The mercantile character of the later second century the continued connections that they enjoyed throughout the BCEis most emphatically revealed by the connections region. maintained between various Palestinian coastal communi- The popularity of the new ESA tableware was such ties and the southern Phoenician cities of Tyre and Sidon. that it appeared at almost every later second century BCEsite Akko-Ptolemais and Ascalon, for example, continued to mint to which Phoenician merchants had access. In the case of Phoenician standard tetradrachms (Kindler 1978:53). Palestine and Transjordan,this included not only the sites Wine, oil, and pottery made in Tyrewere marketed through- on the coastal plain, but in the northern Negev (see above), out coastalPalestine (Berlin forthcoming). Phoenician merchants Idumaea, southern and northern Transjordan,the Jezreeland shipped wine and oil in heavy-bottomed, bulky jars made Beth-Shean valleys, the Golan Heights, and the Hula Valley. of a distinctive chalky fabric, "semi-fine,"examples of which The most interesting aspect of this distributionwas not, how- appear at sites along the coast, in the Akko plain, and in ever, its breadth,but its gaps. The notable omission was Judea the Hula Valley (see box to left). Other semi-fine pottery and Samaria.Throughout this small but increasingly densely shapes found at these and nearby sites included vessels for populated area, ESA did not appear at sites occupied in table service-such as small wine amphoras and jugs- the later second and early first centuries BCE.This omission and for personal toilette-such as unguent jars and bottles. was, in fact, one of the original factors in the mis-dating of The distribution pattern of Phoenician semi-fine pottery illu- ESA. Since it did not occur at Samaria until after its reset- minates this important, but largely unrecognized, aspect of tlement by Gabinius in 57 BCE,one of the excavators there, the later second century BCEeconomy: the close mercantile KathleenKenyon, posited its initialproduction date as roughly connections maintained between the southern Phoenician 60-50 BCE.Now with an expanding data base, a wholly dif- cities and settlements along the Palestinian coastal plain. ferent picture has emerged. Phoenician merchants supplied The most archaeologically famous and important markets and populations everywhere but the central hills.

This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015Biblical 15:20:44Archaeologist UTC 60:1 (1997) 25 All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions There, Jewish manufacturers enjoyed a virtual monopoly, producing not only their own wine and oil, but the vessels in which to ship, store, and serve them. North Colonnade The final category of evidence that reveals the basically non-militaristic character of later second century BCEPales- NE Building tine is the increased number and prosperity of both coastal and inland settlements. The release from Seleucid taxation that newly independent polities enjoyed was certainly one crucial factor in this growth. Jerusalemites had also experi- enced increased affluence after their taxes were lifted by LHSB Antochus III. Breakaway rulers such as Zoilus and Zeno asserted their Other cities Cotylas simply independence. West AnnexI received their new political status by direct purchase: the payment of a single large sum to the ever-depleted Seleucid treasury.The latest date of a city's Seleucid coinage provides the best evidence for such status. When the imperial mint closed down, independent coinage (generallyundated) began. The numismatic evidence indicates that Tyre became inde- South Annex pendent in 125 BCE,Sidon in 111BCE, Akko-Ptolemais in 107/6 and Ashkelon in 104 BCE. BCE, 0 m 10 Economic independence and its attendant additional resources also allowed for the establishment of new settlements. The most comprehensive archaeological evidence for Late HellenisticStuccoed Building(LHSB) at TelAnafa on the eastern a population increase at this time comes from the Upper half of the mound with its five-metersquare excavationgrid. Inthe Galilee and the adjacent Hula Valley, areas traditionally first series of excavations(1968-73), Saul Weinberg concentrated on a included in the hinterland of Tyre. A survey of the Galilee five-meter-longstep trench on the southern slope, where he found three times the number of later second century BCE uncoveredfragmentary remains of houses, ovens, and paved settlements as early and middle Hellenistic ones (Meyers, courtyards.He also began work up in the mound'snortheastern Meyers, and Strange 1978). Most of the increase occured in corner,uncovering parts of what later was recognized as the LHSB's the more rugged Upper Galilee. An intensive survey con- north colonnade, and south and west annexes. Between 1978 and ducted down in the marshy lowlands of the Hula Valley 1981 SharonHerbert largely excavated the rest of the LHSB,in which revealed the identical pattern (Idan Shaked, pers. com.). The processshe also clarifiedthe date and nature of the mound's size and characterof these settlements probably varied, from Hellenisticperiod occupation. Plan courtesyof SharonHerbert. wholly agricultural to villa-like, though the nature of survey does not illustrate such details. A good example of the latter decoration of the Anafa house suggested its name: it is called sort of settlements is the late Hellenistic courtyard-house the Late Hellenistic Stuccoed Building. recently found at Bethsaida (Arav 1995:26-27). The most elaborate, and unique, element of this stuccoed Late Hellenistic remains excavated at the Sanctuary of structure was a three-room bath complex along its entire Pan at Banias and at Tel Anafa have revealed the quality and eastern side (Herbert 1994:62-64).The northern two rooms identity of at least some of this new population. The occu- had mosaic floors, the central one of which was recovered pation on the small mound of Tel Anafa probably ended intact. A large plastered basin lay along the southern wall sometime in the latter part of the third century. Excavators of the central room. The southern room contained two stone- found only a few scattered indications for settlement from lined fire pits, one of which was built into the wall next to the early-mid second century BCE.Yet in the last quarter of the plastered basin, in order to heat its water. Interior drains the second century, new occupants constructed a large and connected all three rooms, and their floors sloped from north elaborate building, about thirty-eight m2, over the north- to south to further facilitate drainage. The bath complex was em half of the tell (Herbert 1994:14-18).This structure was a built in the initial stages of the courtyard building and con- single residence, probably originally two stories high, with tinued in use throughoutits occupation.Excavators ascertained a central open-air courtyard and suites of rooms on three a precise and secure date for the construction of the bath sides. The walls were a combination of cut limestone blocks complex and of the courtyard house itself through the dis- and rough basalt fieldstones, and most interestingly, they covery of coin of Alexander Zebina (128-123BCE) underneath were covered with painted and gilded stucco. This stucco the original floor of the southern room. decor included imitations of drafted blocks, egg-and-dart The inhabitants of this extravagently appointed and moldings, and Ionic and Corinthian column capitals. Both decorated house acquired and/or brought with them a mul- the plan and decoration resembled late Hellenistic private titude of luxury goods. In range and sheer quantity, the houses excavated on the Aegean island of Delos. The assemblage of their household products surpasses that of

26 BiblicalArchaeologist This content60:1 (1997) downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015 15:20:44 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions settlers?The evidence south- '77 7? archaeological strongly supports OV, ern Phoenicia as their origin. First of all, the bath complex-luxurious and private-was highly unusual. Mareshah had simple plastered basins and individual tubs 4t 4,0 IC and Beth-Zurpossessed public bathing houses. Only fourth- third century BCEPunic houses in North Africa and Sicily Olk and the second century BCEGreco-Bactrian site of Ai Khanoum (in modern Afghanistan) provide parallels for the facility found at Tel Anafa. The Punic evidence supports the possi- bility that such elaborate establishments reflect Phoenician customs. The construction techniques of the courtyardbuild- ing-combining ashlarand rubblemasonry in much the same manner as the houses at Dor-were certainly Phoenician. Moreover, the new settlers' material possessions, including the glass bowls, ESA tablewares, and semi-fine pottery, man- ifested their connection to Phoenician-supplied markets. Finally, it is notable that the site was resettled just after 125 BCE, the year in which Tyre became independent (issues of independent Tyreand Sidon comprise seventy percent of the period's coins). As that city's hinterland already included the site of Kedesh, on the ridge immediately west of the Hula, S)4E NAANloZYXit is easy to imagine the adjacent valley's fertile lowlands attracting Phoenician settlers as well. ?2AoZEyxHtNThe affluent nature of Tel Anafa's late Hellenistic settlement was echoed in the contemporaneous remains of the ZL- P-7 iIi~li E I, i1. :j nearby Sanctuary of Pan at Banias. Whereas the early Hel- i) lenistic remains here were both limited and poor, the later second century dedications were abundant, varied in type, and quite sophisticated. They also included both ESA and semi-fine table wares, additional confirmation of Phoenician The Zoilusinscription from Dan. Thisbilingual inscription, in Greek coastal connections. In addition, the sanctuary produced and Aramaic,was found lying face down some 17 m south of the about 170 cooking vessels, reflecting the expansion of cult High Placeat Dan. The flat limestone slab is damaged aroundthe practices to include ritual dining. All of the ceramic types edges, but the inscriptionis largelyintact. The Greekcarving is fairly found at the Sanctuary had parallels from Tel Anafa as neat, though the spacing of the letters is irregular.The Aramaic well as from other newly established late Hellenistic sites in carving,on the other hand, while probablycontemporary, is clearly the Hula. The Sanctuary of Pan, the only Greek cult site so less practiced-a probable consequence of the rarityof official far attested in this region, clearly benefitted from the inscriptionsin that language, and so of the carver'slack of practice. newly enlarged and wealthier population. Drawingand Photographcourtesy of A. Biran. The Sanctuary of Pan was not the only religious site in this area. At the adjacent site of Tel Dan, a small, architec- any other single establishment excavated in the region (the turally discrete "cult precinct" occuppied the northwestern closest parallel would be a late Hellenistic house excavated edge of the immense, mesa-like summit. Dan's "cultprecinct" at Pella). The inhabitants'drinking vessels were most impres- had been established in the tenth century BCE,and contin- sive as evidenced by thousands of fragments of cast glass ued to be used and modified until the end of the Iron Age. bowls, most with interior grooves and some with exterior While its history during the Persian period is unclear,numis- ribbing (Weinberg 1970; Grose 1979:54;Grose 1989:193-94). matic and ceramic finds indicate that by early Hellenistic Almost all of the ceramic vessels for table setting and service times activity had resumed. Builders enlarged the central were made of ESA and Phoenician semi-fine; quantities of stone structure and installed a plaster basin. Found in each numbered in the hundreds. Diners favored imported 1977,by far the most important discovery in the precinct was wine: fifty-fourRhodian stamped handles dated to this phase, that of an inscribed stone with a beautifully carved dedica- along with about twenty-five Koan handles, several south tion in Greek and a less well wrought addendum beneath, Italian wine jars, and thirty-seven Phoenician semi-fine in Aramaic. The texts read respectively "To the god who is wine/oil jars. Finally, there was a fine assortment of in Dan, Zoilos (offers) a vow," followed by "[This] (is the) bronze vessels, including juglets and ladles, and cut gems of vow (of) Zoilos to the [god in Dan]" (Biran 1981; Millar garnet, amethyst, and glass. 1987:132-33).The inscription is datable only generally to the Who were these wealthy, self-indulgent late Hellenistic Hellenistic period. As Millar explains, we cannot know from

This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015Biblical 15:20:44Archaeologist UTC 60:1 (1997) 27 All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions this text whether it represents a Greek or Graeco- Phoenician worshipper's dedication to a "local" deity or a well-educated Syrian adopting the Greek dedicatory custom. But in either case, the inscription does document a "meeting of two identifiable cultures," further evidence of the merging of this period's social currents. At the beginning of the second half of the second century BCE,Jonathan's political strengthwas still new. In Jerusalem itself, Seleucid and Hell- enizing Jewish settlement of the Akra continued. Jonathantherefore decided to first focus his attention and resources there, to which end, in 144 BCE he

convened the elders of the people and planned with them...to build the walls of Jerusalem still higher, and to erect a high barrierbetwen the citadel and the city to separate it from the city, in order to isolate it so that its garrison could neither Late HellenisticStuccoed Building, central room of bath complex at buy nor sell (1 Macc 12:35-36). TelAnafa. Thisphotograph shows the plaster-linedbasin (left) and mosaicfloor of the central room of the LHSB'sbath complex (looking While this project was still underway, however, Tryphon west). The mosaicis made up of 1-1.5 cm square blackdiorite and lured Jonathan to Akko-Ptolemais and there took him pris- white marbletesserae, arranged in three uneven panels. The oner. Simon was at once acclaimed leader; his first act was uppermost,which is crackedfrom a later earthquake, has a diagonal to "complete the walls of Jerusalem, and he fortified it on checkerboarddesign, while the two lower panels simplydisplay an every side" (1 Macc 13:10). He also maintained the siege irregulararrangement of tesserae. Thismosaic, found duringthe around the Akra. This led at long last to its residents' capit- 1981 season, is the earliest intact mosaicdiscovered so far in Israel. ulation in 141 BCE: Photo courtesyof SharonHerbert.

