National Assembly House of Representatives List of Committee Clerks

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

National Assembly House of Representatives List of Committee Clerks NATIONAL ASSEMBLY HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES LIST OF COMMITTEE CLERKS SIN COMMITTEES COMMITTEE CLERK 1. Selection Clerk of the House Clerk of Committees 2. Rules and Business Adebayo C. Abiodun 3. House Services Yahaya Danzaria 4. Public Petitions Michael Egwu 5. Public Accounts GiwaP. A. 6. Ethics & Privileges lames Obotu 7. Agriculture Oscar C. Okoro 8. Aids, Loans & Debt Idris Mora Abubakar 9. Air force Dennis Iko 10. Anti-Corruption, National Ethics & Aisha Inusa. Values 11. Appropriations Dr. Abel Ochigbo 12. Army Doris Bombata 13. Aviation Abubakar Chana 14. Banking and Currency Yakubu W. Yilji 15. Capital Market & Institution Ogunsanya T. Olufemi 16. Civil Society & Donor Agencies Basho Ali 17. Commerce Uche Okorie 18. Communications M. B. Ibrahim 19. Communications & Information Ahmadu Mahmudu Jatau Tech. (lCT') 20. Constituency Outreach Dev. David Zipamone 21. Co-operation & Integration in Ag. Clerk: Balarabe I. Africa Dutse 22. Culture & Tourism Mathew Damian Okuta 23. Custom & Excise Baba Mohammed 24. Defence Afangideh Asuquo N. 25. Diaspora Sunday Adelani 26. Drugs, Narcotics & Financial Farouk Dawaki Crimes 27. Education S. B. Ibitoye-Bamisaiye 28. Electoral Matters Grace Edu 29. Emergency & Disaster Emene E. U. Preparedness 30. Environment Titus Jatau 31. Federal Capital Territory Mukhtar K. Adanko 32. F.C.T. Area Council Aribatise O. A. 33. Federal Character Baba Mala Kaigama 34. Finance Sadiq M. A. 35. FOI (Reform of Govt. Institution) Ayodele O. Owasoyo 36. Foreign Affairs M. D. Ibrahim 37. FERMA Jide Funmilayo 38. FRSC Benson Ovoh 39. Gas Resources 40. Governmental Affairs Walli Baba Shehu 41. Health Modu Kyari 42. HIV / Aids, Tuberculosis & Malaria Jakop Dan-Alih Control 43. Housing & Habitat Carol N. Asan 44. Human Rights Ado Abdul Sule 45. Industries Woko Young 46. Information and Nat. Orientation MusaAliyu Agency 47. Interior Olaiya B. Kehinde 48. Inter- Parliamentary Relations Badamasi Abubakar 49. Inter/Intra Party Relations Omale Anthony Adoyi 50. Internal Security Matthew 0 kureka 5I. Judiciary Abdullahi M. Gurin 52. Justice Kamoru Ogunlana 53. Labour, Employment & Ibrahim Tijjani S. Productivity 54. Land Transport Okoro Margaret N. 55. Lake Chad Ahmed Sulaiman Rauwa 56. Legislative Budget & Research Olunike Adesina-Obube 57. Legislative Compliance Mohammed Shuaibu 58. Local Content Ifeoma M. Ofili (Mrs) 59. Marine Transport Moh'd Nasir Saidu 60. Media & Public Affairs Sodangi Samaila 61. Millennium Development Goals Bukola Olorundami- Ayeni 62. National Planning & Economic Abubakar Sale Murhi Dev. 63. National Security & Intelligence Abiodun Delupe 64. Navy Mohammed A. Isah 65. NDDC Nora Uzamere (Mrs) 66. Pensions Ifeanyi Abraham 67. Petroleum Resources (Downs Ibrahim Sidi Stream) 68. Petroleum Resources (Up Stream) Uchendu Okannah 69. Police Affairs Bello Abdulkadir 70. Population Mohammed Ali 71. Poverty Alleviation Agada Rawlings Emmanuel 72. Power Joyce Umoren 73. Privatization & Commercialization Tata Tukur Abubakar 74. Public Procurement Inyang Etim Edet 75. Public Service Matters Sullyman M. Sarkin Noma 76. Rural Development Kwayama Jehu 77. Science & Technology Saidu S. Kamba 78. Solid Minerals Development Dan Asabe- Ihwe 79. Special Duties Margaret Asim 80. Sports Barr. Usman Ibrahim 81. States & Local Government Ug\VU Uchenna 82. Steel Gloria F. S. Usman 83. Treaties & Agreements David N. Onuigwe 84. Water Resources Ramatu Ahmad 85. Women Affairs & Social Dev. Abosi Oyesikadi Lolo 86. Works Sukola Usman Sani 87. Youth Development Edet Ekpeyong Okon 88. Climate Change & Global Wali Baba Shehu Warming 89. Niger Delta Ministry Affairs Ilami Williams 90. Urban Development Saleh Mohammed 91. Women in Parliament Fatai Sulaiman .
