Originalveröffentlichung in: Damian Robinson, Andrew Wilson (Hg.), Alexandria and the North-Western Delta. Joint conference proceedings of Alexandria: City and Harbour (Oxford 2004) and The Trade and Topography of Egypt's North-West Delta, 8th century BC to 8th century AD (Berlin 2006), Oxford 2010, S. 15-24
2: Naukratis, Heracleion-Thonis and Alexandria - Remarks on the Presence and Trade Activities of Greeks in the North-West Delta from the Seventh Century BC to the End of the Fourth Century BC
Stefan Pfeiffer
The present article examines how Greek trade in Egypt 2. Greeks and SaTtic Egypt developed and the consequences that the Greek If we disregard the Minoan and Mycenaean contacts economic presence had on political and economic condi with Egypt, we can establish Greco-Egyptian relations as tions in Egypt. I will focus especially on the Delta region far back as the seventh century BC.2 A Greek presence and, as far as possible, on the city of Heracleion-Thonis on in the Delta can be established directly or indirectly for the Egyptian coast, discovered by Franck Goddio during the following places: Naukratis, Korn Firin, Sais, Athribis, underwater excavations at the end of the twentieth Bubastis, Mendes, Tell el-Mashkuta, Daphnai and century. The period discussed here was an exceedingly Magdolos. 3 In most of the reports, 4 Rhakotis, the settle exciting one for Egypt, as the country, forced by changes ment preceding Alexandria, is mentioned as the location in foreign policy, reversed its isolation from the rest of the of the Greeks, an assumption based on a misinterpreted ancient world. and long-outdated reading of a semi-literary papyrus from the Roman period. 5 1. Preliminary remarks on the sources Psammetichus I (reigned 664-610 BC) Before turning to the relationship between Greeks and Egyptians in the Archaic and Classical periods, it must According to the historian Diodorus writing in the first be noted that most of the information on the subject century BC, Greek trade with Egypt, indeed even a settled comes from the second book of Herodotus ’ Histories. Greek presence in Egypt, began in an era when the The value of this source, written just after the mid-fifth country was governed by many local clan chiefs under century BC by 'The Father of History', is rather contro the central rule of the Assyrian king. One of the local versial. Some consider him a reliable source, while others chiefs supported by the Assyrians was Psammetichus I, view him solely as a storyteller, in fact, even as a 'liar'.’ residing in Sais in the Delta, of whom Diodorus gives the Thus, all interpretations of his work must be approached following account: cautiously as they are coloured by varying judgements Psammetichus of Sais ... furnished wares for all regarding his quality as a source. merchants (emporois) and especially for the Strabo and Diodorus are also controversial sources, Phoenicians and the Creeks ; and since in this manner but for a different reason: they wrote between 400 and he disposed of the products of his own district at a profit 600 years after the events they reported. It must always and exchanged them for those of other peoples, he was be questioned how much true historical information not only possessed of great wealth (euporian) but also can be contained in accounts written after such a long enjoyed friendly relations with peoples and rulers. 6 time and how much of it is simply local tradition or even erroneous information taken at face value. Psammetichus was thus the first to become aware of The Greek literary sources are complemented, however, the advantages of foreign trade and thereby achieved by epigraphic and archaeological evidence of Egyptian great wealth. He declared himself independent from the and Greek origin. These are so-called primary sources, Assyrians and began his military campaign against the which give us details without establishing a direct histor other clan chiefs of the country; he was able to fall back ical connection like the literary sources. Epigraphic and on the aid of Carian and Ionian mercenaries because of archaeological evidence, however, can be inserted into the good foreign relations created through trade. With the network of events and economic history conveyed their support, the local SaTtic ruler succeeded in bringing by the Greek historians. Thus, if the Egyptian textual Egypt once again under a united Egyptian rule. 7 Thus, sources and artefacts can be connected to the reports of by at least 557 BC, he was recognised as Pharaoh in Herodotus, Diodorus and Strabo, then a probable recon Thebes. Starting with his rule over the reunited country, struction of events is possible. the so-called SaTtic period began with the 26th Dynasty