The men in the citadel at Jerusalemwere prevented from Judea and Samariaby regional surveys (Dar 1986;NEAEHL, going out to the country and back to buy and sell. So they s.v. "Judea").Aspects of site architecture and location indi- were very hungry, and many of them perished from cated that many of these new sites comprisedjoint agricultural famine. Then they cried to Simon to make peace with villages and strategicoutposts that were probably maintained them, and he did so. But he expelled them from there and by peasantssettled around them. The Samariansites of CAzoun cleansed the citadel from its pollutions.....The Jews entered and Qarawat bene Hassan exemplified such small hilltop it with praise and palm branches, and with harps and forts (Dar 1986:218,230-49). Literary references indicated that cymbals and stringed instruments.... And Simon decreed other new settlements were established around the towns of that every year they should celebrate this day with rejoic- Jamnia and Pegae on the coastal plain (Applebaum 1989:41, ing. He strengthened the fortifications of the temple 45). It is certainly no coincidence that the city territories in hill alongside the citadel, and he and his men dwelt there which these villages lay were directly adjacent to that of (1 Macc 14:49-52). Ekron, which had been deeded to Jonathan by Alexander Balas (see sidebar). The account of Simon's capture of the Akra emphasizes The other side of the "colonization" effort as pursued by not only territorial acquisiton, but religious victory. As Jonathan and Simon included the harrassment and running both literary and archaeological evidence reveals, religious off of the region's Gentile population. Archaeological evi- motives characterized Hasmonean settlement policy in gen- dence for this consists of the destruction and abandonment eral. Jonathan and Simon actively aimed to enlarge Judea of non-Jewish settlements, first within the borders of Judea not only by establishing and supporting new Jewish settle- and Samaria. A massive conflagration deposit covered the ments, but also by capturing gentile sites, expelling their final occupation of the military farm at Tirat Yehuda, for residents,and resettlingthem with Jews (a process that Kasher, example, indicating wholesale destruction by fire in the among others, terms "Judaization"[1990:105]). The collected middle of the second century BCE.Residents abandoned evidence has been taken to represent a Hasmonean policy of the contemporaneous agricultural village settled on Tel "internal colonization" (Applebaum 1989:44). Dothan, in central Samaria; they had probably come origi- This "colonization"was most clearly evident in the abun- nally from the Macedonian colony at Samaria. dant remains of new late Hellenistic sites found throughout It is an archaeological irony that at this time, while

28 BiblicalArchaeologist This content60:1 (1997) downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015 15:20:44 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions located amidst fertile lowlands along the "Jerusalemcorri- dor" from Joppa (1 Macc 14:43-48). The literary account is explicit about Simon's intentions; after a large and organized siege, he took the city, expelled its previous inhabitants, "cleansed the houses in which the idols were, ... cast out of it all uncleanness and settled in it men who observed the law." The importanceof Gezer was such that Simon promptly refortifiedit, built a house there for himself, and subsequently appointed his son John Hyrcanus as its governor (Kasher 1990:108-9). Excavationsat Gezer have recovered a fair amount of evidence relating to Simon's siege and resettlement. A broad destruction level demarcated the late Hellenistic phase; it resulted from Simon's attack. The reworking of the city gate and walls evidenced his refortifications,while a series of fine courtyard houses represented the new settlement. Most of the houses incorporated small miqva>ot,demonstrating the new inhabitants' religious scruples, as well as confirming the account in 1 Maccabees of the town's Jewish resettlement (Reich 1981). Although Simon's house cannot be specifically identified, one artifactattests both to its existence and at least one resident's attitude towards it. Found near the city gate, an inscription etched on a stone read: "Pamparas [wishes] that fire should fall on Simon's palace" (CIJ2, 1184).The pottery associated with this period's occupation consisted almost exclusively of plain, locally produced wares; a very few ESA TelAnafa, Late HellenisticStuccoed Building,central room of bath cups appeared, but no other imported pottery (Gitin 1990). complex.This perspective reconstruction drawing shows the room's The clearest archaeologicaldemonstration of Simon's set- plastered basin, blackand white mosaicfloor, and stucco wall tlementpolicy comes in the form of the famous Gezerboundary decoration.The wall design is based on RobertGordon's stones. Eleven exist in all. Nine have the words "Boundary reconstructionof a large deposit of stucco architecturalfragments of Gezer" scratched on them in Hebrew, and of these, eight and wall panels found in a room in the building'ssoutheastern also have the possessive "of Alkios" inscribed in Greek. The corner.Drawing courtesy of SharonHerbert. remaining two carrythe Greeknames of Archelausand Alexa. The stones had been situated originally so that the Hebrew most sites outside Judea and Samaria were well-fortified, it inscription was to be read when facing the mound itself, and is only the central hills that show a consistent pattern of the Greek when facing away. This arrangement reveals their destruction. The beginnings of this date towards the end of purpose, which was to demarcate the new colony's agri- Jonathan'srule, when Simon successfully beseiged Beth-Zur, cultural lands from those belonging to Alkios, Archelaus, replacing its Seleucid garrison with one of his own. The and Alexa (Reich 1985,1990).The Gezer stones circumscribe account in Josephus, which mentions "engines of war" four km2, with the site itself in the northwest corner,"an and earth embankments, would suggest that a sizeable pop- enclave within land owned by Gentiles" (Reich 1985:71). ulation remained and that the site's fortifications remained This archaeological evidence of new, destroyed, aban- strong (Ant. 13.156). Evidence from excavation, however, doned, and reoccupiedsettlements provides material counterpart indicates that the citadel was only lightly populated at this for the historical documentation of Jonathan's and Simon's time. Simon's new settlement consisted of a later second cen- accomplishments. The author of 1 Maccabees enumerated tury BCEoccupation outside the walls. Investigators found their deeds. But, unremarked in the literary sources, was one primarily a great deal of pottery in cisterns that were prob- last aspect of Hasmonean policy. The archaeological remains ably associatedwith houses.The ceramicswere made exclusively manifest the segregation of the Jewish economy. The mate- of local utilitarian wares and included jars and jugs, bowls rial remains found at Jewish sites both in and just outside and saucers, and cooking vessels; neither decorated nor Judeaconsisted almost exclusively of Judean-producedhouse- imported vessels occured (Lapp and Lapp 1968:75-77). hold pottery. This region's ceramic assemblages contained After Simon became leader of Judea, he continued the no Phoenician ESA, nor any Phoenician semi-fine vessels, policies of territorialacquisition and "Judaization."His first Aegean wine amphoras, Hellenistic decorated wares such move was against Joppa, where he had recently installed a as West Slope-style plates and cups, Alexandrian white- garrison. He expelled the city's pagan population and painted lagynoi, nor southern Italian table wares and wine resettled it with Jews. He next turned his attention to Gezer, amphoras. The wholesale uniformity of the household