Recommended publications
  • Legislative Chambers: Unicameral Or Bicameral?
    Legislative Chambers: Unicameral or Bicameral? Legislative Chambers: Unicameral or Bicameral? How many chambers a parliament should have is a controversial question in constitutional law. Having two legislative chambers grew out of the monarchy system in the UK and other European countries, where there was a need to represent both the aristocracy and the common man, and out of the federal system in the US. where individual states required representation. In recent years, unicameral systems, or those with one legislative chamber, were associated with authoritarian states. Although that perception does not currently hold true, there appears to be a general trend toward two chambers in emerging democracies, particularly in larger countries. Given historical, cultural and political factors, governments must decide whether one-chamber or two chambers better serve the needs of the country. Bicameral Chambers A bicameral legislature is composed of two-chambers, usually termed the lower house and upper house. The lower house is usually based proportionally on population with each member representing the same number of citizens in each district or region. The upper house varies more broadly in the way in which members are selected, including inheritance, appointment by various bodies and direct and indirect elections. Representation in the upper house can reflect political subdivisions, as is the case for the US Senate, German Bundesrat and Indian Rajya Sabha. Bicameral systems tend to occur in federal states, because of that system’s two-tiered power structure. Where subdivisions are drawn to coincide with other important societal units, the upper house can serve to represent ethnic, religious or tribal groupings, as in India or Ethiopia.
    [Show full text]
  • List of Participants
    COVID-19 pandemic recovery through a human rights lens: What contribution from parliaments? Virtual global workshop for parliamentarians organized by the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) Two half-days spread over two days, Tuesday, 29 and Wednesday 30 June 2021 2 - 5 p.m. (CEST - Geneva Time) List of participants Inaugural ceremony CHUNGONG, Martin (Mr.) Secretary General of the Inter-Parliamentary Union BACHELET, Michelle (Ms) United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights SHAMEEM KHAN, Nazhat, Ambassador (Ms.) President of the United Nations Human Rights Council Panelists and Moderators HICKS, Peggy (Ms.) Director of the Thematic Engagement, Special Procedures and Right to Development Division (OHCHR) BA, Dieh Mandiaye (Ms.) Member of the National Assembly Chair of the Committee on laws, decentralization, labour and human rights (Senegal) DHLOMO, Sibongiseni (Dr.) Member of the National Assembly (South Africa) MASSEY, Chitralekha (Ms.) Team Leader Advocacy and Outreach ESCR, SDGs and COVID-19 SPENGEMANN, Sven (Mr.) Member of the House of Commons (Canada) ODHIAMBO, Millie (Ms.) Member of the National Assembly (Kenya) TAIANA, Jorge (Mr.) Member of the Senate (Argentina) - 2 - HUIZENGA, Rogier (Mr.) Manager, Human Rights Programme, IPU MAGAZZENI, Gianni (Mr.) Chief, UPR Branch, OHCHR Participants Country Participants Afghanistan MOHAMMADI, Bibi Gulalai (Mr.) Member of Wolesi Jirga Algeria BENBADIS, Fawzia (Ms.) Membre du Conseil de la Nation BENZIADA, Mounia
    [Show full text]
  • Central African Republic
    BTI 2020 Country Report Central African Republic This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2020. It covers the period from February 1, 2017 to January 31, 2019. The BTI assesses the transformation toward democracy and a market economy as well as the quality of governance in 137 countries. More on the BTI at https://www.bti-project.org. Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2020 Country Report — Central African Republic. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2020. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Contact Bertelsmann Stiftung Carl-Bertelsmann-Strasse 256 33111 Gütersloh Germany Sabine Donner Phone +49 5241 81 81501 [email protected] Hauke Hartmann Phone +49 5241 81 81389 [email protected] Robert Schwarz Phone +49 5241 81 81402 [email protected] Sabine Steinkamp Phone +49 5241 81 81507 [email protected] BTI 2020 | Central African Republic 3 Key Indicators Population M 4.7 HDI 0.381 GDP p.c., PPP $ 872 Pop. growth1 % p.a. 1.5 HDI rank of 189 188 Gini Index 56.2 Life expectancy years 52.2 UN Education Index 0.353 Poverty3 % 83.1 Urban population % 41.4 Gender inequality2 0.682 Aid per capita $ 110.5 Sources (as of December 2019): The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2019 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2019. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $3.20 a day at 2011 international prices. Executive Summary During the period under review, ending in January 2019, the Central African Republic was governed by a president elected by fair and transparent elections held in March 2016.
