Luce Irigaray, Radical Feminism, and the #Metoo Movement: An
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Digital Feminism in the Arab Gulf
MIT Center for Intnl Studies | Starr Forum: Digital Feminism in the Arab Gulf MICHELLE I'm Michelle English, and on behalf of the MIT Center for International Studies, welcome you to ENGLISH: today's Starr Forum. Before we get started, I'd like to mention that this is our last planned event for the fall. However, we do have many, many events planned for the spring. So if you haven't already, please take time to sign up to get our event notices. Today's talk on digital feminism in the Arab Gulf states is co-sponsored by the MIT Women's and Gender Studies program, the MIT History department, and the MIT Press bookstore. In typical fashion, our talk will conclude with Q&A with the audience. And for those asking questions, please line up behind the microphones. We ask that you to be considerate of time and others who want to ask questions. And please also identify yourself and your affiliation before asking your question. Our featured speaker is Mona Eltahawy, an award winning columnist and international public speaker on Arab and Muslim issues and global feminism. She is based in Cairo and New York City. Her commentaries have appeared in multiple publications and she is a regular guest analyst on television and radio shows. During the Egypt Revolution in 2011, she appeared on most major media outlets, leading the feminist website Jezebel to describe her as the woman explaining Egypt to the West. In November 2011, Egyptian riot police beat her, breaking her left arm and right hand, and sexually assaulted her, and she was detained for 12 hours by the Interior Ministry and Military Intelligence. -
The Other Woman. Towards a Diffractive Rereading of the Oeuvres of Simone De Beauvoir and Luce Irigaray
Faculty of Humanities Research Institute for History and Culture (OGC) RMA Gender and Ethnicity, 2011-2012 The Other Woman. Towards a diffractive rereading of the oeuvres of Simone de Beauvoir and Luce Irigaray. Research master thesis, Gender and Ethnicity Written by Evelien Geerts, 3615170 Supervisor: dr. Iris van der Tuin (Utrecht University) Second reader: dr. Annemie Halsema (VU-University) Utrecht, 20/07/2012. Abstract. This thesis project –a project that has to be located in the domains of Continental philosophy, feminist theory, and gender studies– wishes to overcome the Oedipalized reception history, or the Oedipal feminist narratives that have been created and told about the oeuvres of feminist philosophers Simone de Beauvoir and Luce Irigaray. I claim that this Oedipalized reception history –which will be thoroughly reviewed in this thesis– put the works of Beauvoir and Irigaray against one another in an oppositional and hierarchic manner, by first of all examining the wide-spread assumption that Irigaray should be seen as Beauvoir’s rebellious daughter, and by critically looking at the idea that Irigaray’s sexual (now relabeled as sexuate) difference philosophy then must be a flat-out refusal of Beauvoir’s humanist, existentialist feminism. My project hopes to shed light on this paralyzing constructed opposition, and wishes to move towards a different kind of feminist rereading and story-telling: namely, a diffractive and explicitly an-Oedipal way of telling of stories that would look for the lines of continuity between these two philosophies, without reducing them to another; without, to put it differently, falling back into the phallogocentric, reflective logic of sameness. -
The Rules of #Metoo
University of Chicago Legal Forum Volume 2019 Article 3 2019 The Rules of #MeToo Jessica A. Clarke Follow this and additional works at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/uclf Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Clarke, Jessica A. (2019) "The Rules of #MeToo," University of Chicago Legal Forum: Vol. 2019 , Article 3. Available at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/uclf/vol2019/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Chicago Legal Forum by an authorized editor of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Rules of #MeToo Jessica A. Clarke† ABSTRACT Two revelations are central to the meaning of the #MeToo movement. First, sexual harassment and assault are ubiquitous. And second, traditional legal procedures have failed to redress these problems. In the absence of effective formal legal pro- cedures, a set of ad hoc processes have emerged for managing claims of sexual har- assment and assault against persons in high-level positions in business, media, and government. This Article sketches out the features of this informal process, in which journalists expose misconduct and employers, voters, audiences, consumers, or professional organizations are called upon to remove the accused from a position of power. Although this process exists largely in the shadow of the law, it has at- tracted criticisms in a legal register. President Trump tapped into a vein of popular backlash against the #MeToo movement in arguing that it is “a very scary time for young men in America” because “somebody could accuse you of something and you’re automatically guilty.” Yet this is not an apt characterization of #MeToo’s paradigm cases. -
MENA Women News Briefdownload