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(664-525 BC). Scholars perceive this period as the last Greeks residing in SaTtic Egypt has been found. Therefore, heyday of Egypt.8 Of interest to us is that Creek trade for the time being at least, it is suggested that we should and the Greek art of warfare contributed significantly take Diodorus literally, and suggest that because the towards reuniting Egypt and freeing it from Assyrian rule, country was not open to Greek trade for very long, the although Diodorus possibly exaggerated the importance Greeks had little time to create any lasting evidence of of the Creek military. their presence. Potentially the first Greek trader known Havin g established his rule over a reunited Egypt, to us by name is the Samian 'pirate' Kolaios, incidentally Psammetichus stationed Greek mercenaries at various mentioned by Herodotus, 17 whose journey Boardman strategic points in the Delta to protect the country dates to the year 638 BC.18 from invasions. We thus learn from Herodotus and Diodorus that he provided a piece of land near Bubastis Amasis (570-526 BC) for the settlement of Ionian and Carian mercenaries 'with the river Nile between'; these were called 'Camps' About 40 years after the reign of Psammetichus I, one of (.stmtopeda ).9 Carrez-Maratray assumes that they his successors, the usurper Amasis, reorganised Egyptian were located near the modern site of Tell el-Shuqafiya, trade with the Greeks. His goal was to place Greek close to Tell el-Kebir in the region of Faqus/Qantir, economic activity under state control by concentrating called Thou or Tacasarta (ta castra = stratopeda) in their economic presence in one place. For this purpose antiquity. 10 An additional Greek military base, named he selected, as we learn from Herodotus, the town of 'Wall of the Milesians' (milesion teichos)," was situated Naukratis, located on the Canopic branch of the Nile in at the Bolbitinic mouth of the Nile. Although previous the western Nile Delta.19 As indicated by archaeological research interprets this base as either one of the Milesian finds, 20 Greeks lived there as early as the seventh century thalassocracy or as one of Strabo's fictions, 12 it seems BC. Therefore the archaeological evidence theoretically more likely that the Milesians had constructed a fort on contradicts Herodotus. This problem can be eliminated, the orders of the Pharaoh to protect the coast from pirate however, by viewing Herodotus' information as a descrip raids by their own compatriots. This is later archaeologi- tion of a new organisation associated with an upswing cally documented, for instance, for Migdol at the border in Naukratis, as Vittmann emphasises. 21 Thus, Naukratis of Syria.13 must have already been of great significance for trade Psammetichus not only established the Greek military policy at the time of Psammetichus. in the country but also, according to Diodorus, gener Herodotus, who is the most important source for ously sponsored Greeks and other foreigners in matters Naukratis because he is the most detailed, reports the of trade after his assumption of power: following on its establishment as the only Greek emporion in Egypt:22 the Pharaoh Amasis, whom he calls philhellene, He also regularly treated with kindness any foreigners gave the polis Naukratis to those Greeks who wanted to who sojourned in Egypt of their own free willand, live in Egypt, as their residence; but to those Greeks who speaking generally, he was the first Egyptian king to only wanted to trade (nautillomenoisi), he gave certain open to other nations the trading-places (emporia) places (chorous ), doubtless located in Naukratis as well, throughout the rest of Egypt and to offer a large where they could erect their sanctuaries for the gods. The measure of security to strangers from across the seas. most important sanctuary was the so-called Hellenion, For his predecessors in power had consistently closed founded by Ionian (Chios, Teos, Phocaea, Clazomenae), Egypt to strangers (abaton epoioun tois xenois), either Dorian (Rhodes, Knidos, Halicarnassos, Phaselis), and killing or enslaving any who touched its shores.' 4 Aeolian (Mytilene) Greeks. The Hellenion, from which We see that in the Greek tradition it was Psammetichus there are confirmed archaeological remains, can in fact who opened up Egypt, which had hitherto been barred be dated to the time of Amasis in its earliest construction from foreign trade. 15 The expression used by Diodorus phase. 23 Herodotus reports an additional sacred precinct in this case, 'rest of Egypt' (ten alien choran), may be of Zeus established by the Aeginetans (a possible parallel explained as follows: trade had been possible only in the to the excavated Dioskouri temple), the precinct of Hera original sphere of power of the clan chief Psammetichus established by the Samians and that of Apollo established and was expanded after he gained exclusive control over by the Milesians. 24 all of Egypt, after which it became possible for Greeks to The Greek settlers, the majority of whom were establish trading stations (emporia ) all over Egypt. probably most active as craftsmen, were not responsible Scholars dispute the information Diodorus gives in for the administration of the Greek emporion. Instead, the his report, as no archaeological evidence supports the traders themselves were, for Herodotus explains that the existence of such trading stations. 16 This argument is not Greek towns of Asia Minor, which made up the Hellenion, particularly convincing, however, as with the exception nominated the supervisors of the port (prostatas tou of imported goods, no archaeological evidence of actual emporiou). As Moller demonstrates, 25 Naukratis was,