This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015Biblical 15:20:44 UTC 60:1(1997) 29 All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Archaeologist inventories of Jewish settlements bespeaks a deliberate policy of economic independence. This was in marked contrast to settlements along the coast, in the north, Tran- sjordan, the Negev, and Idumaea, all of which continued to participate in the broader Mediterranean economy. Shortly after Jonathon and Simon instituted their joint policies of economic isolation and territorial expansion, the Seleucid monarch Antiochus VII Sidetes renewed his empire's interest in Palestine (see the sidebar:Seleucid Resur- gence: Antiochus VII Sidetes). Hasmonean settlements were A shekel of independent Tyre.This small bronze coin, minted in Tyre at first unaffected, as Antiochus directed his initial attentions in 75/4 BCE,is one of 120 coins of independent Tyreor Sidon found at against Tryphon. Josephus (Ant. 13:222-24) mentions that Tel Anafa. On the obverse (left) is a head of Tyche,the pagan deity of Tryphon eventually removed himself to Dor, and Appian fortune adopted by many Levantinecities; on the reverse(right) is a (Syr. 68) remarks that Antiochus only succeeded in killing Galleyfacing left, symbol of Tyrianmaritime prowess. Photo courtesy him after great effort. There is no positive evidence at Dor of of SharonHerbert. their military stand off. The well-built fortification wall remained both undamaged and in use, as did the large res- domestic rather than military, as were the finds. In almost idential districtjust inside (E. Stem 1995b:43).Two interesting every room there were milling or grinding stones. Three groups of finds do, however, evidence Tryphon's sojourn. rooms were full of amphoras and other large vessels, and so The first are four lead sling bullets, of which two carry a had been used for the storage of foodstuffs. The artifacts winged thunderbolt, one is plain, and the fourth is inscribed do indicate that the residents of Shiqmona received most, on both sides in Greek (Gera 1995). The obverse inscription if not all, of their goods and supplies via Phoenician mer- reads "For the victory of Tryphon," and the reverse "Dor. chants. Predominantwere Phoeniciansemi-fine table,serving, Year 5. Of the city of the Dorians. Have a taste of sumac." and storage vessels, along with several of the bulky wine/oil Gera interprets this last injunction as a taunt, since sumac jars. In addition, many ceramic mold-made drinking vessels was commonly used either medicinally or as a flavoring. The appear, as do Rhodian and Koan wine amphoras. Interest- dating of "year 5" is especially important, since this attests ingly, only a couple ESA cups were found; manufacture of to both the fact and the length of Tryphon' s hold on the city. this particularware may have just recentlybegun. The assem- The second group of finds are 19 stamped storage jarhan- blage was very similar to the late Hellenistic assemblages dles (Ariel, Sharon, Gunneweg, and Perlman 1985). The jars found at Dor and Tel Anafa, and strongly argues against the are very similar in shape and size to Palestinian baggy jars, site's occupation by Jews. Since its destruction occurred in but the stamps themselves follow the tradition of imported the midst of Sidetes' campaigns, and since it was completely Aegean wine amphoras, whose Greek impressions officially abandoned after that, it seems reasonable to associate its end guarantee capacity (see To Each Its Own: Marketing Wine with some military activity. and Oil). All of the Dor stamps begin with the symbol LB, Antiochus eventually advanced into Hasmonean terri- a Ptolemaic dating formula to be read as "year 2." While this tory,reaching, in 132 BCE,Jerusalem itself. A cache of weaponry could refer to the era of several different rulers, the combi- found lying upon bedrock in the citadel has been attributed nation of the jars' stratigraphic position, their typological to his siege (Johns 1950, 130, fig. 7; Sivan and Solar 1994:173- date, and the use of a Ptolemaic-style dating strongly sug- 74). Included were scores of ballista stones, arrowheads, and gests that the stamps refer to the second year of Trypon'srule iron spearbutts. Among these finds were also two lead sling at Dor. bullets, of the same type as the Dor finds, each impressed While no evidence of military confrontation appearead with a winged device. The location of these finds reflected at Dor, a substantial skirmish apparently took place just up the existence by this time of a continuous stretch of wall and the coast, at the small settlement of Shiqmona. The site, which probably some towers in the citadel area, an achievment that was occupied only periodically, had a single level of Hel- the author of 1 Macc ascribed to Simon (see above). lenistic remains, a stone paved alley separating several These military artifactsnotwithstanding, Josephus (Ant. multi-roomed stone buildings (Elgavish 1975).All the rooms 13:245-48)explains that Antiochus and the Hasmonean ruler had been destroyed by fire, certainly at a single point in time. John Hyrcanus negotiated a settlement. For the next several This destruction had been sudden and swift; in every years, Hyrcanus was a quiet and compliant ally to the Seleu- room excavators came upon intact pottery and stone objects cid king. In 129 BCE,however, Antiochus VII died, and the on the floors. The latest datable item was a stamped jar han- Hasmonean ruler immediately reopened hostilities against dle of the year 132 BCE. the region's Gentile population. Josephus describes his con- The Hellenistic settlement at Shiqmona was originally quests in general, though in no apparent chronologrcalorder. identified as a fortress, but little evidence of such was recov- Archaeological remains clarify this to a certain extent. ered. Certainly its location does not recommend it for either In one summary of Hyrcanus' achievements, Josephus defensive or strategic purposes. The architecture was first mentioned Hasmonean strikes against various

30 BiblicalArchaeologist This content60:1 (1997) downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015 15:20:44 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions SeleucidResurgence: Antiochus VII Sidetes (139-129BCE)

In 139 BCEa new Seleucidking declaredhimself: Antiochus VII Simon'sgovernorship of the coast (apparentlystill in place)in favor Sidetes.Sidetes took Syriawithin a year,forcing Trypho into the still of one of his own officers,Cendebaeus. Battle was joined near well-fortifiedstronghold of Dor,on the coast. The new king Jamnia,on the coast;the Hasmoneansdefeated the Seleucidarmy (1 commenceda siege, but remainedstrong enough during its conduct Macc16:4-10). Despite the setback,Sidetes advanced his claims on that he not only rejectedthe assistanceoffered him by Simon,but Seleucidterritory. In the midst of his incursions,Simon was actuallydemanded concessions: treacherouslykilled (134BCE; see below), and the assembledelders "Youhold controlof Joppaand Gezer and the citadelin in Jerusalemacclaimed his son JohnHyrcanus as leaderand High Jerusalem;they are cities of my kingdom...Now then, hand over Priest.Hyrcanus took controlonly to be forcedto retreatfrom the cities which you have seized and the tributemoney of the almost every territorialadvance that the Hasmoneanshad so far places which you have conqueredoutside the bordersof Judea" achieved.By 132 BCESidetes was encampedbefore Jerusalem itself, (1 Macc 15:28,30). with Hyrcanusessentially imprisoned inside (Ant. 13.237). Simon's reply was brusqueand pointed (and not precisely Negotiationsensued, Hyrcanuspaid an indemnity,an accordwas truthful): reached,and Sidetes retreated.A few years later,when Sidetes "Wehave neithertaken foreignland nor seized foreignproperty, embarkedon an acquisitivecampaign against the Parthians, but only the inheritanceof our fathers,which at one time had Hyrcanuseven accompaniedhim with a small mercenaryforce. been unjustlytaken by our enemies. Now that we have the AntiochusVII Sidetes died in 129 BCE,while pursuinghis opportunity,we are firmlyholding the inheritanceof our campaignto recoverthe originaleastern sections of the Seleucid fathers.As for Joppaand Gezer,which you demand, they were empire fromthe Parthians.His death freed up JohnHyrcanus's causing great damage among the people and to our land;for resources,and allowed him to proceedwith his uncle's and father's them we will give a hundredtalents" (1 Macc 15:33-35). policies of territorialacquisition, Jewish "colonizing" settlements, Sidetes'sfirst move upon receivingthis responsewas to revoke and concomittantattacks on non-Jewishsites. settlements in Transjordan (Madeba, Samega, and "neigh- Here the evidence indicates immediate reoccupation. Other boring places"), followed by attacks against Shechem and sites in the coastal plain attacked at this time, but not reset- Mt. Gerizim, and finally by the capture of the entire region tled, include the town of Yavne-Yam (Moshe Fischer pers. of Idumaea (Ant. 13.254-58). No archaeological data from com.) and a wealthy farmstead and winepress at Mazor Transjordan can be associated with Hyrcanus's attacks. (David Amit pers. com.). The archaeological data from Idumaea, on the other hand, Sites in Samaria show that their violent and complete indicated that its subjugationpreceded the attacksin Samaria. destruction and subsequent abandonment occurred after At Mareshah, the final levels of houses throughout the lower Hyrcanus's southern campaigns. At Shechem, the latest coins city showed heavy damage, after which the site was essen- were minted in the year 107 BCE,dating the settlement's end tially abandoned. The last-dated inscription within the large to that year or shortly thereafter.Numismatic grounds also Sidonian family tomb was carved in 119 BCE;an inscription date the destruction of Mt. Gerizim to after 111BCE. Josephus from another tomb cave dated to 112 BCE.In one of the mentions that Hyrcanus destroyed the city of Samaria itself. well-appointed houses excavated south of the acropolis, a He describesSamaria as "very strong"and discusses at length small hoard hidden in a juglet and buried beneath a house the siege and attendent military constructions necessary for floor contained twenty-five silver coins dating from 122 to its capture (Ant. 13.275-79). Samaria's defenses at this time 112BCE. Thus the attackon and destruction of Mareshahmust included the formidable wall constructed in the middle of have occurred just after 112 BCE. the century. This fortification system proved inadequate; a Josephus specifies that Hyrcanus allowed the Idumaeans comprehensive conflagration covering the town's Hel- "to stay in that country, if they would submit to circumci- lenistic occupation dated to the year 108 BCE. sion, and make use of the laws of the Jews" (Ant. 13.257). Hyrcanus's (probably) final territorial acquisition was While the evidence from Mareshah indicates that its the capture of Scythopolis. Again, Josephus described the residents, at least, did not avail themselves of this opportu- achievment-twice, but with contradictory chronologies. In nity, occupation did in fact continue at most Idumean sites, his Jewish War (I, 66) he placed it after the fall of Samaria; such as Tel 'Ira and Tel Halif. In addition, new settlements in Antiquities (13.280) he put it before (Kasher 1990:128). were established in this region at this time, such as Horvat Whenever it occured, the assault did not entail wholesale Rimmon, just south of Tel Halif. In connection with his cam- destruction,but ratherthe burning and razing of pagan altars paign in Idumaea, Hyrcanus also destroyed and sometimes and the confiscation of their idols. This period's archaeo- resettled towns in the southern coastal plain. The late Hel- logical evidence is solely comprised of the continous series lenisticstratum at Ashdod, which included the small Phoenician of datable stamped amphora handles found at Tel Istabah shrine, was destroyed just after 114 BCE(Dothan 1971:64). (see above). The series includes handles that date to the years

This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015Biblical 15:20:44Archaeologist UTC 60:1 (1997) 31 All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions between 108-88 BCE(Period VI), confirming the site's continued occupation after Hyrcanus's attack. One last but notable feature characterized the archaeological record of later-second-centuryBCE Judea. For the first time in this region, conspicuous displays of individual wealth appeared. This change was inaugurated by the Hasmonean rulers themselves, who are the first to spend lavish sums on elaborate architecture.Two types of remains were endowed: tombs and private residences. Such spending soon became the fashion among the Jewish aristocracy as well. By the later Hellenistic period, the architecturefrom Jerusalem and Judea revealed an attitude towards personal wealth and its public display in keeping with the larger culture of the Hellenistic Mediterranean. 1 Maccabees' remarkable description of the tomb that Simon built for Jonathan at Modein is evidence of the adoption of Hellenizing habits:

Simon built a monument over the tomb of his father and his brothers; he made it high that it might be seen, with polished stone at the front and back. He also erected seven pyra- mids, opposite one another, for his father and mother and four brothers. And for the pyramidshe devised Thisassemblage of late Hellenistichousehold goods was found largelyintact in one room at an elaborate setting, erecting about Shiqmona.In the upper row, from left to right, is a Rhodianwine amphoraand two them great columns, and upon the Phoeniciansemi-fine wine/oil jars;in front of them are two small bowls, a semi-finesaucer-lid, columns he put suits of armor for a and two unguentaria.In the middle is a large basalt millingstone; in the lower left are three permanent memorial, and beside semi-fine amphoriskoi.In the lower right are three round and one pyramidalloom weight, an the suits of armor carved ships, so iron nail, a semi-fine lamp (lying upside down), a spindlewhorl, and a small round stone that they could be seen by all who grinder.From Elgavish 1974: pl. XIX. sail the sea (1 Macc 13:27-29).

