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The Impact of Federalism on National Party Cohesion in Brazil
National Party Cohesion in Brazil 259 SCOTT W. DESPOSATO University of Arizona The Impact of Federalism on National Party Cohesion in Brazil This article explores the impact of federalism on national party cohesion. Although credited with increasing economic growth and managing conflict in countries with diverse electorates, federal forms of government have also been blamed for weak party systems because national coalitions may be divided by interstate conflicts. This latter notion has been widely asserted, but there is virtually no empirical evidence of the relationship or even an effort to isolate and identify the specific features of federal systems that might weaken parties. In this article, I build and test a model of federal effects in national legislatures. I apply my framework to Brazil, whose weak party system is attributed, in part, to that country’s federal form of government. I find that federalism does significantly reduce party cohesion and that this effect can be tied to multiple state-level interests but that state-level actors’ impact on national party cohesion is surprisingly small. Introduction Federalism is one of the most widely studied of political institutions. Scholars have shown how federalism’s effects span a wide range of economic, policy, and political dimensions (see Chandler 1987; Davoodi and Zou 1998; Dyck 1997; Manor 1998; Riker 1964; Rodden 2002; Ross 2000; Stansel 2002; Stein 1999; Stepan 1999; Suberu 2001; Weingast 1995). In economic spheres, federalism has been lauded for improving market competitiveness and increasing growth; in politics, for successfully managing diverse and divided countries. But one potential cost of federalism is that excessive political decentralization could weaken polities’ ability to forge broad coalitions to tackle national issues.1 Federalism, the argument goes, weakens national parties because subnational conflicts are common in federal systems and national politicians are tied to subnational interests. -
The Influence of Austrian Voting Right of 1907 on the First Electoral Law of the Successor States (Poland, Romania [Bukovina], Czechoslovakia)
ISSN 2411-9563 (Print) European Journal of Social Sciences May-August 2014 ISSN 2312-8429 (Online) Education and Research Volume 1, Issue 1 The influence of Austrian voting right of 1907 on the first electoral law of the successor states (Poland, Romania [Bukovina], Czechoslovakia) Dr Andrzej Dubicki Uniwersytet Łódzki Abstract As a result of collapse of the Central Powers in 1918 in Central Europe have emerged new national states e.g. Poland, Czechoslowakia, Hungaria, SHS Kingdom some of states that have existed before the Great War have changed their boundaries e.g. Romania, Bulgaria. But what is most important newly created states have a need to create their constituencies, so they needed a electoral law. There is a question in what manner they have used the solutions that have been used before the war in the elections held to the respective Parliaments (mostly to the Austrian or Hungarian parliament) and in case of Poland to the Tzarist Duma or Prussian and German Parliament. In the paper author will try to compare Electoral Laws that were used in Poland Czechoslowakia, and Romania [Bukowina]. The first object will be connected with the question in what matter the Austrian electoral law have inspired the solutions used in respective countries after the Great War. The second object will be connected with showing similarities between electoral law used in so called opening elections held mainly in 1919 in Austria-Hungary successor states. The third and final question will be connected with development of the electoral rules in respective countries and with explaining the reasons for such changes and its influence on the party system in respective country: multiparty in Czechoslovakia, hybrid in Romania. -
Legislative Chambers: Unicameral Or Bicameral?
Legislative Chambers: Unicameral or Bicameral? Legislative Chambers: Unicameral or Bicameral? How many chambers a parliament should have is a controversial question in constitutional law. Having two legislative chambers grew out of the monarchy system in the UK and other European countries, where there was a need to represent both the aristocracy and the common man, and out of the federal system in the US. where individual states required representation. In recent years, unicameral systems, or those with one legislative chamber, were associated with authoritarian states. Although that perception does not currently hold true, there appears to be a general trend toward two chambers in emerging democracies, particularly in larger countries. Given historical, cultural and political factors, governments must decide whether one-chamber or two chambers better serve the needs of the country. Bicameral Chambers A bicameral legislature is composed of two-chambers, usually termed the lower house and upper house. The lower house is usually based proportionally on population with each member representing the same number of citizens in each district or region. The upper house varies more broadly in the way in which members are selected, including inheritance, appointment by various bodies and direct and indirect elections. Representation in the upper house can reflect political subdivisions, as is the case for the US Senate, German Bundesrat and Indian Rajya Sabha. Bicameral systems tend to occur in federal states, because of that system’s two-tiered power structure. Where subdivisions are drawn to coincide with other important societal units, the upper house can serve to represent ethnic, religious or tribal groupings, as in India or Ethiopia. -