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however, not at all a Creek colony with a polis-c onsti- protect 'a normally strictly organised economic system tution, but a trading settlement described as a 'port of under central control from the influences of freely trade' in the Polanyi tradition of economic theory. operating trading'. 32 In contrast to this extraordinary position of Naukratis With respect to Greek trade with Egypt during the in the Saitic period, according to Herodotus, it has Saitic period, it must be stated that, according to the recently been stated that all wares coming from the sea Greek literary sources, economic contact had become to Egypt were taxed in Heracleion-Thonis, which further possible only since that time. This contact furnished the more would have been the trading port of Egypt since financial and military resources for a reunification of the the 26th Dynasty. 26 Because imported Creek amphorae country. According to Diodorus, it brought the Greeks from the site date from the seventh and sixth centuries free access to Egypt at the same time. During the Saitic BC, it has also been postulated that Greeks from Asia dynasty, however, the rulers no longer considered free Minor founded Heracleion-Thonis. 27 trade by the Greeks advantageous for the country, for The main clue for this assumption is the title of a Saitic Amasis restricted trade with Greece to Naukratis. His goal fonctionnaire called ‘Overseer at the door of the foreign may have been to place Greek trade under state control, peoples of the Mediterranean', as translated by Yoyotte. thus making it easier to collect taxes. Unfortunately, we He assumes that the official had his post at Heracleion- learn nothing about the traded products themselves - it Thonis. 28 There is, however, also no problem with may be assumed that, as in the Classical period, Greeks following Vittmann, who translates the title 'Overseer were interested in Egyptian papyrus, textiles and natron, of the doors (= frontiers) of the foreign lands of the while the Egyptians were possibly interested in imported Mediterranean', and states that the Greek supervisors Greek olive oil and wine. It cannot be documented of the port of Naukratis were under the control of this whether, at this early period, exchanging Greek silver for official. 29 Therefore, this title offers no clear evidence for Egyptian grain played a role. the function of Heracleion-Thonis as a trading port in Saitic times. 3. Parenthetical remarks: Strabo, the Milesians Summing up, one has to be cautious in assuming that and the foundation of Naukratis Heracleion-Thonis was a port of trade from the Saitic period, because Herodotus states not only that at this Strab o offers us a ‘foundation legend' for Naukratis time Naukratis was the only trading port of Egypt, but different from that of Herodotus. According to Strabo, furthermore, that Greek wares could be imported into Naukratis was a Milesian colony: Egypt only through Naukratis. He reports, for example, For in the time of Psammetichus... the Milesians, with that if a Greek were to inadvertently enter Egypt via a thirty ships, put in at the Bolbitine mouth, and then, different branch of the Nile, he had to sail back to the disembarking, fortified with a wall the above mentioned Canopic branch or, if that was not possible, to reship the settlement (called Milesion Teichos); but a long time goods with Nile ships through the Delta to Naukratis. 30 later(?)/in time(?) they sailed up into the Saitic Nome, Therefore, Naukratis was the trading port where the defeated Inaros in a naval battle, and founded the polis taxes were levied. The new finds at Heracleion-Thonis Naukratis (polin ektisan Naukratin), not far above in my opinion do not necessarily challenge these state Schedia. 33 ments by Herodotus. Certainly, Greek objects from the seventh and sixth centuries BC were found in Heracleion- Strabo's text contains three problematic statements Thonis as well as in other places of Egypt. This is probably that contradict Herodotus. The first is represented because Psammetichus allowed free trade in Egypt but by the person of Inaros, against whom the Milesians nothing speaks against the opinion that Naukratis was for are said to have gone to war. As a man by this name one generation, in the time of Amasis, the only trading does not appear in other sources of the Saitic period, port of the land. scholars assume that perhaps Strabo confused him Amasis' goal must have been to place or to retain with the Inaros who fought against the Persians in foreign trade under state control, trade probably Egypt in the mid-fifth century BC;34 he was considered conducted to a significant degree by the Greeks. to have been the son of a Psammetichus. As Strabo Therefore, he maintained direct access to the import recounts a battle of the Milesians against an Inaros, taxes from this trade. 31 However, as we know much the man concerned could have been a Pharaoh, more too little about the economic system of Saitic Egypt - precisely the son of Psammetichus I, named Necho. especially whether it was actually organised primarily The confusion of Necho, the son of Psammetichus, as a redistributive system as in the preceding millennia with the Inaros of 200 years later, who was the son of - we should be very careful about labelling the trading a Psammetichus, too, might have been the deciding port of Naukratis 'predominately a buffer between two factor for the mistake.35 Thus, the Milesians could have differently organised economic forms', a buffer serving to fought against Necho and then founded Naukratis. 36