The description makes it clear that Simon's elaboratecon- family tombs. While the heyday for such constructionsarrived structions were the first at his family's tomb. While large, a bit later,in the Herodian period, some late Hellenistic exam- fabricated family tombs were customary throughout much ples revealed the beginnings of the phenomenon. The of the region (as, for example, the Sidonian colony's tomb at most well-known of these was Jason's Tomb, a family sepul- Mareshah), such ostentatious exteriorfunerary architecture chre discovered in a Jerusalemneighborhood (Rahmani1967). was new. The Hasmonaean family sepulchre was, however, Considerable similarities existed between this tomb and the wholly in keeping with other personally aggrandizing description of the Modein tomb. Masons constructed the Hellenistic royal memorials. The tomb's most obvious par- entire exterior of Jason's Tomb of beautifully cut limestone allel was to that of the mid-fourth- century BCECarian dynast ashlar blocks, erected into an initial arched gateway and laid Mausolus at Halicamassus, which also incorporated pyra- as paving for an outer court. A single Doric limestone col- mids, columns, and armor and was built on a high podium umn placed between Doric pilastersembellished the entrance to allow easy visibility. porch. A pyramid of well-cut stones further adorned this By the end of the second century, the Jewish aristocracy porch above. Inside, artists decorated the porch walls with itself in Jerusalem began to build outwardly elaborated charcoal drawings depicting ships, as well as two menorahs,

32 BiblicalArchaeologist This 60:1content (1997) downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015 15:20:44 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions unguent bottles. The earliest coins date to the beginning of the first century BCE. Jason's Tomb was one of the earliest constructions of the Jewishnecropolis of Hellenisticand HerodianJerusalem. Other late second century BCEfamily tombs have been excavated on GivcatHamivtar (Tzaferis 1970) and French Hill, north of the Old City (Strange 1975; Kloner 1980). The city's necropolis eventually included some eight hundred tombs, all carved directly into the soft narior harder limestone hillsides surrounding the city. The tombs were generally multi-chambered,with at least one of the rooms having rock-cut benches, known as loculi or kokhim,for primary inhumations. About half of these tombs had open forecourts (including Jason's Tomb), usually lined with benches, and sometimes containing a small mikve&. Burialgoods were remarkablyuniform; the typical assemblage comprised locally made cooking pots, large jars, small bowls and saucers, juglets, unguent bottles, and lamps. The public space provided by the forecourt and the numerous cooking vessels stemmed from some group ceremony, probably including a ritual meal. The presence of ceremonial grave goods expressed belief in an after- life (Rahmani 1981, 1982). Both the architecture and the finds of these late Hellenistic/Herodian tombs echoed those of Jerusalem's FirstTemple period tombs. As is fre- quetly asserted, this suggests the essential continuity of Jewish burial practices and beliefs. Overlooked by this conclusion, however, is the virtual absence of such tombs from the Persian through middle Hellenistic periods. It is only with the military and political success of the Has- monaeans, and their embrace of some of the showier aspects of Hellenistic culture,that such tombs reappeared. A second Hellenistic concept that the Hasmonean rulers adopted to their material advantage was that of "King's Land." Simon had taken over the three southern Samaritan districts that had previously belonged to the Seleucid crown; he probably used their revenues to sup- Jason'sTomb at Jerusalem.This view, north, takes in the looking ply some of the new Jewish settlements with food (1 Macc arched entrance facade, and roof of perfectlyaligned way, pyramidal 14:10;Applebaum 1989:41). He also retained the oasis and Jason'sTomb. The finely carvedashlars are local stone; most of the balsam groves of Jericho, whose local rule he entrusted to superstructurewas reconstructedfrom the debris recovered during his son-in-law, Ptolemy son of Abubos (1 Macc 16:11-12).This the excavations.The earliest finds date from the late second/early proved unwise in the extreme, since this Ptolemy established first centuryBCE; the tomb was used as a familysepulchre throughout a small stronghold there, called Dok, to which he lured Simon the first BCE.From Rahmani century 1967. in the summer of 134 BCE,and there murdered him. Dok (or Dagon, according to Josephus) has been identified with thus establishing the family's religious affiliation. Carved on the height of Jebel Qarantal, overlooking the western side of the interior walls, several Greek and Aramaic inscriptions the mouth of the Wadi Qelt (the name is retained in a spring, included one three-line Aramaic inscription that lamented Ein Duq, which runs at its foot). On the summit, excava- Jason, after whom excavators named the tomb. Two cham- tors found a series of walls and architectural fragments, bers lay behind the entrance porch, one containing burial including Ionic capitals. Their precise date is impossible to loculi (similar to the Mareshah tombs) and the other determine;they may well derive from the next century,when containing stone ossuaries. The chambers offered excavators the height was again used for strategic purposes. coins, lamps, and a great deal of pottery, providing evidence After Simon's death, Hyrcanusbeseiged Dok in an attempt for the tomb's initial use and its duration. The pottery con- to capture Ptolemy. He was unsuccessful; Ptolemy escaped sisted exclusivelyof locallyproduced late Hellenistichousehold to Philadelphia,where Zeno Cotylas took him in (Ant. 13.230- wares, primarily cooking pots, small bowls and saucers, and 35). Shortly thereafter, Sidetes military campaign against

This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015Biblical 15:20:44 UTC 60:1(1997) 33 All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Archaeologist Judea ended with the Seleucid's successful siege of Jerusalem. Hyrcanus's military strength was clearly insufficient for his situation. He responded to this problem in the manner of a Hellenistic prince: he raided the tomb of King David for funds to buy a mercenary force (Ant. 13.249). With this, he was able to pursue the series of military campaigns summarized above. He also apparently used some of his income to build a fortified mountain-top hideaway in the desert, inspired perhaps by Ptolemy's well-defended stronghold at Doq. This hideaway, named Hyrcania, was identified in 1880 with the Byzantinemonastery Castellion in the Judean Desert about ten km west of cEin Feshka.7 Hyrcania was used by later Hasmoneans as well as by Herod the Great. Though it has not been systematicallyexcavated and few of the remains can be precisely dated, Hasmonean structures are identified by their typically Hellenistic masonry of limestone ashlars An amphorafrom the destructiondeposit. at Yavneh-Yam.In recent with drafted edges and a roughly projecting central boss, excavationsat the coastal site of Yavneh-Yam,Moshe Fischerfound laid in alternating courses of headers and stretchers.Several this Phoeniciansemi fine table amphora in the midst of a destroyed aqueducts display such masonry; one supplied two side-by- occupation level (comparethe example on page 23). The vessel side rock-cut pools (or reservoirs) at the western foot of the illustratesthe town's Phoeniciantrading connections, as well as fortress. providinga late second centuryBCE date for the conflagrationwhich In addition to military conquests and fortifications, Hyr- ended its Hellenisticperiod occupation.Photo courtesyM. Fischer canus also expended sizeable sums on a palatial private residence. This he built in the oasis of Jericho,just below the had sparked the Maccabean revolt persisted. The remains of stronghold of Dok where his father had been murdered. The the Jericho palace illustrate the lifestyle of Jews on one side area selected by Hyrcanus for his constructions was on the of this debate. On the other side were Jews who believed that north side of the outlet of the Wadi Qelt, near a double mound such wealthy display was not only selfish, but immoral. with the modem name of Tulul Abu el-)Alayiq.8The area's Sometime during the second half of the second century earliest constructions were erected in the later second cen- BCE,a small group of such Jews moved out of Jerusalem,away tury BCEand comprised a large, lavish residence, probably from the city's materialexcess, and into the desert. They came used as a winter palace (Netzer 1993). This consisted of a to a place near the northern edge of the Dead Sea, just above huge building (50 by 55 m) with frescoed interiors, a the Wadi Qumran. heated bathing room including a plastered tub, and a miqve'. The settlers who came to Qumran at this time were not To the south of this complex were two large side-by-side the first to occupy the site. In the late IronAge Qumran hosted swimming pools (just as at Hyrcania). Water for the pools a small fortified encampment: a rectangular building and a came from the Wadi Qelt via a clay pipe off of an aqueduct large, round cistern. This settlement was damaged during that irrigated an enormous flat expanse north of the the Babylonian conquest of Judah in the early sixth cen- palace. Here a series of long straight walls probably sepa- tury BCE.When people returned to Qumran in late Hellenistic rated plots given over to date palm, persimmon, and balsam times, they reused both of the original structures and dug trees; Strabo, Pliny, and Josephus mentioned their cultiva- out two more cisterns as well. This occupation was very tion here. small--numbering about fifty people. A small amount of The Hasmonean palatial constructions at Jerichovividly locally made utilitarian pottery is all that remains of its exis- illustrate a prescient point made by Elias Bickerman (who tence. Shortly after this initial resettlement, however, more wrote a generation before these remains were identified). He people joined the community. The residents enlarged the noted that "the Maccabees eradicated one kind of Hellenism original building and modified it to include a guard tower, only to facilitate the growth of another kind" (1962:178). several large communal rooms designed for various uses, While the extravagant display of personal wealth that this including dining, and a small pantry. They built a pottery complex reflected was merely of a piece with other con- workshop to one side and a nearby complex of storerooms temporary late Hellenistic remains (such as the courtyard arranged around a courtyard. They added several new cis- house at Tel Anafa), it was shockingly ostentatious in terns as well as two pools identified as miqvaot. None of these terms of the Judean material tradition (constructions such as buildings betray even a trace of decoration. Their residents the Qasr al-Abd aside). The contemporary historical record used no imported or luxury goods. Occupation of this sec- revealedthat the Jewishcommunity at this periodhad remained ond architecturalphase continued until the site was destroyed riven by conflicting world views and politics. Though Judea by an earthquake in 31 BCE.The numismatic evidence sug- was now independent, with its own appointed Jewish leader, gests thatit began sometime during the reign of JohnHyrcanus. the religious controversy that had marked the century and The first phase probably preceded it only by a little.

34 BiblicalArchaeologist This content60:1 (1997) downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015 15:20:44 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Hasmoneanpalaces at Jericho.This plan illustratesthe variousHasmonean palaces constructedupon the northernbank of the Wadi O~C 8 u Qelt, in the oasis of Jericho:(1) tower, in place K before palaces;(2) and (3) courtyardresidence (beneath mound) and two pools built by John Hyrcanus;(4A-C) and (5) pool/gardencomplex, and fortified villa built Alexander i(I t 7 mound, by fI' Jannaeus;(6), (7), (8), and (9) twin palace -4 complex,swimming pools and bathhouse built by Salome Alexandra,Hyrcanus II, and AristobolusII.