Federalism, Bicameralism, and Institutional Change: General Trends and One Case-Study*
brazilianpoliticalsciencereview ARTICLE Federalism, Bicameralism, and Institutional Change: General Trends and One Case-study* Marta Arretche University of São Paulo (USP), Brazil The article distinguishes federal states from bicameralism and mechanisms of territorial representation in order to examine the association of each with institutional change in 32 countries by using constitutional amendments as a proxy. It reveals that bicameralism tends to be a better predictor of constitutional stability than federalism. All of the bicameral cases that are associated with high rates of constitutional amendment are also federal states, including Brazil, India, Austria, and Malaysia. In order to explore the mechanisms explaining this unexpected outcome, the article also examines the voting behavior of Brazilian senators constitutional amendments proposals (CAPs). It shows that the Brazilian Senate is a partisan Chamber. The article concludes that regional influence over institutional change can be substantially reduced, even under symmetrical bicameralism in which the Senate acts as a second veto arena, when party discipline prevails over the cohesion of regional representation. Keywords: Federalism; Bicameralism; Senate; Institutional change; Brazil. well-established proposition in the institutional literature argues that federal Astates tend to take a slow reform path. Among other typical federal institutions, the second legislative body (the Senate) common to federal systems (Lijphart 1999; Stepan * The Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa no Estado -
List of Participants
COVID-19 pandemic recovery through a human rights lens: What contribution from parliaments? Virtual global workshop for parliamentarians organized by the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) Two half-days spread over two days, Tuesday, 29 and Wednesday 30 June 2021 2 - 5 p.m. (CEST - Geneva Time) List of participants Inaugural ceremony CHUNGONG, Martin (Mr.) Secretary General of the Inter-Parliamentary Union BACHELET, Michelle (Ms) United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights SHAMEEM KHAN, Nazhat, Ambassador (Ms.) President of the United Nations Human Rights Council Panelists and Moderators HICKS, Peggy (Ms.) Director of the Thematic Engagement, Special Procedures and Right to Development Division (OHCHR) BA, Dieh Mandiaye (Ms.) Member of the National Assembly Chair of the Committee on laws, decentralization, labour and human rights (Senegal) DHLOMO, Sibongiseni (Dr.) Member of the National Assembly (South Africa) MASSEY, Chitralekha (Ms.) Team Leader Advocacy and Outreach ESCR, SDGs and COVID-19 SPENGEMANN, Sven (Mr.) Member of the House of Commons (Canada) ODHIAMBO, Millie (Ms.) Member of the National Assembly (Kenya) TAIANA, Jorge (Mr.) Member of the Senate (Argentina) - 2 - HUIZENGA, Rogier (Mr.) Manager, Human Rights Programme, IPU MAGAZZENI, Gianni (Mr.) Chief, UPR Branch, OHCHR Participants Country Participants Afghanistan MOHAMMADI, Bibi Gulalai (Mr.) Member of Wolesi Jirga Algeria BENBADIS, Fawzia (Ms.) Membre du Conseil de la Nation BENZIADA, Mounia -
The Appeal of Fascism to the British Aristocracy During the Inter-War Years, 1919-1939
THE APPEAL OF FASCISM TO THE BRITISH ARISTOCRACY DURING THE INTER-WAR YEARS, 1919-1939 THESIS PRESENTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OFARTS. By Kenna Toombs NORTHWEST MISSOURI STATE UNIVERSITY MARYVILLE, MISSOURI AUGUST 2013 The Appeal of Fascism 2 Running Head: THE APPEAL OF FASCISM TO THE BRITISH ARISTOCRACY DURING THE INTER-WAR YEARS, 1919-1939 The Appeal of Fascism to the British Aristocracy During the Inter-War Years, 1919-1939 Kenna Toombs Northwest Missouri State University THESIS APPROVED Date Dean of Graduate School Date The Appeal of Fascism 3 Abstract This thesis examines the reasons the British aristocracy became interested in fascism during the years between the First and Second World Wars. As a group the aristocracy faced a set of circumstances unique to their class. These circumstances created the fear of another devastating war, loss of Empire, and the spread of Bolshevism. The conclusion was determined by researching numerous books and articles. When events required sacrifice to save king and country, the aristocracy forfeited privilege and wealth to save England. The Appeal of Fascism 4 Contents Chapter One Background for Inter-War Years 5 Chapter Two The Lost Generation 1919-1932 25 Chapter Three The Promise of Fascism 1932-1936 44 Chapter Four The Decline of Fascism in Great Britain 71 Conclusion Fascism After 1940 83 The Appeal of Fascism 5 Chapter One: Background for Inter-War Years Most discussions of fascism include Italy, which gave rise to the movement; Spain, which adopted its principles; and Germany, which forever condemned it in the eyes of the world; but few include Great Britain. -