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This is an assumption which is improbable for no other the legend that the Milesians had founded their commu reason than that it is hard to imagine that the Creeks nity. 42 Strabo had thus simply copied the foundation (with only 30 ships) in Egypt could have successfully legend, whose historical core may in fact be traced back stood up to Egyptian power. to the significant trading presence of the Milesians in But if Strabo actually did confuse the Inaros of the fifth Naukratis in the sixth century BC. century BC with a Pharaoh of the 26th Dynasty, who was a successor (son) of Psammetichus and against whom 4. Greeks in Persian Egypt and the rise of they fought victoriously, then an alternative suggestion Heradeion-Thonis as a trading port (525-404 BC) for his identity would compare well with the report by Herodotus: the son of Psammetichus II, the Pharaoh Shortly after Amasis established Naukratis as the only Apries. 37 Apries was crushingly defeated in a battle Creek emporion, conflicts arose with the Persians, whose against the usurper Amasis near Momemphis, not far King Cambyses integrated Egypt into his imperial federa from Naukratis in the Sai'tic district. 38 It may be assumed tion in 525 BC. With the Persian conquest, Creek subjects that the Milesians of Milesion Teichos fought alongside of the Persian king came from Asia Minor into the land the Egyptians, who comprised the majority of Amasis’ of the Nile, some of whom, ‘as might be expected, joined army, on the side of the usurper against Apries, the son in the campaign to make profit, and some also came to of Psammetichus II. Ultimately, the information provided see the land itself’.43 In addition, the Persians lifted the by Herodotus demonstrates the importance of the Creek trade barriers imposed by Amasis, for we learn from soldiers for Amasis when he called the Greeks from the Herodotus, who himself probably visited Egypt in the stratopeda to Memphis and made them his bodyguards. mid-fifth century BC,44 that Creek traders (emporoi ) were Nevertheless, it also must be noted that in Herodotus' permitted to move freely in Egypt and also frequented its narrative Apries was the one who led 30,000 Carian and markets.45 The following statement by Herodotus demon Ionian mercenaries, 39 and, moreover, according to some strates that Naukratis was probably no longer the only researchers, that Amasis was still hostile to the Creeks Creek port of trade. He writes: ‘In ancient times Naukratis at the beginning of his reign. This supposed hostility, was the only emporion in Egypt... In this way Naukratis however, cannot be substantiated. 40 was given privileges’.46 The fact that he emphasises that it The second problem is the fact that scholars usually was so in 'ancient times' (to palaion ) and that Naukratis translate Strabo in such a way that the Milesians sailed then 'was given such privileges' (etetimeto ), leads to only 'in time' (chrono de) to Sais in order to found Naukratis one conclusion: that this was no longer the case under there. It is generally assumed that the Milesians had the reign of the Persians at the time of Herodotus. 47 already left their fort again shortly after the founding of Just as in the Sai'tic period, trade seems to have remained Milesion Teichos to fight the battle with Inaros. This may under some state control in the Persian period, as fees not have necessarily been the case, for the Creek chrono were levied for foreign trade. A customs register found de can also be translated as 'but a long time later'. Thus, in Elephantine and written in Aramaic between 473 and this passage could be a description of the c. 40 years 402 BC offers evidence for these levies.48 Bookkeeping between the rules of Psammetichus and Amasis.41 It is was conducted in this register on 42 incoming and consequently suggested that the Milesians, who initially departing Creek and Phoenician ships. The 36 Creek protected the coast, were then called to participate in ships mentioned came from the Greek city of Phaselis. a military action in the Sai'tic district, where they after They were to pay a poll tax as well as a duty calculated wards settled with other Greeks in the pre-existing city of according to the goods' capacity. 49 The duties were trans Naukratis. Thus, Strabo and Herodotus do not necessarily ferred 'to the House of the King', which could have been contradict each other but can be read in such a way as to the King's palace in Persepolis. 