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BiblicalArchaeologist 60:1 (1997) 35 This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015 15:20:44 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The site of Qumranwas situated on a small terracebeneath the Judean hills, only one km south of the cave in which the first manuscripts of the Dead Sea Scrolls were found in 1947. The identification of the site's settlers has remained linked to the identification of the scrolls' authors.9 The scrolls contain evidence concerning the founding of 0 m 25 the settlement. The sect's first leader, who was called "The Teacherof Righteousness," was also given the title of "High Priest," an honorific inconceivable unless the person actually held that office at some time. In an elegant piece of detective work, J. M. O'Connor showed that this High Priest must have been the one whom Jonathan forced out of office by his own appointment in 152 BCE(O'Connor 1976, 1977). This in turn allowed the identification of the sect's "Wicked Priest" as Jonathan himself, after whose accession the community fled Jerusalem for their isolated life at Qum- ran. Its writings thus emerged from a Jewish sect whose members embraced especially rigorous religious observances, and who emphatically rejected the more lax interpretation and materialistic lifestyle of the Judean ruling class. While its large rooms and ample water storage system of its set- tlementserved a populationof reasonablesize, no accomodation for individual comforts appeared. Material goods were restricted to the most basic utilitarian objects; elaboration and were absent The sim- luxury wholly (Magness 1994). Cisterns of the site and its finds a material plicity presented counterpoint kpi to the conspicuously affluent lifestyle of the Hasmoneans and their aristocratic supporters. In the course of the second half of the second century BCE, The small, enclosed communitybuilt at Qumranin the later second the Seleucid empire effectively disintegrated and various or early first centuryBCE (phase Ib).The emphasison water storage is independent polities developed in its stead-on the coast, evident in the numberof large cisterns.The absence of a fortified in Transjordan, and in the Negev. The archaeological evi- exterior,and the easily accessed entrance, both indicatethat the dence from these regions reveals that, despite occasional inhabitantswere not fleeing some potential attack;their move to military activities, the inhabitants of these regions continued this desert spot was motivated instead by its distancefrom the more to live peacefully and prosperously, maintaining Mediter- materialisticurban center of Jerusalem.The several large rooms ranean commercial connections and materially diverse make the compound suitablefor organized communalactivities. lifestyles. In the central hills of Judea and Samaria, on the other hand, both old and new Jewish settlements con- of the Idumeans, but in this case, it is difficult to reconcile tained a limited and consistent series of locally produced the literary account with the archaeological evidence. goods. During this period secure access to the Mediterranean The Itureans' original homeland was the mountainous coast was achieved, and Jewish settlements were established interior of Lebanon, and their capital was Chalcis in the throughout Idumaea and the southern and central coastal Beqa

36 BiblicalArchaeologist This 60:1content (1997) downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015 15:20:44 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions seasonally. Two of the early Hermon set- As it turned out, Ptolemy (who was the tlements were, however, large enough to Ptolemaicqueen Cleopatra'srival and had be considered villages and were proba- been banished from Egypt to Cyprus) bly permanent constructions from the was more interested in money than land. start.Khirbet Dura, for example, included For four hundred talents, he sold out about two dozen stone houses and cis- Zoilus and his territories to Jannaeus. terns, as well as a dye (?) workshop and Acquisition of Strato's Tower and Dor a small stone temple. The Hermon survey and their large, fertile hinterlands con- identified several other shrines, as well as solidated Hasmonean control of the central simple standing stones (massebot) around and northern coastal plain (Levine 1974). houses. The initial conquests of these cities did not At all of these sites, a distinctive pottery fabric include destruction or the deportation of Gentile res- occurs-"Golan ware" (Hartal1989). This was light idents. In fact, the only archaeological evidence for brownish-pinkin color,somewhat soft, and heav- Hasmonean occupation was the sudden and ily tempered with grit, grog, and chaff. The profuse appearance of coins of Alexander most common vessel type was a large,heavy- Jannaeus-aclear indication of economic bottomed storage jar,with a short narrow redirection. toe that could be ground into a dirt Jannaeus seemed here not to have floor for support, and a narrow mouth subscribed to a policy of forced "Judaiza- that could be easily covered over. The tion";his prioritieswere instead political, jars were probably used for all manner legal, and economic (Kasher 1990:142). of storage, especially water since none Numismatic evidence bears this out. Jan- of the Golan sites had cisterns or reser- naeus was the first of the Hasmoneans voirs. "Golan ware" was certainly local to mint in quantity, and his coins com- to this region. Its presence is reasonably prisedsome of the most common artifacts taken to indicate an Itureanpopulation. of the early firstcentury BCE. The appear- Two aspects of this archaeological ance of Jannaeus coins at a previously data pertain to the military ventures of Gentile site is generally regarded as evi- Aristobulus. First, there is no evi- Coinsof AlexanderJannaeus (103-76 BCE) dence for its takeover. On this basis, dence of attackor destructionat any site are some of the most common artifacts Ashdod, Strato's Tower, Samaria, Dor, identified as Iturean at this time; rather found at Jewishsites of the first centuryBCE. and TransjordanianGerasa are all thought occupation continued and expanded Evendown to the time of Herodthe Great, to have been "colonized" (Applebaum throughout the next century. Second, Jannaeuscoins remainedin circulation.This 1989:21,n. 51). there was no indication of Jewish reli- coin, somewhat worn, was found at Gamla. Jannaeus apparently worried that gious practice (such as, for example, On the obverse (top photo) is an anchor,and concluding an agreement with Ptolemy mikva'ot).To the contrary,local cult sites the inscriptionAEENAPOY BIIAE•L (Of would so angerCleopatra that she would and traditionspersisted. There is, in fact, KingAlexander). On the reverseis a star in turn invade Palestine. He therefore no evidence that this area ever came with eight rays(reminiscent of the YRSLM began negotiating secretly with her as under Hasmonean politicalor economic stamped handles),with a diadem well. Unfortunately,when Ptolemy dis- control.Nor is thereevidence for Iturean surrounding,and Hebrewletters between covered this, he decided to invade. He settlement in Galilee itself. These dis- the raysspelling "KingYehonatan." Notable began marauding about in Galilee and crepancies suggest that Josephus are both the bilingualinscription and the Transjordan.Cleopatra, fearful that his misreported the conquests of Aristo- adoption of a royaltitle. Photo courtesyof potential conquests could become a bolus. DannySyon. springboard for an invasion of Egypt, Aristobolus reigned for only one came afterhim (Ant.13.348). She attacked year; upon his death in 103 BCEhis brother Alexander Jan- and took Akko-Ptolemais, at which place she also solidi- naeus succeeded him as High Priest and military commander fied an alliancewith Jannaeus(Kasher 1990:144). This agreement, (M. Stern 1981). His first move was an expedition against along with Cleopatra's turning her own resources against Akko-Ptolemais, which he attempted to take by siege (Ant. Ptolemy, freed Jannaeus from a defensive posture. He next 13.324). The tyrant Zoilus, ensconced just south at Dor and moved against the cities of northern Transjordan recently Strato's Tower, sent "some small assistance" to the city, but takenby Ptolemy.Josephus reports that Jannaeus took Gadara, this proved insufficient to remove Jannaeus. The residents after a siege of ten months, as well as Amathus, then ruled finally sought and received help from Ptolemy IX Lathyrus, by Theodorus,the son of Zeno Cotylas (Ant. 13.356;J.W. 1.4.2). to whom Zoilus had been allied. Ptolemy and his army landed In the meantime,Cleopatra had forced Ptolemy back to Cyprus at Shiqmona (currently unoccupied); their arrival immedi- and herself returned to Egypt. This cleared the way for atelypersuaded Jannaeus to end his siege and begin negotiations. Jannaeus to complete his conquest of the coastal plain, and

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The stone foundations of the walls of KhirbetZemel, an he laid siege to Gaza (Ant. 13.358-64).Residents appealed for remaining Itureansite in the Golan On the is a help to the Nabataean king, but their city fell by internal Heights. right single large enclosure, for animals;on the left is a room that betrayal before his help could arrive. Scholars disagree about probably large may have housed a A corridorruns the of the precise date of this event; correlations provided by Jose- family. partiallypaved length the southern side. The buildersused local field stone. Excavations phus suggest the year 96 BCE,while other computations recovered and coins of the second half of the second indicate about 100/99 BCE(M. Stem 1981:40;Kasher 1990:145). pottery century BCE. Several were found in situ. Plan of In either scenario, after only a few years of his rule, Jannaeus large storage jars courtesy Moshe Hartal. had incorporated the coastal plain from Gaza to Carmel (except for the territory of Ascalon, which remained independent), as well as sections of northern Transjordan,into Nabateans. They in turn met Antiochus in battle and killed the Hasmonean state. him (Ant. 13.391). After this, the Nabateans extended their Jannaeus's initial gains did not reflect his military territory in Transjordan, and for a short time controlled superiority, so much as a combination of luck and taking this region as far north as Damascus, taking over that city at advantage of the hostile engagements of others (M. Stern the request of its residents. Meanwhile, military activity 1981:22-32).His ability to hold the coastal plain-the region's ceased in the coastalplain, which remainedunder Hasmonean main north-south thoroughfare-is a case in point. Shortly control. after the conquest of Gaza, Antiochus XII Dionysus, one of Archaeologicalremains indicate that Jannaeusconstructed several current contenders for Seleucid hegemony, decided his defensive line along the Yarkon River. In the course of to attack both Judea and Nabatea. Josephus reports that Jan- modem development in this area, a series of rectangularand naeus, hexagonal-shaped stone foundations have been uncovered. The easternmost was near Pegae (ancient Aphek, Hero- out of fear of his coming, dug a deep ditch, beginning dian Antipatris), the westernmost in the heart of modern at...Antipatris, to the sea of Joppa.... He also raised a Tel-Aviv. Coins of Jannaeus have been found in associated wall, and erected wooden towers, and intermediate fills; these, along with their location and similar construc- redoubts, for 150 furlongs in length, and there expected tion, support the identificationof the remains as the "Jannaeus the coming of Antiochus (Ant 13.390). line" described by Josephus (Kaplan 1967). Excavations at the fortified sites of Horvat Mesad and Horvat 'Eqed have When Antiochus did come, however, he simply burned also uncovered Jannaeus coins and other late Hellenistic the towers, and proceeded through the area towards the remains,suggesting that the line extended along the "Jerusalem

38 BiblicalArchaeologist This 60:1content (1997) downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015 15:20:44 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions inhabitants would not bear to change their religious rites for those peculiar to orFordd the Jews (Ant. 13.395-97).