May 29: Afghan women denied justice over violence, United Nations says “A law meant to protect Afghan women from violence is being undermined by authorities who routinely refer even serious criminal cases to traditional mediation councils that fail to protect victims, the United Nations said on Tuesday. The Elimination of Violence against Women (EVAW) law, passed in 2009, was a centerpiece of efforts to improve protection for Afghan women, who suffer widespread violence in one of the worst countries in the world to be born female.” (Reuters) May 31: Female Genital Mutilation is Declared Religiously Forbidden in Islam “Egyptian Dar Al-Iftaa declared that female genital mutilation (FGM) is religiously forbidden on May 30, 2018, adding that banning FGM should be a religious duty due to its harmful effects on the body. Dar Al- Iftaa also explained that FGM is not mentioned in Islamic laws and that it only still occurs because it’s considered to be a social norm in the rural areas and some poor parts of Egypt. FGM is considered as an attack on religion through damaging the most sensitive organ in the female body. In Islam, protecting the body from any harm is a must and mutilation violates this rule.” (Egypt Today) June 4: Government proposes new draft law to ban early marriage “Egypt's government has proposed a new draft law that includes amendments to the child law article 12 of 1996, which states cases in which parents could be deprived from the authority of guardianship over the girl or her property…Hawary told Egypt Today that this bill stipulates that a father who forces his daughter to get married before reaching the age of marriage will be deprived from the authority of guardianship over the girl or her property.” (Egypt Today) June 4: Youth, women, and minorities have valid concerns “Iranian President Hassan Rouhani admitted on Friday that the youth, women and minorities have legitimate grievances, Anadolu Agency reported, citing the Iranian presidency’s official website. -
Immigrant Women in the Shadow of #Metoo
University of Baltimore Law Review Volume 49 Issue 1 Article 3 2019 Immigrant Women in the Shadow of #MeToo Nicole Hallett University of Buffalo School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.law.ubalt.edu/ublr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Hallett, Nicole (2019) "Immigrant Women in the Shadow of #MeToo," University of Baltimore Law Review: Vol. 49 : Iss. 1 , Article 3. Available at: https://scholarworks.law.ubalt.edu/ublr/vol49/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Baltimore Law Review by an authorized editor of ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. IMMIGRANT WOMEN IN THE SHADOW OF #METOO Nicole Hallett* I. INTRODUCTION We hear Daniela Contreras’s voice, but we do not see her face in the video in which she recounts being raped by an employer at the age of sixteen.1 In the video, one of four released by a #MeToo advocacy group, Daniela speaks in Spanish about the power dynamic that led her to remain silent about her rape: I couldn’t believe that a man would go after a little girl. That a man would take advantage because he knew I wouldn’t say a word because I couldn’t speak the language. Because he knew I needed the money. Because he felt like he had the power. And that is why I kept quiet.2 Daniela’s story is unusual, not because she is an undocumented immigrant who was victimized -
Constructing #Metoo
Constructing #MeToo A Critical Discourse Analysis of the German News Media’s Discursive Construction of the #MeToo Movement Wiebke Eilermann K3| School of Arts and Communications Media and Communication Studies Master’s Thesis (Two-Year), 15 ECTS Spring 2018 Supervisor: Tina Askanius Examiner: Erin Cory Date of Examination: June 21st 2018 Abstract Purpose: The purpose of this thesis is to examine how German newspapers discursively constructed the #MeToo movement in order to determine whether the hashtag campaign was legitimized or delegitimized. The ideological construction can be seen as an indication of social change or respectively the upholding of the status quo in regard to gender equality. Of further interest was how the coverage can be perceived as an example of a post-feminist sensibility in mainstream media. Approach: Relevant articles published during two time periods in 2017 and 2018, following defining events of the #MeToo movement, were retrieved from selected publications, including Die Welt, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Süddeutsche Zeitung and Die Zeit. A qualitative critical discourse analysis applying Norman Fairclough’s (1995) three-dimensional approach was performed on 41 newspaper articles. Results: Through analysis, three main discursive strands emerged: (1) supportive coverage of #MeToo (2) opposing coverage of #MeToo (3) #MeToo as complex. The degree to which the articles adhered to these positions varied from publication to publication. The most conservative publication largely delegitimized the movement by, amongst others, drawing on a post-feminist discourse. Whereas the liberal publications predominantly constructed #MeToo as legitimate. Overall, there was little discussion of marginalized voices and opportunities for progressive solutions leading to social change. -
Reclaiming Luce Irigaray: Language and Space of the "Other"