50 We learn furthermore complement each other. from this register that silver, bronze, iron, and wood The third problem is that Strabo states that the counted among the imported Greek goods, but wine and Milesians founded the polis Naukratis. If Strabo had oil appear most frequently, as a great interest in these viewed Naukratis as a Creek polis, he would probably goods existed in Egypt. Natron in particular counted have used the Greek technical term apoikia, that is, among the exported goods; at least, that was the only colony, for the town. But even if Strabo assumed that the traded commodity with an export duty levied on it.51 Naukratis founded by the Milesians was a Greek polis, he Especially interesting for us is the question of where the surely drew on a foundation legend invented after the king collected the taxes. Older research has mostly consid fact, a legend he had heard during his visit in Egypt in the ered Naukratis or Memphis. 52 Briant and Descat, however, time of Augustus. In Ptolemaic and early Roman times, regarded it more probable that the duty was paid at the Naukratis was in fact the only Creek polis with a consti mouth of the Canopic branch of the Nile, that is, in the tution in the country besides Alexandria and Ptolemais, Egyptian town of Henu, called Thonis or Heracleion by and since the Ptolemaic era, the Naukratites propagated the Creeks.53 We already learned from Herodotus that
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in the Persian period Naukratis no longer had the same port. 58 Two essential developments occurred during the importance as during the time of Amasis. In fact, it seems Persian occupation with regard to the economic contacts more likely that Heracleion-Thonis had taken over the between Greeks and Egyptians. Firstly, it is probable function of trading port. Briant and Descat's proposition that Naukratis soon lost the trade monopoly awarded must, however, be confirmed by evidence as it seems first by Amasis and ceded the customs port function doubtful that Heracleion-Thonis, as they state, had already to Heracleion-Thonis. Secondly, it can be determined functioned as such in the previous Saitic era. that, in contrast to the time of Amasis and also to the First, it must be said for certain that the town was called following period of the 30th Dynasty, Greek traders were Heracleion by the Creeks because they had equated the able to trade freely in Egypt after they had paid the duty chief god of the town, Khons, with Heracles. Often fees. Egyptian towns received their names from the chief god venerated in the particular district, such as Heliopolis 5. The last 60 Years of Egyptian independence for the town of the sun god Ra or Crocodilopolis for the (404-343 BC) city of the crocodile god Sobek. The 'town of Khons', however, did not receive the name Herakleopolis, as to be After the Egyptians had lifted the yoke of Persian domin expected, but the Creeks simply named it Heracleion. The ation, a period began which brought basic changes in place-name suffix -eion points to the fact that the entire Pharaonic economic policy, despite the renewed imit community was named after the local temple of Khons- ation of ancient Pharaonic traditions. A decisive factor Herakles: it did not indicate a location but a temple was now added: for the first time in Egyptian history, - similar to, for example, the Serapeion of Alexandria foreign trade achieved extraordinary significance based or the Asclepieion of Kos. Thus, the Greek name of the on the fact that the indigenous Pharaohs were constantly Egyptian temple became the name of a town. Perhaps for at war with the Persians, who wanted to re-conquer the this reason, the Greeks had two names for the town on renegade province. In order to keep the enemy super the Canopic branch of the Nile: not only Heracleion but power at bay, the state had to pay mercenaries in coins also Thonis. The place-name Thonis is in turn, as Yoyotte minted in silver, which was not one of the country's demonstrated, 54 the hellenised form for the Egyptian natural resources. Therefore grain export became increas place-name Hem, which normally received the article To ingly important in exchange for precious metals or coins. and was thus pronounced Thonis. By the time of Strabo, Thereby, Egypt became one of the main grain suppliers of however, the knowledge that Thonis and Heracleion were the Greek world in the fifth century BC.59 one and the same town had been lost, for he wrote in his After free trade was established under the Persian description of the Canopic branch of the Nile: 'In ancient domination, the native Pharaohs sought to place trade times, it is said, there was also a city called Thonis here', with Greece and Ionia once again under their control. and then a bit later mentions 'after Canobus one comes Naukratis regained importance, but now no longer to the Heracleion, which contains a temple of Heracles'.55 as the customs port; this position continued to be The Egyptian place-name was thus no longer in use. held by Heracleion-Thonis, a site that now appears for Hero dotus may also indirectly provide