    [Show full text]
  • Constitution of the People's Republic of Benin
    Constitution of the People's Republic of Benin The High Council of the Republic, in accordance with the Constitutional Law of August 13, 1990 has proposed; The Béninese people have adopted in the Constituent referendum of December 2, 1990 the Constitution; The President of the Republic promulgates the Constitution whose contents follow: PREAMBLE Dahomey, proclaimed a Republic on December 4, 1958, acceded to international sovereignty August 1, 1960. Having become the People's Republic of Bénin on November 30, 1975, and then the Republic of Bénin on March 1, 1990, it has known a turbulent constitutional and political evolution since its accession to independence. Only the option in favor of the Republic has remained permanent. The successive changes of political regimes and of governments have not blunted the determination of the Béninese people to search for, in their own spirit, the cultural, philosophical and spiritual values of civilization which sustain the forms of their patriotism. Thus, the National Conference of Active Forces of the Nation, held in Cotonou from February 19 to 28, 1990, in giving back confidence to the people, has permitted the national reconciliation and the advent of an era of democratic revival. On the day after this Conference, WE, THE BÉNINESE PEOPLE -Reaffirm our fundamental opposition to any political regime founded on arbitrariness, dictatorship, injustice, corruption, misappropriation of public funds, regionalism, nepotism, confiscation of power, and personal power; -Express our firm will to defend and
    [Show full text]
  • Asian-Parliaments.Pdf
    Asian Parliaments Bangladesh Government type: parliamentary democracy unicameral National Parliament or Jatiya Sangsad; 300 seats elected by popular vote from single territorial constituencies (the constitutional amendment reserving 30 seats for women over and above the 300 regular parliament seats expired in May 2001); members serve five­year terms elections: last held 1 October 2001 (next to be held no later than January 2007) Bhutan Government type: monarchy; special treaty relationship with India unicameral National Assembly or Tshogdu (150 seats; 105 elected from village constituencies, 10 represent religious bodies, and 35 are designated by the monarch to represent government and other secular interests; members serve three­year terms) elections: local elections last held August 2005 (next to be held in 2008) Burma Government type: military junta (leader not elected) Unicameral People's Assembly or Pyithu Hluttaw (485 seats; members elected by popular vote to serve four­year terms) elections: last held 27 May 1990, but Assembly never allowed by junta to convene Cambodia Government type: multiparty democracy under a constitutional monarchy established in September 1993 Bicameral, consists of the National Assembly (123 seats; members elected by popular vote to serve five­year terms) and the Senate (61 seats; 2 members appointed by the monarch, 2 elected by the National Assembly, and 57 elected by parliamentarians and commune councils; members serve five­year terms) elections: National Assembly ­ last held 27 July 2003 (next to be
    [Show full text]
  • Central African Republic Report of the Secretary-Gen
    United Nations S/2020/545 Security Council Distr.: General 16 June 2020 Original: English Central African Republic Report of the Secretary-General I. Introduction 1. By its resolution 2499 (2019), the Security Council extended the mandate of the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA) until 15 November 2020 and requested me to report on its implementation every four months. The present report provides an update on major developments in the Central African Republic since the previous report of 14 February 2020 (S/2020/124), including the impact of the outbreak of the coronavirus disease (COVID-19), which was officially declared in the Central African Republic on 14 March. II. Political situation Political developments 2. The political environment was marked by increased mobilization ahead of the presidential and legislative elections scheduled for December 2020, contributing to tensions between political stakeholders. The Special Representative of the Secretary- General for the Central African Republic and Head of MINUSCA, Mankeur Ndiaye, with his good offices and political facilitation mandate, engaged with national stakeholders and international partners to encourage constructive and inclusive political dialogue to preserve fragile gains. 3. On 11 February, 14 opposition parties formed the Coalition de l’opposition démocratique with the proclaimed objective of ensuring free, fair, inclusive and timely elections. The coalition includes the parties Union pour le renouveau centrafricain of the former Prime Minister, Anicet-Georges Dologuélé; the Kwa Na Kwa of the former President, François Bozizé; the Convention républicaine pour le progrès social of the former Prime Minister, Nicolas Tiangaye; the Chemin de l’espérance of the former President of the National Assembly, Karim Meckassoua; and the Be Africa Ti E Kwe of the former Prime Minister, Mahamat Kamoun.