Linguistics and Literature Studies 6(5): 250-258, 2018 http://www.hrpub.org DOI: 10.13189/lls.2018.060508 Reclaiming Luce Irigaray: Language and Space of the "Other" Zhang Pinggong The Faculty of English Language and Culture, Guangdong University of Foreign Studies, Guangzhou, China Copyright©2018 by authors, all rights reserved. Authors agree that this article remains permanently open access under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License 4.0 International License Abstract French feminist Luce Irigaray takes up some and women’s meaning-making in language. She argues essential conceptions of post-structuralist thinkers as a that this difference is shaped by the female body and rests start-point, and advances arguments on the logical in women’s capacity for decentred, multiple sexuality and oppositions based on male and female dichotomy. women’s language. She contends that women’s identity According to Irigaray, this dichotomy is explicitly related can be autonomous and explorable only within a radically to language. In order to subvert discursive hegemony of separatist women’s movement. Some essential concepts of patriarchy, it is imperative for women to invent and utilize feminist theory advanced by Lucy Irigaray will shed light a language strikingly different from that of the male. This on the understanding and criticism of own feminist theory innovative language, also known as “parler femme” or and, more generally, of the French school of thought on space of the “other”, can be employed to construct gender politics. Focusing on Irigaray’s tenets about women’s subjectivity. Irigaray prioritizes language over sexuality and language, the author of this essay attempts to social conscious and ideologies, considering physical and discuss the essential themes of this “French side of the spiritual difference between women and men as divide”, indicating that although the theories of the French instrumental for women’s sovereignty and identity. -
Women in Action in Tunisia
ISSUE BRIEF 06.24.20 Women in Action in Tunisia Khedija Arfaoui, Ph.D., Independent Human Rights Researcher Tunisia has long been recognized for its concern is the status of women in state progressive attitude toward women,1 with institutions, including courts, police stations, feminist organizations emerging as early and gendarmeries. Nine years after the as 1936.2 Moroccan author Tahar Ben 2011 uprisings, Tunisian women have not Jelloun suggests that, “[Tunisia] is the most lost any of their rights, but the move for progressive country in the Arab world.”3 equality is far from over and the need to Caroline Perrot asserts that “Tunisia is seen change societal norms remains a core issue. as a forerunner for women's rights in the Discrimination has persisted in Tunisia and it Arab world.”4 Valentine Moghadam shares seems the freedoms granted to women were the same view, stating, “Legal reforms mostly implemented in order to improve made Tunisia the most liberal country in the country’s reputation in the West. This the Arab world.”5 Women have been able brief aims to further an understanding of the to successfully lobby the government to substantive changes, if any, that women in ratify the Commission on the Elimination of Tunisia have experienced. Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW)6 and have demanded action against all forms of discrimination and violence.7 Women RECENT ACHIEVEMENTS AND continued to elevate their status after the SETBACKS IN WOMEN’S EQUALITY 2011 uprising using grassroots mobilization Education efforts, leading to support from politicians. Previously, decisions about women’s The government’s will to decrease gender status were made at the government level inequality has allowed women’s access to and women were not consulted. -
Section A. Feminist Theory in Late-Nineteenth-Century France, The
45 2 Section A. Feminist Theory In late-nineteenth-century France, the word féminisme, meaning women’s liberation was first used in political debates. The most generic way to define feminism is to say that it is an organized activity on behalf of women’s rights and common interests and based on the theory of the political, economic, and social equality of the sexes. Some initial forms of feminism were criticized for considering the perspective of only white, middle-class and educated people. Ethnically specific or multiculturalists forms of feminism were created as a reaction to this criticism. Most feminists believe that inequality between men and women are open to change because they are socially constructed. Many consider feminism as theory or theories, but some others see it as merely a kind of politics in the culture. Feminist theory aims to understand gender inequality and focus on sexuality, gender politics, and power relations. To achieve this, it has developed theories in a wide range of disciplines. Feminist theory is the extension of feminism into fields of theory or philosophy. Since in academic institutions ‘theory’ is often the male standpoint and feminists have fought hard to expose the fraudulent objectivity of male ‘science’, (for example, the Freudian theory of female sexual development) some feminists have not wished to embrace theory at all. Raman Selden, Widdowson and Brooker argue “Feminism and feminist criticism may be better termed a cultural politics than a theory or theories” (116). However, much recent feminist criticism wants to free itself from the ‘fixities and definites’ of theory and to develop a female discourse which is not considered as a belonging to a recognized conceptual position (and, therefore, probably male produced). -
Everyday Feminism in the Digital Era: Gender, the Fourth Wave, and Social Media Affordances