evidence for us that the first time also in Egyptian documents. The most Heracleion-Thonis was already of special significance. He important evidence for the two towns is the so-called reports that the guardian of the Canopic Nile branch near Naukratis stela, named after the settlement, where the Heracles temple, evidently the Heracleion, was called the first example of this text was discovered in 1899. Thonis in ancient times.56 With this statement, he gives us A few years ago, an almost identical stela was discov an aetiology for the Greek pronunciation of the Egyptian ered during the underwater excavations conducted by place-name Thonis. Herodotus thereby provides not only Franck Goddio on the Egyptian coast near Aboukir. an explanation for the Egyptian place-name but also for Both commemorative stelae are of the same material, the protective function of the entrance port to Egypt. It is have the same dimensions, the same gabled top and therefore probable that as early as Herodotus' time (the the same inscription. Only in columns 13 and 14 do mid-fifth century BC), Greek ships had to pay their taxes at the texts differ with regard to the place where each the Canopic mouth of the Nile. This is now verified by the stela was erected. 60 The stela found in Naukratis ends archaeological finds in the harbour of Heracleion-Thonis: with the following statement: 'Let these things be the main finds of imported goods in Heracleion-Thonis date recorded on this stela, placed in Naukratis on the bank from the fifth century BC onwards. 57 of the Anu'. The parallel found in Heracleion-Thonis For the Persian era in Egypt, Descat and Briant's reads instead: 'Let these things be recorded on this assumption that Heracleion-Thonis in fact was the portal stela, placed at the mouth of the sea of the Greeks in to Egypt for the Greeks and had replaced Naukratis as the the city that is named Thonis from SaTs'.61 duty station is completely plausible. This explains as well Along with an excessive eulogy to Nektanebo I, the why Diodorus cites Heracleion as Egypt's ancient trading text of the stela contains a customs regulation by the
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Pharaoh issued in 380 BC, the first year of his reign. From Greek skilled craftsmanship developed in Naukratis on this inscription, we receive interesting information about which the Egyptians also levied taxes. trade relations between Greeks and Egyptians. The most important part of the inscription, with information on 6. Egypt as satrapy of Alexander the Great's customs revenues, reads: empire (332-306 BC)
Let there be given one in 70 (of) gold, of silver, of timber, In 342 BC, Egypt was re-conquered by the Persians, who of worked wood, of everything coming out of the sea of were only able to sustain their domination for ten years the Creeks, of all the goods (or: being all the goods) that before Alexander the Great ultimately defeated their are reckoned to the king ’s domain in the town called empire and took the position as successor to the Persian Henu; and one in 70 (of) gold, of silver, of all the things king. As a satrapy of a great empire, the administra that come into being in Pi-emroye, called
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stela had been placed in the ancient royal town of Buto incoming and departing ships probably had to pay duty on the Sebennytic branch of the Nile. Like the Naukratis in Heracleion-Thonis. Moreover, as early as this period, stela, it was a dedication. It dates from 311 BC when Naukratis had probably lost its brief function as the only the satrap endowed the temple of Buto with enormous contact point between Greece and Egypt. In the fifth estates in the countryside beyond Alexandria to secure century BC, Heracleion-Thonis, located directly on the the support of the native priesthood. Together with sea, had taken over this position. this noteworthy domestic measure by the satrap, a bit The complete loss of the foreign trade function for of incidental information is of interest for the present Naukratis was confirmed 100 years later by the Naukratis discussion. The introduction to the text reads: 'He estab stela from the period of the last native rulers in the fourth lished as his residence the city named 'the castle of century BC. It establishes that Heracleion-Thonis had now the king of Upper and Lower Egypt (Beloved of Amun, become the port for foreign trade in Egypt. However, this Chosen by Ra)|, the son of Ra (Alexandros)l' on the bank does not mean that Naukratis had lost all significance; of the Great Green (= the Mediterranean) of the Greeks, rather it had become a place of skilled Greek craftsman whose former name was Rhakotis'. ship in Egypt. The special status of the town can be seen In short, this means that Ptolemy had moved his primarily from the perspective of the Ptolemaic era, in former place of residence from Memphis to Alexandria. which it received the constitution of a Greek polis, the Thus, the fate of Heracleion-Thonis as an important only such town besides the two newly founded cities of Egyptian port of entry and customs centre was sealed, Alexandria