The and rule of Alexan- Ford conquests L -Antipatris der Jannaeus altered patterns of GS o =c settlementand exchange that had devel- Ford Ford Varkoo o oped since the return from Babylon in e o - the late sixth BCE. the Forti!^ Watch Tower , century Despite 0 07 o Hasmonean attacks,and occa- " o o sporadic Watch Tower r._, sional political dominion (e.g., under .r--1 Jannaeus (Yannai) Line Simon) that began in the mid-second century BCE,the economies and lifestyles of the inhabitants of the coastal plain Joppa had continued distinct from those of the . religiously-oriented central hills. Now, O km 4 -- however, the balance shifted, with those who defined themselves by religious affiliation controlling more territory, "Jannaeusline" along YarkonRiver. Excavations in and around modern TelAviv have more resources, and more power, than uncovered a series of sturdystone foundations, remainsof watch towers and emplacements those whose lives were orientedtowards constructedby AlexanderJannaeus. Josephus describes this line as extending from Antipatris commerce and material comforts. The to the sea, and says that Jannaeusintended it as a precautionagainst AntiochusXII. It was archaeological record of early first cen- wholly unsuccessful,however; Antiochus simply burned the towers and proceeded down the tury BCEPalestine revealed fundamental coastal plain,where he met his demise in a pitched battle against the Nabateans. changes. With a few exceptions (e.g., Ashkelon), the Mediterranean-facing corridor" as well (Fischer 1987:125-26). culture of the Graeco-Phoenician coastal plain and Idumaea Both before and after the Nabatean victory against Anti- diminished or disappeared. Jewish settlements established ochus, Jannaeus was preoccupied with internal problems. in previously Gentile areas largely contained household prod- Josephus recounted that "his own people were seditious ucts made only in Judea and other Jewish areas (e.g., Lower against him," and Jannaeus turned his resources against Galilee).Imports and luxury items were rareor absent, a phe- Jerusalem itself: "He built a partition-wall of wood round nomenon most obviously reflected by the dearth of Aegean the altar and the temple, ...and by this means he obstructed wine amphoras and ESA. Architecture was plain; industry the multitude from coming at him" (Ant. 13.373).During this was confined to the production of wine and oil for local use. time, the Nabateans continued their political and eco- The sites of Pella and Gamla (Gamala) have provided a nomic dominion of Transjordan,a factreflected archaeologically most compelling illustrationof this regional sea-change. Jose- in the appearance of Nabatean coins from the mint of phus singled out Pellain his summationof Jannaeus'sconquests: Damascus (Hill 1922:xi-xii, pl. XLIX,1). But by the year 83 a pagan town destroyed because the inhabitants refused to BCE,Jannaeus had managed both to repress his enemies and change their religion. The city of Pella comprised a large to reorganize his forces, enabling him to embark on another mound in the Jordan river valley, just across the river from series of campaigns. He moved north, into northern Tran- Beth-Shean-Scythopolis. Occupation on and in the vicinity sjordan and the Golan, obviously in order to cut off this of the mound began in the third millenium BCE.Pella was newly-won arm of the Nabatean principality.Josephus sum- apparently abandoned after the Babylonian conquest and marizes the extent of Jannaeus' conquests (ca. 80 BCE): not reoccupied until early Hellenistic times. This period was, however, poorly represented by the remains; it appears that At this time the Jews were in possession of the following a sizeable settlement did not develop until the second cen- cities that had belonged to the Syrians, and Idumeans, tury BCE.Excavators have found several small houses, whose and Phoenicians: at the seaside, Strato's Tower, Appol- goods included Aegean wine amphoras, Phoenician semi- lonia, Joppa, Jamnia, Ashdod, Gaza, Anthedon, Raphia, fine and ESApottery, other Mediterranean-produceddecorated and Rhinocolura; in the middle of the country, near to tablewares, and glass and metal vessels. Pella's markets were Idumea, Adora, and Marisa;near the country of Samaria, probably supplied via Beth-Shean-Scythopolis,and its inhab- Mount Carmel,and Mount Tabor,Scythopolis, and Gadara; itants enjoyed a similarly comfortable lifestyle--one cut off of the country of the Gaulonites, Seleucia, and Gamala; by the assault of Jannaeus. Across the mound, the final lev- in the country of Moab, Heshbon, and Madeba, Lemba, els of Hellenistic remains were buried in ash and burned and Oronoas, Gelithon, Zara, the valley of the Cilices, debris, evidence of a massive conflagration that effectively and Pella; which last they utterly destroyed, because its ended occupation. Pella remained abandoned until the

This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015Biblical 15:20:44Archaeologist UTC 60:1 (1997) 39 All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions beginning of the next century (McNicoll et al. 1982). 0 m 25 The small town of Gamla, located on an isolated spur in the southern Golan Heights, had a completely different fate. A thriving late Hellenistic town was probably established here sometime in the later second century BCE(Syon 1992).Excavators uncovered two blocks of houses in one residential area, separated by a narrow stone-paved street. Just off the street was a two-roomed bath complex, with two stepped pools and a separate tub. This may have been a public miqve?.The houses were small, having two or three rooms; were shared. Two olive presses courtyards large occupied ' ! one courtyard, testifying to the residents' primary indus-

Within the houses, excavators recovered a of ', try. plethora I \ ? material remains, including the occupants' household pottery. The earliest remains include ESA table vessels and even a few imported wine amphoras. The household pottery of SR E 7- the subsequentphase, however, was almost exclusively undec- 4 ~E orated, utilitariantypes--storage jars, cooking vessels, small eating and drinking bowls. The forms were identical to those found at Jewish sites throughout Judea. Gamla was probably a Hellenizing Jewish village until Jannaeus took it over. The site's numismatic profile revealed the intensity of its new connection: of the 6200 coins recovered in excavation, about 71j sixty percent were of Jannaeus. After his conquest, in about 80 BCE,the town continued to flourish; new houses were built, and the population probably increased. Alexander Jannaeusdid not conquer all of Palestine. Both Ashkelon and Akko-Ptolemais remained independent, and Tyre retained control of much of the upper Galilee. The limits of Hasmonean expansion were well reflected by the remains of the final Hellenistic occupation of Tel Anafa. The elaborate villa that was built around 125 BCE underwent an extensive remodeling sometime around 100 BCE,after which occupation continued for another twenty or twenty-five years. The remodeling consisted of partitioning some of the large rooms that surrounded the central court- This late Hellenisticresidential area excavatedat Gamla(Area B) yard, as well as constructing a new two-room unit at the contains five blocksdivided by a street. Inthe upper block,several northeastcorner. While these changes resultedin a less impres- large oil pressingstones were found in place. The lower block sive plan, the basic characterof the occupation was unaltered. contained a large room with a miqve'and a bathtub;this may have The bath complex continued in use, and the courtyard'saspect been a ritualbathing area for this neighborhood. Also found were was actually improved by being completely paved with large cooking ovens and a great deal of domestic pottery.Plan courtesyof flattened basalt stones. Abundant and luxurious ceramic, DannySyon and DavidGoren. glass, and metal objects continued to occur. Imported wine amphoras were plentiful. A small group of Italian cooking almost everyone writing about the extent of Jannaeus's vessels from this period's occupation attested to outside con- conquests, most recently Kasher 1990:159).Instead, the court- tacts and influences (Berlin 1992). yard building was simply abandoned, its eventual collapse Tel Anafa's early first century BCEoccupants clearly had caused by rain and snow invading the partially mud-brick the same character and lifestyle as their late second century walls. The virtual absence of Jannaeus coins and the lack of BCEpredecessors. The numismatic profile was consistent as destruction deposits have provided compelling documenta- well: a large majority of the approximately 185 identifiable tion that Hasmonean expansion stopped short of the Hula late Hellenistic coins were from independent Tyre or Sidon, Valley. and the next largest group were late Seleucid imperial issues. The historical record of Alexander Jannaeus's military Only three coins of Jannaeus were found (Meshorer 1994). activities would suggest that he devoted all of his time to The remains also revealed that the site was never attacked or such campaigns. The archaeologicalrecord proves otherwise. destroyed; no evidence of conflagration was found in any Some of the largest architecturalprojects undertaken in Hel- excavated area (this point has been overlooked or ignored by lenistic Palestine occur in Judea in the period of Jannaeus's

40 BiblicalArchaeologist This 60:1 content (1997) downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015 15:20:44 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions A This reconstructiondrawing shows the centralcourtyard of Anafa'sLHSB after it was paved in the early first centuryBCE. The view, from the southwestern corner,shows that columns lined only two sides of the court, indicatingthat the building'supper floors did not extend around its entire perimeter.Drawing courtesy of Sharon Herbert.

< A Late Hellenisticstuccoed buildingcourtyard at Anafa. View of the east colonnade and centralcourtyard of the LHSB,from the northeast.The square courtyardwas only paved in the early first century BCE;before that the surfacewas beaten earth. Visibledown the center of this view are the lower drumsof four of the supporting columnsthat lined the court'seast side, as they were found. On the most were defensive in nature. rule-though significantly, far right side was the three-roomed bath complex;this photo was In Jerusalem itself, Jannaeus completed the construction of taken after its mosaicfloor and lower levels were removed. Photo fortifications the residential adequate surrounding growing courtesyof SharonHerbert. district on the southwestern hill (the Upper City). Substan- tial stretches of walls and the lower courses of rectangular At the same time, Jerusalem had become the center of the towers, all built of drafted ashlars with rough bosses laid country's political and economic life, and the population as headers and stretchers, occur within the Citadel, as well of Judea and Samaria was increasing. The central hills, and as to its south. Portions of these constructions were erected especially Jerusalem, remained vulnerable to incursion from under the rule of Simon and Hyrcanus. In its entirety, the the Jordan River valley, and it was along this route that Hasmonean wall largely followed the Iron Age line (the Jannaeus constructed a line of mountain-top fortresses. so-called First Wall), but by the early first century BCEthat Two such fortresses-Dok and Hyrcania-already existed. original line had been thoroughly rebuilt. Josephus indicated that Jannaeusbuilt a third, Alexandrium, Jannaeus further devoted himself to the development of north of Dok, and a fourth, Machaerus, south of Hyrcania a series of fortresses along the eastern border of the central and east of the Dead Sea (it is possible that another, quite hills. While this was probably in part motivated by inter- small, fortified encampment was already in place on Masada, nal troubles, it also accommodated the region's shifting at the southern tip of the Dead Sea; Tsafrir 1982). Alexan- demographics. In the early first century BCE,scores of drium was identified in 1866 with the distinctive high settlements in the coastal plain were abandoned, with this peak of Qarn el-Sartabeh (the horn of Sartaba). The sum- region's remaining Gentile inhabitants probably relocating mit hosted walls built of drafted limestone ashlars with wide, to the few surviving cities, such as Ashkelon and Dor. Jew- rough bosses, arranged in alternating courses of headers and ish controlof that region,along with its diminished population, stretchers. The masonry was identical to the Hasmonean greatly lessened the chance of attack from this direction. walls excavated in Jerusalem. The architecture was