EVERYDAY FEMINISM IN THE DIGITAL ERA: GENDER, THE FOURTH WAVE, AND SOCIAL MEDIA AFFORDANCES A Dissertation Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY by Urszula M. Pruchniewska May 2019 Examining Committee Members: Carolyn Kitch, Advisory Chair, Media and Communication Fabienne Darling-Wolf, Media and Communication Adrienne Shaw, Media and Communication Rebecca Alpert, Religion ABSTRACT The last decade has seen a pronounced increase in feminist activism and sentiment in the public sphere, which scholars, activists, and journalists have dubbed the “fourth wave” of feminism. A key feature of the fourth wave is the use of digital technologies and the internet for feminist activism and discussion. This dissertation aims to broadly understand what is “new” about fourth wave feminism and specifically to understand how social media intersect with everyday feminist practices in the digital era. This project is made up of three case studies –Bumble the “feminist” dating app, private Facebook groups for women professionals, and the #MeToo movement on Twitter— and uses an affordance theory lens, examining the possibilities for (and constraints of) use embedded in the materiality of each digital platform. Through in-depth interviews and focus groups with users, alongside a structural discourse analysis of each platform, the findings show how social media are used strategically as tools for feminist purposes during mundane online activities such as dating and connecting with colleagues. Overall, this research highlights the feminist potential of everyday social media use, while considering the limits of digital technologies for everyday feminism. This work also reasserts the continued need for feminist activism in the fourth wave, by showing that the material realities of gender inequality persist, often obscured by an illusion of empowerment. -
Modernism and Postmodernism in Feminism: a Conceptual Study on the Developments of Its Defination, Waves and School of Thought
1 Malaysian Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities (MJSSH), Volume 4, Issue 1, (page 1 - 14), 2019 Malaysian Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities (MJSSH) Volume 4, Issue 1, January 2019 e-ISSN : 2504-8562 Journal home page: www.msocialsciences.com Modernism and Postmodernism in Feminism: A Conceptual Study on the Developments of its Defination, Waves and School of Thought Mohd Hafiz Bin Abdul Karim1, Ariff Aizuddin Azlan2 1Institute of Islamic Thought and Civilization (ISTAC-IIUM) 2Faculty of Administrative Science and Policy Studies, Universiti Teknologi MARA (UiTM) Correspondence: Mohd Hafiz Bin Abdul Karim ([email protected]) Abstract ______________________________________________________________________________________________________ This study seeks to identify the relations of modernism and postmodernism in feminism by looking deeply on the development of its definitions, waves of feminism and framework in its specific schools of thought; liberal, classical Marxist, socialist and radical feminism. By adapting qualitative descriptive study, this study covers mainly secondary data from English language sources, be it from books, academic articles or any literatures pertaining to this topic, which obtained from various databases. This study argues that modernism and postmodernism is the worldviews that become the essence of feminism. By looking at the variations of how feminism is studied, e.g. definitions, waves and school of thought, this study concluded that there are several points indicating the relations that exist between modernism and postmodernism with feminism. Modernism can be seen in the relational approach of the liberal, classical Marxist and socialist feminism in the first wave, which are more centered on education, politics and economic participation. Meanwhile, the relation of postmodernism to feminism is exampled in the deconstructing approach of the radical feminism that began from the second wave shown in their individualist views on sex, sexuality, motherhood, childbirth, and language institution. -
A Research Agenda for an Ecofeminist-Informed Ecological Economics
sustainability Article Transcending the Learned Ignorance of Predatory Ontologies: A Research Agenda for an Ecofeminist-Informed Ecological Economics Sarah-Louise Ruder † and Sophia Rose Sanniti *,† School of Environment, Resources and Sustainability University of Waterloo, Waterloo, ON N2L 3G1, Canada; [email protected] * Correspondence: [email protected] † All authors contributed equally to this work. Received: 6 January 2019; Accepted: 6 March 2019; Published: 11 March 2019 Abstract: As a necessarily political act, the theorizing, debating and enacting of ecological economies offer pathways to radical socio-economic transformations that emphasize the ecological and prioritize justice. In response to a research agenda call for ecological economics, we propose and employ an ecofeminist frame to demonstrate how the logics of extractivist capitalism, which justify gender biased and anti-ecological power structures inherent in the growth paradigm, also directly inform the theoretical basis of ecological economics and its subsequent post-growth proposals. We offer pathways to reconcile these epistemological limitations through a synthesis of ecofeminist ethics and distributive justice imperatives, proposing leading questions to further the field. Keywords: ecological economics; ecofeminism; gender; capitalist-patriarchy; intersectionality; post-growth; transformational change; systems thinking; complexity As white-settlers in the Region of Waterloo, we acknowledge that we live and work on the traditional territory of the Attawandaron (Neutral), Anishnawbe, and Haudenosaunee peoples. The University of Waterloo is also situated on the Haldimand Tract: land promised to the Six Nations that includes ten kilometres on each side of the Grand River. We make this statement to act against the erasure of ongoing colonial legacies across Turtle Island and to acknowledge that we contribute to and benefit from the expulsion, assimilation, and genocide of Indigenous Peoples.