    [Show full text]
  • THE DOUBLE-HEADED EAGLE SEMI-PRESIDENTIALISM and DEMOCRACY in FRANCE and RUSSIA by Cole Joseph Harvey Submitted to the Dean of T
    THE DOUBLE-HEADED EAGLE SEMI-PRESIDENTIALISM AND DEMOCRACY IN FRANCE AND RUSSIA By Cole Joseph Harvey Submitted to the Dean of the University Honors College In partial fulfillment Of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh i 2008 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH UNIVERSITY HONORS COLLEGE This thesis was presented by Cole J. Harvey It was defended on July 14, 2008 and approved by Dr. Ronald Linden, PhD., Department of Political Science Dr. Alberta Sbragia, PhD., Department of Political Science Dr. Thomas Remington, PhD., Department of Political Science, Emory University Thesis Advisor: Dr. Jonathan Harris, PhD., Department of Political Science ii Copyright © by Cole J. Harvey 2008 iii The Double-Headed Eagle: Semi-Presidentialism and Democracy in France and Russia Cole J. Harvey University of Pittsburgh, 2008 It has become a commonplace observation in recent years that Russian democracy is in remission. Indeed there is a significant difference between the struggling democratic performance of Russia and that of a consolidated democracy such as France. The modern French and Russian states are both semi-presidential states, meaning that in each country executive power is shared between an elected president and an appointed prime minister who can (at least in theory) be voted out of office by the legislature. Despite this broad similarity, semi- presidential institutions are organized in significantly different ways in each country. This paper examines those differences in order to understand how they can help account for poor democratic performance in Russia and strong democratic performance in France. Four political institutions will be examined in each country: presidents, prime ministers, parliaments, and political parties.
    [Show full text]
  • Bicameralism
    Bicameralism International IDEA Constitution-Building Primer 2 Bicameralism International IDEA Constitution-Building Primer 2 Elliot Bulmer © 2017 International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA) Second edition First published in 2014 by International IDEA International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. The electronic version of this publication is available under a Creative Commons Attribute-NonCommercial- ShareAlike 3.0 (CC BY-NC-SA 3.0) licence. You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the publication as well as to remix and adapt it, provided it is only for non-commercial purposes, that you appropriately attribute the publication, and that you distribute it under an identical licence. For more information on this licence visit the Creative Commons website: <http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/> International IDEA Strömsborg SE–103 34 Stockholm Sweden Telephone: +46 8 698 37 00 Email: [email protected] Website: <http://www.idea.int> Cover design: International IDEA Cover illustration: © 123RF, <http://www.123rf.com> Produced using Booktype: <https://booktype.pro> ISBN: 978-91-7671-107-1 Contents 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................. 3 Advantages of bicameralism.....................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • 10Th Plenary Assembly. the Report Provided an Overview of the Activities Carried out by Parlamericas Over the Past Year
    th Plenary Assembly 10 Report San José, Costa Rica August 22 – 24, 2013 Foreign Affairs, Trade and Affaires étrangères, Commerce Development Canada et Développement Canada Table of Contents Acknowledgements . 3 1 Introduction . 4 2 Official Inauguration . .. 4 3 First Session of the Plenary Assembly . 6 3.1 Validation of the Chair ..................................................6 3.2 Acceptance of Chair and Words by the Chair ................................6 3.3 Review of the Rules of Procedure and Approval of the Agenda ..................7 3.4 Annual Report of the President ...........................................7 3.5 Resolution of the Board of Directors .......................................8 3.6 Information Regarding Elections ..........................................8 3.7 Establishment of Working Groups. 8 3.8 Keynote Address: Challenges to Realizing the Right to Food in the Hemisphere – Dr. Ricardo Rapallo ....................................................9 4 Second Session of the Plenary Assembly . 10 4.1 Elections and Confirmation of National Legislature to Host the 11th Plenary Assembly ................................................10 4.2 Presentation and Consideration of Working Group Recommendations ...........11 Working Group 1: Natural Resources Development ..........................11 Working Group 2: Food Security .........................................12 Meeting Organized by the Group of Women Parliamentarians: Connecting Women’s Rights to Food Security ..............................12 4.3 Offer to Host 2014
    [Show full text]
  • DJIBOUTI Date of Elections: 24 April 1987 Purpose of Elections Elections Were Held for All the Seats in Parliament on the Normal