The Austrian Press Act 1862 Between the House of Lords and the House of Deputies
- 581 - LAWMAKING PROCEDURE UNDER THE RULE OF THE FEBRUARY PATENT : THE AUSTRIAN PRESS ACT 1862 BETWEEN THE HOUSE OF LORDS AND THE HOUSE OF DEPUTIES Thomas Olechowski (Institut für Rechts-und Verfassungsgeschichte, Wien) I. The so-called February Patent The so-called February Patent1, sanctioned by emperor Franz Joseph on 26th February 1861, is one of the most remarkable documents in Austrian constitutional history : It can bee seen as an intermediate station in the transformation from neoabsolutism to constitutionalism. This transformation became necessary because of the military defeat Franz Joseph had to suffer in Italy in 1859 and of the financial crisis, which was a consequence of the lost war. The bourgeoisie was willing to subscribe Government bonds to turn off the 1 Reichsgesetzblatt für das Kaiserthum Österreich 1861/20. An official title doesn’t exist – which was intentional by the emperor and his cabinet, see Horst Brettner- Messler, Hrg, Die Ministerien Erzherzog Rainer und Mensdorff (= Die Protokolle des Österreichischen Ministerrates 1848–1867, V/1, Wien, 1977) p. 69, 96. In the literature, the name « Februarpatent », sometimes « Februarverfassung » (February constitution), is common, see f.e. Edmund Bernatzik, Die österreichischen Verfassungsgesetze, Wien2, 1991, Nr VIII ; Fritz Fellner, Das « Februarpatent » von 1861. Entstehung und Bedeutung, Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung 63, Wien, 1955, p. 549–564, especially 554 f ; Andreas Gottsmann, Der Reichstag 1848/49 und der Reichsrat 1861 bis 1865, in Helmut Rumpler / Peter Urbanitsch, Hrg, Die Habsburgermonarchie VII, Wien, 2000, p. 569–665, esp 622 ; Lothar Höbelt, Parteien und Fraktionen im cisleithanischen Reichsrat, ibidem, p. 895–1006, esp 895, and many others. -
The Constitution of the Czech Republic of 1992, 21 Hastings Const
Hastings Constitutional Law Quarterly Volume 21 Article 6 Number 4 Summer 1994 1-1-1994 The onsC titution of the Czech Republic of 1992 George E. Glos Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/ hastings_constitutional_law_quaterly Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation George E. Glos, The Constitution of the Czech Republic of 1992, 21 Hastings Const. L.Q. 1049 (1994). Available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_constitutional_law_quaterly/vol21/iss4/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hastings Constitutional Law Quarterly by an authorized editor of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Constitution of the Czech Republic of 1992 By GEORGE E. GLOS* Table of Contents I. Comments on and Evaluation of the Constitution of the Czech Republic of 1992 ................................. 1051 A. The Legislative' Power ... ........................... 1051 B. The Executive Power ............................... 1053 C. The Judicial Power .................................. 1054 D. Territorial Self-Government ........................ 1055 1. The Land System and the Regions System ..... 1055 2. The Future of Land Divisions .................. 1056 E. The Charter of Fundamental Rights and Freedoms. 1057 II. Summary of Constitution of the Czech Republic ....... 1058 A. The Enactment .................................... -
Central African Republic
BTI 2020 Country Report Central African Republic This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2020. It covers the period from February 1, 2017 to January 31, 2019. The BTI assesses the transformation toward democracy and a market economy as well as the quality of governance in 137 countries. More on the BTI at https://www.bti-project.org. Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2020 Country Report — Central African Republic. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2020. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Contact Bertelsmann Stiftung Carl-Bertelsmann-Strasse 256 33111 Gütersloh Germany Sabine Donner Phone +49 5241 81 81501 [email protected] Hauke Hartmann Phone +49 5241 81 81389 [email protected] Robert Schwarz Phone +49 5241 81 81402 [email protected] Sabine Steinkamp Phone +49 5241 81 81507 [email protected] BTI 2020 | Central African Republic 3 Key Indicators Population M 4.7 HDI 0.381 GDP p.c., PPP $ 872 Pop. growth1 % p.a. 1.5 HDI rank of 189 188 Gini Index 56.2 Life expectancy years 52.2 UN Education Index 0.353 Poverty3 % 83.1 Urban population % 41.4 Gender inequality2 0.682 Aid per capita $ 110.5 Sources (as of December 2019): The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2019 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2019. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $3.20 a day at 2011 international prices. Executive Summary During the period under review, ending in January 2019, the Central African Republic was governed by a president elected by fair and transparent elections held in March 2016. -
Austrian Federalism in Comparative Perspective