and Ptolemais. for Alexandria was located only 29 km away. The reloca There are two reasons why Heracleion-Thonis has tion of the royal residence, the establishment of which played a rather insignificant role in previous research. created a cultural and political shift in the whole country, The first is the perception of the town in the Hellenistic later led to Alexandria ’s rise not only as the intellectual period, in which Heracleion-Thonis had to relinquish and cultural centre but also as the chief trading centre its function as a customs port to Alexandria. But, more of the entire Hellenistic world. Strabo wrote as much as important is the fact that Heracleion-Thonis today - 300 years later that Alexandria ‘is the largest trading port unlike Naukratis - is completely submerged underwater. (emporion) in the world'. 69 Not until the investigations by Franck Goddio and his team, with their spectacular finds, did it become evident that we should consider Heracleion-Thonis as an impor 8. Conclusion tant place of pre-Hellenistic Greek presence in Egypt. The Before the discoveries at Heracleion-Thonis research had finds also imply that the town probably reached its zenith determined that 'Naukratis ... [was in the Archaic period] during the early Ptolemaic dynasty. the - evidently only - contact point between two totally The question arises as to what extent Greeks influ differently structured political and economic systems’.70 enced Egyptian trade; here as well, one must distinguish Now, some scholars consider Heracleion-Thonis to be the between the different regimes. Trade, principally with central trading port of Egypt since SaVtic times.71 In my Greeks, enabled Psammetichus, at least according to opinion, both views are only half correct: close analysis of Diodorus, to establish power over all Egypt. Probably as the sources has shown that the conditions in the period a sign of appreciation, the new Pharaoh permitted the from the seventh to the fourth centuries BC, indeed, even Greeks to trade freely in Egypt. His successor Amasis in the Archaic period, cannot all be 'lumped together'. found the uncontrolled exchange of goods unprofitable; Rather the totally different regimes which Egypt experi he therefore centralised trade, primarily to collect the enced in those 300 years made completely different resulting duties. opportunities for economic contacts possible. Between the first and second Persian regimes, the If, according to Diodorus, it was possible for traders Greeks again assumed an important role in the Egyptian to establish emporia everywhere in Egypt after economy, because Greek mercenaries had to be paid in Psammetichus I had opened up the country, conditions silver coins, which in turn were bought with the sale of changed when Amasis set up strict centralisation of grain. As Egypt was dependent on foreign trade for its foreign trade in Naukratis. Even within the same dynastic defence budget, it was forced to relinquish its self-suffi period, trading conditions could change when there was cient economic system. At the same time, this led to the a political break: for example, the change under Amasis, country ’s rise as a trading power in the Mediterranean. who was a usurper. The centralised approach established Ultimately, however, Greeks and Macedonians influ by Amasis prevailed for only one generation because of enced the country's economic system when they became foreign policy conditions, for the Persian regime once rulers of Egypt. Kleomenes' regime demonstrated that again changed the situation. Herodotus reports that the ancient world was now dependent on Egyptian Greek traders were now permitted to move freely in grain; that grain trade later created the wealth of the Egypt. An Aramaic customs register indicates that all Ptolemaic dynasty.
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Notes
1. Pritchett 1993. 28. Goddio and Clauss 2006, 312, citing J. Yoyotte. For this title and his functions cf. Posener 1947, 118-127, who 2. Most recently Hockmann and Vittmann 2005. also, with reference to the Naukratis stela, thinks that the 3. Vittmann 2003, 198; Haider 1996, 98-100. overseer had his job in Heracleion-Thonis (126-127).
4. Haider 1996, 104; Vittmann 2003, 223; for a different 29. Vittmann 2003, 220; Tresson 1931, 132, the first trans opinion, cf. Grimm 1999, 17. lator of this title, translated 'gouverneur des portes d'entree (d'fgypte) par terre et par mer', although there 5. von Premerstein 1939, 6-7 col. II, 16-23 with new readings is no conjunction between the foreign land and the of Musurillo 1961 = P. Giss. Lit. 4.7. Mediterranean, and for this reason, the later editors 6. Diodorus, I. 66. 8. translated the title as above. I think, however, that Tresson's reading is still possible, as another Saitic functionary has only 7. cf. also Herodotus, 11.152, who in contrast to Diodorus the title 'overseer of the foreign lands'; cf. Gauthier 1922, says that the Greeks came as pirates. For this period cf. 87. Haider 1996, 95-96; Vittmann 2003, 33-35. Most recently Vittmann 2003, 203-206, on the cubic statue found in 30. Herodotus, 11.179; cf. Carrez-Maratray 2000, 161. Denizli, Turkey, of an Ionian who, according to the Greek 31. Moller 2001, 12. inscription, had been given a city by King Psammetichus; also Hockmann and Vittmann 2005, 100. 