    DJIBOUTI Date of Elections: 24 April 1987 Purpose of Elections Elections were held for all the seats in Parliament on the normal expiry of the members' term of office. Characteristics of Parliament The unicameral Parliament of Djibouti, the National Assembly, is composed of 65 Deputies elected for 5 years. Electoral System Under the 1981 Electoral Law, Deputies are elected by party-list simple majority system in one round of voting, the number of candidates being equivalent to the number of parliamentary seats to be filled and the country as a whole forming a single constituency. The Rassemblementpopulairepour le progres (RPP) is alone entitled to nominate candidates; its list must be submitted at least 21 days prior to the election date. Voters may register disagreement with the RPP list either by abstaining lor through a blank ballot paper. Citizens who are qualified electors, 23 years of age or above and who have a clean judicial record, been resident in Djibouti for at least five years and know how to read, write and speak French or Arabic in a fluent fashion are eligible for election to the National Assembly. Certain public or government officials, judges and their substitutes, and members of the armed, police and security forces may not be members of Parliament while holding these posts and for two years after leaving the same. General Considerations and Conduct of the Electioi The 1987 parliamentary elections were held simultaneously with those for President of the Republic. The campaign officially opened on 9 April. In accordance with the 1981 Electoral Law, the Rassemblement populaire pour le progres (RPP) was alone entitled to nominate candidates for Parliament and for President of the Republic, who is elected by universal suffrage.
    [Show full text]
  • Burkina Faso
    MAY 2020 Burkina Faso: Casting a shadow CRU Policy Brief over the polls? The role of vigilante groups in the 2020 elections On 22 November 2020, Burkina Faso will hold joint presidential and legislative elections. The Burkinabe will cast their votes amid the twin pressures of increasing activity by both armed groups and community-based self-defence groups such as the koglweogos, the dozos and the rougas. This policy brief scrutinises the risks of election-related violence by vigilante groups and suggests ways in which such risks could be reduced – particularly in light of the eroding capacity of the Burkinabe state and the growing political influence and social control wielded by vigilantes in the hinterlands. The Burkinabe political class should properly deal with the Wendyam Hervé Lankoandé country’s simmering vigilante problem as it not only carries the seeds of electoral violence but also could pose a threat to the country’s nascent democracy. Background On 22 November 2020, the Burkinabe Beyond the ongoing public debate, the will go to the polls to elect the next central government in Ouagadougou president and the 127 members of the has favoured an unofficial collaborative national assembly. Although largescale relationship with self-defence groups. electoral violence has never been It tolerates and views vigilantism as a ‘cheap common in Burkina Faso, this year the form of law enforcement in remote areas’1 Burkinabe will be casting their votes but does not hesitate to resort to official amid the twin pressures of growing institutions to keep vigilante activities under jihadi insurgency and increasing non- (relative) state control.
    [Show full text]
  • Observing the National Constituent Assembly Amira YAHAYOUI Interview with UNDP No Power Without Checks and Balances Before the R
    Observing the National Constituent Assembly Amira YAHAYOUI Interview with UNDP No power without checks and balances Before the revolution, I was part of the opposition to the Ben Ali regime, and we were always demanding the same thing: checks and balances on the regime's power. At the time, the government was a dictatorial power, and checks and balances were impossible. After the revolution, when we held the elections and set up the National Constituent Assembly, the fact that we had elected the ruling power democratically, through free elections, eliminated that necessity. Everything took place as if the demand for checks and balances was no longer important, and as if, in the name of the rules of democracy, people had forgotten what we had learned before. As far as I was concerned, there was a clear need to create checks and balances, to observe, to make information available to everyone, to archive, monitor and hold to account. That is why I created Al-Bawsala, or "the Compass". I was still living in Paris at the time, but the organization was created in Tunis. Al-Bawsala's initial raison d'être was not parliamentary transparency, but rather the need to push for a human rights agenda in the constitution. When Al-Bawsala was created, it was not a monitoring association, but a human rights association. But very quickly, everything changed: after a few days in the parliament, the project evolved. I very quickly realized that no one knew what was going on in the assembly, that no one knew its operating rules and no one was taking part in it apart from the 217 elected Assembly members, and even they weren't largely present at the time.
    [Show full text]