CONTEMPORARY AUSTRIAN STUDIES | VOLUME 24 Bischof, Karlhofer (Eds.), Williamson (Guest Ed.) • 1914: Aus tria-Hungary, the Origins, and the First Year of World War I War of World the Origins, and First Year tria-Hungary, Austrian Federalism in Comparative Perspective Günter Bischof AustrianFerdinand Federalism Karlhofer (Eds.) in Comparative Perspective Günter Bischof, Ferdinand Karlhofer (Eds.) UNO UNO PRESS innsbruck university press UNO PRESS innsbruck university press Austrian Federalism in ŽŵƉĂƌĂƟǀĞWĞƌƐƉĞĐƟǀĞ Günter Bischof, Ferdinand Karlhofer (Eds.) CONTEMPORARY AUSTRIAN STUDIES | VOLUME 24 UNO PRESS innsbruck university press Copyright © 2015 by University of New Orleans Press All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form, or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage nd retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publisher. All inquiries should be addressed to UNO Press, University of New Orleans, LA 138, 2000 Lakeshore Drive. New Orleans, LA, 70148, USA. www.unopress.org. Printed in the United States of America Book design by Allison Reu and Alex Dimeff Cover photo © Parlamentsdirektion Published in the United States by Published and distributed in Europe University of New Orleans Press by Innsbruck University Press ISBN: 9781608011124 ISBN: 9783902936691 UNO PRESS Publication of this volume has been made possible through generous grants from the the Federal Ministry for Europe, Integration, and Foreign Affairs in Vienna through the Austrian Cultural Forum in New York, as well as the Federal Ministry of Economics, Science, and Research through the Austrian Academic Exchange Service (ÖAAD). The Austrian Marshall Plan Anniversary Foundation in Vienna has been very generous in supporting Center Austria: The Austrian Marshall Plan Center for European Studies at the University of New Orleans and its publications series. -
Political Stability and the Division of Czechoslovakia
Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Master's Theses Graduate College 8-1996 Political Stability and the Division of Czechoslovakia Timothy M. Kuehnlein Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Kuehnlein, Timothy M., "Political Stability and the Division of Czechoslovakia" (1996). Master's Theses. 3826. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses/3826 This Masters Thesis-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. POLITICAL STABILITY AND THE DIVISION OF CZECHOSLOVAKIA by Timothy M. Kuehnlein, Jr. A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The Graduate College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Department of Political Science Western Michigan University Kalamazoo, Michigan August 1996 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The completion of this project was both a tedious and rewarding experience. With the highest expectations for the style and content of the presentation, I have attempted to be as concise yet thorough as possible in the presentation and defense of the argument. The composition of this thesis entails nearly two years of diligent work outside of general course studies. It includes preliminary readings in Central and East European affairs, an extensive excursion throughout the Czech and Slovak republics with readings in the theory of political stability, the history and politics of Czecho slovakia, in addition to composing the text. My pursuit was driven by a passion for the topic, a quest for know ledge and understanding, and the argument's potential for continued development. -
Types of Semi-Presidentialism and Party Competition Structures in Democracies: the Cases of Portugal and Peru Gerson Francisco J
TYPES OF SEMI-PRESIDENTIALISM AND PARTY COMPETITION STRUCTURES IN DEMOCRACIES: THE CASES OF PORTUGAL AND PERU GERSON FRANCISCO JULCARIMA ALVAREZ Licentiate in Sociology, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos (Peru), 2005. A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in POLITICAL SCIENCE Department of Political Science University of Lethbridge LETHBRIDGE, ALBERTA, CANADA © Gerson F. Julcarima Alvarez, 2020 TYPES OF SEMI-PRESIDENTIALISM AND PARTY COMPETITION STRUCTURES IN DEMOCRACIES: THE CASES OF PORTUGAL AND PERU GERSON FRANCISCO JULCARIMA ALVAREZ Date of Defence: November 16, 2020 Dr. A. Siaroff Professor Ph.D. Thesis Supervisor Dr. H. Jansen Professor Ph.D. Thesis Examination Committee Member Dr. J. von Heyking Professor Ph.D. Thesis Examination Committee Member Dr. Y. Belanger Professor Ph.D. Chair, Thesis Examination Committee ABSTRACT This thesis analyzes the influence that the semi-presidential form of government has on the degree of closure of party competition structures. Thus, using part of the axioms of the so-called Neo-Madisonian theory of party behavior and Mair's theoretical approach to party systems, the behavior of parties in government in Portugal (1976-2019) and Peru (1980-1991 and 2001-2019) is analyzed. The working hypotheses propose that the president-parliamentary form of government promotes a decrease in the degree of closure of party competition structures, whereas the premier- presidential form of government promotes either an increase or a decrease in the closure levels of said structures. The investigation results corroborate that apart from the system of government, the degree of closure depends on the combined effect of the following factors: whether the president's party controls Parliament, the concurrence or not of presidential and legislative elections, and whether the party competition is bipolar or multipolar.