This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015Biblical 15:20:44Archaeologist UTC 60:1 (1997) 41 All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions A Religious Panoply: Deities And Shrines The of ethnic Hellenistic Palestine an not limited to defensive struc- variety groups residing throughout required apparently equal number of religious outlets. Some deities and cult sites were known from excavationalso uncoveredremains tures; literary sources and inscriptions; archaeological finds have revealed others. The a and of a vaulted pool (cistern?), mikve9, accompanying map locates Greek, Egyptian, Phoenician, Jewish/Samaritan, and perhaps a stoa. Similar sorts of remains "local" (i.e. native, non-Jewish) shrines throughout Hellenistic Palestine. have been found on the summit of Machaerus. Site Affiliation Evidence Akko Phoenician Jannaeusalso devoted considerable (Astarte, Atargatis) inscription Greek resources to the Hasmonean complex (Zeus Soter) inscription Beth She>an Greek list of at Jericho.In the early years of his reign, (Zeus Olympias) priests Dor Phoenician cultic he built a second aqueduct. This served inscription, objects Makhmish Phoenician shrine, a large new recreational area, which figurines "local" cult hall included another pair of pools, a colon- Jaffa Ashdod "local" house shrine naded pavilion, plastered patios, and Phoenician 1 Macc ornamentalgardens (Netzer 1993).Secu- (Dagon) Ashkelon Phoenician rity concerns were evident here as well, Mareshah "local"/Idumean? shrine in center however: builders enclosed part of city Greek statue with the gardens with thick walls. They com- (Apollo) eagle pletely buried the original structure, inscription Beersheba Greek which was on level ground and so not temple, figurines Ezra, Neh, I Macc, easily defended, in a huge artificial Jerusalem Jewish mound. On its top, a smaller, fortified Josephus Mt. Gerizim residence arose. Diggers exposed hun- Jewish (Samaritan) temple, Josephus Samaria dreds of jars-still stoppered-in two Egyptian (Serapis-Isis) inscription Greek stone reliefs tower rooms, perhaps further indica- (Dioscuri) sculptured Mt. Yammim "local" enclosure tions of Jannaeus's "siege mentality." Mizpe temple, Dan "local" Alexander Jannaeus died in 76 BCE, high place, inscription Banias Greek holed up in Ragaba, a fortified settle- (Pan) pottery Mt. Sena'im "local"/Ituraean?" temenos ment across the Jordan.He bequeathed (Hermon) Kh. Dura "local"/Ituraean? his greatlyexpanded and highly secured (Hermon) temple kingdom to his wife, Salome Alexan- dra. Alexandra, unable to hold the position of High Priest, assigned that role to the elder of powerful sons. It is a final archaeological irony that the her two sons, Hyrcanus (II), while she herself maintained Jerichopalaces--developed and used by Judea'sJewish lead- military command. But her younger son, Aristobolus (II),not ers-are the only "royal" architecture found in Hellenistic content with this arrangement, convinced her to divide Palestine. this power with him. Josephus reports that Alexandra "com- In 67 BCESalome Alexandra died, and control of the Has- mitted the fortressesto them, all but Hyrcaniaand Alexandrium monean kingdom passed to Hyrcanus II and Aristobolus and Machaerus, where her principal treasures were" (Ant. II. Due to the extensive conquests of their father, Alexan- 13.417). This notion of personal ownership, especially of der Jannaeus, their territorial inheritance included most of explicitly defensive settlements, reveals the wholly Hell- Palestine, Gaulanitis, and much of Transjordan.This outline, enized character of Hasmonean rule by this time. however, provides a misleading reflection of their kingdom. The most vivid illustration of Hasmonean royal preten- By the time of their accession, the country's settlement was sions appeared at Jericho. South of the recently completed concentrated almost exclusively in the central hills of pool and garden complex, architects laid out a huge new Judea and Samaria,in the Lower Galilee, and the Golan. The building. The plan consisted of two identical villa-like struc- material remains of this core area included mainly locally tures, each with a central open-air courtyard surrounded by produced, utilitariangoods, with few imports and little influ- rooms. A single rectangularroom opened to the south of each ence from Phoenician or Mediterranean cultures. Palestine courtyard,separated by two columns; these may have served was now in effect Hasmonean: religiously defined, inwardly as formal dining rooms. Frescoed walls decorated the inte- focused, with a population settled largely in farmsteads and rior.Inside were bathroomsand miqva'ot;a second independent small villages, and organized around the single city of bathing facility was built north of the leveled mound. To Jerusalem. either side of the villas, which Netzer (1993) has termed By the early-mid first century BCE,most of the regions the "twin palaces," were square pools surrounded by gar- around the perimeter of the Hasmonean kingdom were very dens. All of these new constructions belonged to the largely depopulated. All sorts of sites-cities and villas, rural period of Salome Alexandra, though their unusual layout farmsteads-were abandoned. In the Hula Valley,Tel Anafa probably sprang from the wishes of her ambitious and was abandoned by 75 BCE;in the Akko plain scores of

42 BiblicalArchaeologist This content60:1 (1997) downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015 15:20:44 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions small farmsteads were deserted in the early first century; on focused settlement pattern then in place was replaced by one the coast, Dor, Strato's Tower, and Ashdod sat unoccupied that essentially replicatedthat of Persian and early Hellenistic by the beginning the first century; in the foothills and in times. The crucial difference between this first century BCE Idumea, Gezer, and Maresha lay deserted. This new and par- Roman configuration and the one overseen by the Persian ticular arrangementof unoccupied sites reflects the country's king in the sixth century BCE,was the greatly reduced status wholly altered character.The prosperity, varied population, of the Jews. Pompey paid sufficient heed to only one of the and Mediterranean outlook of Hellenistic times was gone. forces that motivated this region's population. Both the According to the archaeological criteria of material culture Romans and the Jews soon learned the price of that decision. and settlement pattern, the joint reigns of Hyrcanus II and Aristobolus II mark the end of the Hellenistic period. Notes It does not always happen that, in the compartmental- 1 The site was in the nineteenth exca- ization of history, a transition represents both political and partially mapped already century, vated by an American team in 1961 and 1962, and again by a French team material change. In the case of the end of the Hellenistic in the late 1970s. period in Palestine, however, the plentiful archaeologicalevi- 2 dence may be joined to a seminal political moment. In the The site was excavated for ten seasons (1968-1981) and a comprehensive year 63 BCEthe Roman general Pompey arrived in Damas- final publication has recently appeared (Herbert 1994; Berlin 1997; Slane cus. He came in part to settle affairs between Hyrcanus 1997). and Aristobolus who had been for control of the fighting 3 Four of these-including the Sidonian tomb-were discovered by grave country. Pompey considered each man's case, as well as robbers in 1902 and excavated that same year (Peters and Thiersch 1905). the general situation, in which The remainder have been identified in the course of the current excavations. the nation them both, which did not desire [was] against 4 Tirat Yehuda was discovered road construction in 1961 and exca- to be under because the form of during kingly government, gov- vated in a salvage operation (Yeivin and Edelstein 1967). ernment they received from their forefathers was that of subjection to the priests of that God whom they wor- 5A Greek inscription found in the Old City reports an oath taken by some shipped (Ant. 14.41). of the soldiers stationed at the Akra who were associated with the gymnasium, but this does not constitute evidence for its location.

Pompey was not disposed to recognize the force of this 6 Nine seasons of excavations were carried out here from 1962-1972. latter argument. Unlike the Persian king, who had restored to the Jews religious autonomy and a measure of political 7 Castellion was built on a height known in Arabic as el-Mird (a corrup- independence as well, the Roman prefered political and mil- tion of the Syrian-Aramaic word marda,meaning fortress). The ruins of the fortress were G. R. H. in 1960, and the itary power as an organizing principle.And the Hasmoneans, partially explored by Wright water Tel Aviv in the 1970s (Tsafrir 1982; whose had as a rebellion, were system by University early dynasty begun religious by NEAEHL, s.v. Hyrcania). this time of a similar mind-set. Aristobolus proceeded to defy 8 Pompey by invading Judea and holing up at Alexandrium. The site was first discovered in 1838, and sporadic excavations were car- His actions drew Pompey against him and led to the Roman ried out in the later nineteenth and early-mid twentieth centuries. The excavators uncovered which to Hero- capture of Jerusalem itself. Hyrcanus was reappointed High palatial architecture, they assigned dian times. From 1973 to 1983 in Ehud Netzer was made a Roman and fur- (and again 1986-87) investigated Priest,Jerusalem itself tributary, the entire area (Netzer 1993). ther: 9 The identification of this sect as the Essenes, one of the several Jewish [Pompey] took away those cities of Coelesyria which the groups of this period described by Josephus (Ant. 13.172-73; J.W. 2.119- was made almost as as the first were inhabitants of Judea had subdued, and them under 61), soon scrolls read, and has not put been contradicted since. The remains are the of the Roman and confined convincingly archaeological government president, wholly in keeping with the settlers' identification as Essenes. the whole nation, which had elevated itself so high before, within its bounds. Morevoer; he rebuilt Gadara,... and Bibliography restored the rest of the cities, Hippos and Scythopolis, S. and Pella, and Dios, and Samaria, as also Marisa, and Applebaum, 1980 A Fragment of a New Hellenistic Inscription from the Old City Ashdod, and Jamnia,to their own inhabitants;these were of Jerusalem. Pp. 47-60 in Jerusalemin the Second TemplePeriod in the inland parts.... Also Gaza, and Joppa, and Dora, (A. Schalit memorial volume), edited by A. Oppenheimer, V. and Strato's Tower.... All these Pompey left in a state of Rappaport, and M. Stern. Library of the History of the Yishuv freedom, and joined them to the province of Syria (Ant. in Eretz-Israel. Jerusalem: Yad Izhak BenZvi. 1986 The Settlement Pattern of Western Samaria from Hellenistic to 14.74-76). Byzantine Times: A Historical Commentary. Pp. 257-69 in Land- scapeand Pattern: An ArchaeologicalSurvey of Samaria800 BCE-636 As Josephus' description makes clear Pompey's settle- CE,edited by S. Dar. BARIS 308. London: BAR. ment largely restoredthe patternsof many previous centuries. 1989 Judaeain Hellenisticand Roman Times: Historical and Archaeologi- cal E. Brill. And in fact, within a few decades, the unique, centrally- Essays. Leiden: J.

This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015Biblical 15:20:44 UTC 60:1 (1997) 43 All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Archaeologist Hellensticousehod Invntoris: A CramicPrime