32. Moller 2001, 12; Moller 2000, 26-32, describes the Egyptian economic system of the Sai'tic period as redistribu 8. Assmann 2000, 14-17. tive like the system in previous periods but does not give 9. Herodotus, II. 154: 'towards the sea a little below the city of any contemporary documentation. Bubastis, on that which is called the Pelusian mouth of the 33. Strabo, XVII. 1.18. In the first line, this could be Nile'; Diodorus, 1.67.1: Tittle up the Pelusica Mouth of the Psammetichus I (664-610 BC) or Psammetichus II (595-589 Nile'. The plural is used because the encampments were on BC), cf. Moller 2001, 13-14. For Inaras: cf. Drijvers 1999, both sides of the Nile; one for the Greeks and one for the 17-18; Drijvers 1999, 18 note 7, surmises that the older Carians. translation in the Loeb Classical Library, 'they sailed up into 10. Carrez-Maratray 2000, 163, citing Worp 1991. the Saitic Nome, defeated the city Inaras in a naval fight and founded Naukratis' (Bowden 1996, 25, offers the same 11. Strabo, XVII. 1.18. translation) is 'definitely wrong', but without any explana 12. cf. Moller 2001, 14-15. tion; cf. also Moller 2000, 186. Yet, with no explanation as to why that translation is incorrect, it cannot be ruled out 13. cf Vittmann 2003, 206. Carrez-Maratray 2000, 160 is that the name of the city was Inaros. sceptical about Greek mercenaries in Egypt in the seventh century BC: 'Aucune trace de ces premiers mercenaires n'a 34. Herodotus, VII.7; Thucydides, 1.104. jamais ete retrouvee par I'archdologie'. 35. Drijvers 1999, 18; Moller 2001, 16. 14. Diodorus, 1.67.9-10. 36. Drijvers 1999, 21. 15. cf also Strabo, XVII. 1.6; Diodorus, 1.67.10; Haider 1996, 95 37. cf. Herodotus, 11.161. note 179. 38. Herodotus, 11.163 and 169. 16. Vittmann 2003, 214. 39. Herodotus, 11.163. 17. Herodotus, IV. 152. 40. Moller 2000, 37 and 192, citing Cook 1937, 232; Murray 18. Boardman 1980, 114. Vittmann 2003, 209-210, views 1993, 234f. All ascribe a nationalistic stance to Amasis Kolaios as an adventurer than as a professional trader; even because he allegedly exploited anti-Greek feelings among Moller 2001, 32 considers him a pirate - neither, however, the populace for his coup d'etat against Apries. This is present reasons for these views. not a compelling argument, for how could Amasis have 19. With regard to dating ceramics, Bowden 1996, 28 warns: explained afterwards to his supporters that he had become 'a lowering of the chronology of Greek pottery ... should a philhellene, had had his children taught by a Greek, and not be ruled out altogether'. had made Greeks his bodyguards? He based his power on the Greeks. Instead, it seems that Greek soldiers played 20. Boardman 1980, 121. more of a negligible role in the entire conflict, one which 21. Vittmann 2003, 214. Herodotus, himself a Greek, simply overstated.
22. Herodotus, 11.178-179. 41. Haider 2001, 198-199, is of a different opinion; he assumes that the Milesians had fought 'against a certain 23. Vittmann 2003, 214. Inaras' as late as the time of Psammetichus. 24. cf. Schlotzhauer 2006. 42. Moller 2001, 17-20, with corresponding sources. 25. Moller 2001; Bresson 1980, 291-299. 43. Herodotus, 111.139. 26. Goddio and Clauss 2006, 289. 44. cf. most recently Vittmann 2003, 225-226 for convincing 27. Goddio and Clauss 2006, 333-334. arguments on the question of Herodotus having seen Egypt himself.
22 2: Remarks on the Presence and Trade Activities of Greeks in the North-West Delta
59. Boardman 1980, 141. For the coins of pre-Hellenistic times 45. Herodotus mentions markets several times: 11.35; 39; 138; in Egypt: Nicolet-Pierre 2005. cf. Roebuck 1950, 236-247 141; 146. on trade relations between Greece and Egypt during this 46. Herodotus, 11.179. period; see also Moller 2000, 208-210.
47. cf. Briantand Descat 1998, 93; Carrez-Maratray 2000, 161. 60. de Meulenaere 2003, 428. 48. Briant and Descat 1998, 59-104. 61. de Meulenaere 2003, 430 note 14; Yoyotte 2006.
49. Briant and Descat 1998, 73-81, 86. 62. Lichtheim 1976, 139-146, 140. 50. Porten and Yardeni 1993, No. C3.7, 2,1. 63. Lichtheim 1976, 141-142; cf Vittmann 2003, 218-219.
51. Briantand Descat 1998, 80. 64. Briant and Descat 1998, 89, with reference to Bresson 1980. 52. Bresciani 1995, 107. 65. cf. the symposium publication Hockmann and Kreikenboom 53. Briantand Descat 1998, 91-92. 2001 . 54. Yoyotte 1958, 428. 66. cf. Arrian, Anabasis III.5; Burstein 1995, 48. 55. Strabo, XVII. 1.16-17. 67. Scholl 1997. 56. Herodotus, 11.113. The connection of the place-name Thonis with a mythical person can also be found in slightly 68. cf. Arrian, Anabasis VII. 23. 8. varied form in Strabo - in his work, however, the guard has 69. Strabo, XVII.798 § 13; cf Fraser 1972, 132-188. become an Egyptian king (XVII. 1.16). 70. Hockmann and Kreikenbom 2001, VI. 57. Goddio and Clauss 2006, 98. 71. Goddio and Clauss 2006; see arguments under section 2, 58. Diodorus, 1.19.4. above.
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