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48 BiblicalArchaeologist 60:1 (1997) This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015 15:20:44 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Arav, R. Crowfoot, G., Crowfoot, J., and Kenyon, K. 1995 Bethsaida Excavations: Preliminary Report, 1987-1993. Pp. 3- 1957 Samaria-Sebaste:Reports of the Expedition in 1931-33 and of the 63 in Bethsaida.A City by the North Shoreof the Sea of Galilee,edited British Expedition in 1935. 3 vols. London: Palestine Explo- by R. Arav and R Freund.Bethsaida Excavation Project 1. Kirksville, ration Fund. Missouri: Thomas Jefferson Press. University Dar, S. Ariel, D. 1986 Landscapeand Pattern: An Archaeological Survey of Samaria 800 1990 Excavationsat the City of David 1978-1985 Directedby Yigal Shiloh. BCE-636CE. BARIS 308. London: BAR. Vol. 2, ImportedStamped Amphora Handles, Coins, WorkedBone and 1988 The History of the Hermon Settlements. Palestine Exploration Ivory,and Glass. Qedem 30. 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This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015Biblical 15:20:44Archaeologist UTC 60:1 (1997) 49 All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Harper, G. Lapp, N. 1928 A Study in the Commercial Relations between Egypt and 1983 TheExcavations at Araq el-Emir.Vol. I. AASOR 47. Ann Arbor, MI: Syria in the Third Century before Christ. AJP 49:1-35. ASOR. Harrison, R. Lapp, P. 1994 Hellenization in Syria-Palestine: The Case of Judea in the 1961 PalestinianCeramic Chronology 200 BC - AD 70. New Haven: ASOR. Third Century BCE.BA 57:98-108. 1963 Ptolemaic Stamped Handles from Judah. BASOR 172:22-35. M. Hartal, Lapp, P. and Lapp, N. 1989 Northern Golan The as a Source Heights. ArchaeologicalSurvey of 1968 Iron II-Hellenistic Pottery Groups. Pp. 54-79 in The 1957 Exca- Israel of and Regional History. Qazrin: Department Antiquities vation at Beth-Zur.AASOR 38. Cambridge: ASOR. Museums. 1974 Discoveriesin the Wadied-Daliyeh. AASOR 41. Cambridge: ASOR. Hayes, J. Levine, L. 1985 orientali. 1-48 in dell'arteantica, classical Sigillate Pp. Enciclopedia 1974 The Hasmonean Conquest of Strato's Tower. IEJ24:62-69. e orientale. Atlante della Forme Ceramiche, vol. II. Ceramicafine romananel bacinoMediterraneo. Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia Magness, J. Italiana. 1994 The Community at Qumran in Light of Its Pottery. Annals of the New YorkAcademy of Sciences 722:39-50. Herbert, S. 1994 TelAnafa, I. Final Reporton TenYears of Excavationat a Hellenistic McNicoll, A., Smith, R., and Hennessy, J. and Roman Settlement in Northern Israel. JRA Sup Ser 10.1. Ann 1982 Pella in Jordan.Vol. I. Canberra: Australian National Gallery. Arbor, MI: Museum of Kelsey Archaeology. Merker, I. Hestrin, R. and Yeivin, Z. 1975 A Greek Tariff Inscription in Jerusalem. IEJ 25:238-44. 1977 Oil from the Presses of Tirat-Yehuda. BA 40:29-31. Meyers, E., Strange, J., and Groh, D. G. Hill, 1978 The Meiron Excavation Project. Archaeological Survey in the 1922 Catalogueof the GreekCoins of Arabia,Mesopotamia and Persia.Lon- Galilee and Golan, 1976. BASOR 230:1-24. don: British Museum. Meshorer, Y Hirschfeld, Y. 1994 Coins. Pp. 241-60 in TelAnafa, I, i. Final Reporton TenYears of Exca- 1983 Ancient Wine Presses in the Park of Aijalon. IEJ33:207-18. vation at a Hellenisticand RomanSettlement in NorthernIsrael. JRA Holum, K. et al. Sup Ser 10.1. Ann Arbor, MI: Kelsey Museum of Archaeology. 1988 Dream: Caesareaon the Sea. New York: W. W. Nor- King Herod's Millar, F. ton. 1987 The Problem of Hellenistic Syria. Pp. 110-33 in Hellenism in the Isaac, B. East: TheInteraction of Greekand Non-GreekCivilizations from Syria 1991 A Seleucid Inscription from Jamnia-on-the-Sea: Antiochus V to Central Asia after Alexander, edited by A. Kuhrt and S. Sher- Eupator and the Sidonians. IEJ41:132-44. win-White. Berkeley: University of California Press. Johns, C. Marklhom, O. 1950 The Citadel, Jerusalem: A Summary of Work since 1934. Quar- 1983 The Ptolemaic Coinage in Phoenicia and the Fifth War with Syria. terly of the Departmentof Antiquities of Palestine 14:121-90. Pp. 241-51 in Egypt and the Hellenistic World,edited by E. van't Dack, P. van Dessel, and W. van Gucht. Studia Hellenistica 27. Kaplan, Y. Louvain: Orientaliste. 1971 The Yannai Line. Pp. 201-5 in Roman Frontier Studies 1967: The Proceedingsof the Seventh InternationalCongress Held at TelAviv, Murphy-O'Connor, J. edited by S. Applebaum. Tel Aviv: Students' Organization of Tel 1976 Demetrius I and the Teacher of Righteousness. RB 83:400-20. Aviv University. 1977 The Essenes in Palestine. BA 40:100-24. A. Kasher, Negev, A. 1990 Jews and Hellenistic Cities in Eretz-Israel.Texte und Studien zum 1977 The Nabateans and the Provincia Arabia. ANRW 11.8:520-686. antiken Judentum 21. Tiibingen: J. C. B. Mohr. Netzer, E. Kelso, J. 1993 The Hasmonean Palaces in Eretz-Israel. Pp. 126-36 in Biblical 1968 The Excavation Bethel (1934-1960). AASOR 39. of Cambridge: ArchaeologyToday 1990, edited by A. Biranand J.Aviram. Jerusalem: ASOR. IES. Kindler, A. Peters, J. and Thiersch, H. 1978 Akko, A City of Many Names. BASOR 231:51-55. 1905 PaintedTombs in the NecropolisofMarisa. London: Palestine Explo- Kloner, A. ration Fund. 1980 A Tomb of the Second Temple Period at French Hill, Jerusalem. Raban, A. IEJ30:99-108. 1992 In Search of Straton's Tower. Pp. 7-22 in CaesareaPapers: Straton's Kraabel, A. Tower,Herod's Harbour, and Romanand Byzantine Caesarea,edited 1984 New Evidence of the Samaritan Diaspora has been Found on by R. L. Vann. JRA Sup Ser 5. Ann Arbor, MI: Journal of Delos. BA 47:44-46. Roman Archaeology. Landau, Y. Rahmani, L. 1966 A Greek Inscription Found near Hefzibah, Israel. IEJ 16:54-70. 1967 Jason's Tomb. IEJ 17:61-100. Landau, Y. and Tzaferis, V. 1982 Ancient Jerusalem's Funerary Customs and Tombs, Part 1979 Tell Istabah, Beth Shean: The Excavations and Hellenistic Jar Three. BA 45:43-53. Handles. IEJ29:152-59.

50 BiblicalArchaeologist This 60:1 content (1997) downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Tue, 08 Sep 2015 15:20:44 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Rappaport, U. Tcherikower, V. 1970 Gaza and Ascalon in the Persian and Hellenistic Periods in Rela- 1937 Palestine under the Ptolemies (A Contribution to the Study of tion to their Coins. IEJ20:75-80. the Zenon Papyri). Mizraim 4-5:9-90. 1984 The Birth of the Hasmonean State. Pp. 173-77 in Recent Archae- Toombs, L. and Wright, G. ology in the Land of Israel, edited by H. Shanks and B. Mazar. 1961 The Third Campaign at Balatah (Shechem). BASOR 161:11-54. Jerusalem: IES. Tsafrir,Y. Reich, R. 1982 The Desert Fortresses of Judaea in the Second Temple Period. 1981 Archaeological Evidence of the Jewish Population at Hasmon- Pp. 120-45 in The Jerusalem Cathedra 2, edited by L. Levine. ean Gezer. IEJ31:48-52. Jerusalem: Yad Izhak Ben-Zvi Institute. 1985 The "Boundary of Gezer"-On the Jewish Settlement at Gezer in Hasmonean Times. El 18:167-79 (Hebrew), 71* (English). Tushingham, A. 1988 The Hot Bath-House (balneum), the Miqweh and the Jewish 1985 Excavationsin Jerusalem1961-1967. Vol. I. Toronto: Royal Ontario Community in the Second Temple Period. JJS39:102-7. Museum. 1990 The 'Boundary of Gezer' Inscriptions Again. IEJ40:43-46. Weinberg, G. Rosenthal-Heginbottom, R. 1970 Hellenistic Glass from Tel Anafa in Upper Galilee. Journalof Glass 1995 Imported Hellenistic and Roman Pottery. Pp. 183-288 in Exca- Studies 12:17-27. vations at Dor, Final Report. Vol. I B. Areas A and C: The Finds. 2. Wright, G. Qedem Reports Jerusalem: IES. 1962 Samaritans at Shechem. HTR 55:357-66. Rowe, A. Yeivin, Z. and Edelstein, G. 1930 TheTopography and History of Beth-Shan.Publications of the Pales- 1970 Excavations at Tirat Yehuda. Atiqot 6: 56-67 (Hebrew), 6* (Eng- tine Section of the Museum of the University of Pennsylvania, lish). 1. Philadelphia: University Press. Sellers, O. Abbreviations 1933 The Citadel of Beth Zur. The Westminster Press. Philadelphia: AASOR: Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research Sellers, O. et al. AJP: AmericanJournal of Philology at Beth-Zur. 38. 1968 The 1957 Excavation AASOR Cambridge: ANRW: Aufstieg und Niedergang der r6mischen Welt ASOR. ASOR: American Schools of Oriental Research BA: Biblical Sivan, R. and Solar, G. Archaeologist BAR: Biblical Review 1994 Excavations in the Jerusalem Citadel, 1980-1988. Pp. 168-76 in Archaeology BARIS: British International Series Ancient JerusalemRevealed, edited by H. Geva. Jerusalem: IES. Archaeological Reports BASOR: Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Slane, K. EI: Eretz-Israel 1997 The Hellenistic and Roman Fine Wares. Tel Anafa II, i. JRA Sup IEJ:Israel ExplorationJournal Ser 10.2:269-282. HTR: Harvard TheologicalReview Studies Smith, R. JJS:Journal of Jewish of Roman 1990 The Southern Levant in the Hellenistic Period. Levant22:123-30. JRA Sup Ser: Journal Archaeology Supplementary Series RB: Revue Biblique Stager, L. ZDPV: Zeitschriftdes Deutschen Paldistina-Vereins 1991a Why Were Hundreds of Dogs Buried at Ashkelon? BAR 17.3:26- 42. Andrea M. Berlin is an 1991b Eroticism and Infanticide at Ashkelon. BAR 17.4:34-57. adjunct assistant professor in Stern, E. the Department of Classics at 1982 MaterialCulture of the Landof the Biblein the PersianPeriod 538-332 the University of Illinois at B.C. Warminster: Aris and Philips Ltd. Urbana-Champaign. She has been in Israel 1993 The Persistence of Phoenician Culture: The Many Masters of excavating Dor, Part 3. BAR 19:38-49. since 1973. Dr. Berlin 1995a Between Persia and Greece: Trade, Administration and Warfare received her doctorate in 1988 from the of in the Persian and Hellenistic Periods. Pp. 432-45 in The University Her is Archaeologyof Society in the Holy Land,edited by T. Levy. London: Michigan. specialty the of the Hellenistic Leicester University Press. pottery eastern in 1995b of Architectural Remains. 29-48 in Mediterranean; Stratigraphical Summary Pp. addition to her recent Excavations at Dor, Final Report. Vol. I A. Areas A and C: Intro- publication of the Tel Anafa duction and Stratigraphy.Qedem Reports 2. Jerusalem: IES. pottery, her work includes Stemrn,M. the material from Caesarea Maritima, Jerusalem City of David, and 1981 Judaea and her Neighbors in the Days of Alexander Jannaeus. the Sanctuary of Pan at Banias, in Israel; from Coptos and Pp. 22-46 in TheJerusalem Cathedra 1, edited by L. Levine. Jerusalem: Naukratis in Egypt; and from the Pylos Regional Archaeological Yad Izhak Ben-Zvi Institute. Project in Messenia, Greece. Dr. Berlin has recently begun work on the Hellenistic and early Roman pottery from the University of Strange, J. Cincinnati's excavations at Troy. She is currently a fellow at The 1975 Late Hellenistic and Herodian Tombs at French Ossuary Hill, Center for Hellenic Studies in Washington D.C., working on a BASOR 219:39-67. Jerusalem. study of the Hellenistic koin?.She is married and has two children, both of whom have considerable time in the field Syon, D. already spent 1992 Gamla. Portrait of a Rebellion. BAR 18.1:20-37. (one from the age of six weeks!).

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