Faiz Ahmad Faiz's Poems of Resistance and Revolution

Chapter Two

“Your Lips are Free”: Faiz Ahmad Faiz’s Poems of Resistance and Revolution

Because every day they chop heads off I’m silent. In each person’s head they chopped off was a tongue, for each tongue they silence a word in my mouth unsays itself. (Levertov 33)

An entry in The International Encyclopedia of Revolution and Protest says: Faiz Ahmed Faiz is to Pakistan what Pablo Neruda is to Chile. Considered one of the greatest Urdu-language poets, Faiz Ahmed Faiz was an avowed Marxist, trade unionist, journalist, and thinker. He never held formal membership in the Communist Party of Pakistan (CPP), yet he played an active role in the Progressive Writers Movement, the Progressive Papers Limited, and the Pakistan Trade Union Federation, and was incarcerated for his alleged role in the Rawalpindi Conspiracy Case. (Ness 1160) The poet was born as Faiz Ahmad Khan on 13th of February 1911 in Sialkot. At the age of five, he started learning the Quran but was interrupted because of ailment in his eyes. Even though he had already started studying Persian and Urdu in his home, he began his voyage of formal education and learnt from famous teachers of that time. He had his Masters degree in English Literature from Government College Lahore and Masters in Arabic Literature from Oriental College Lahore. In 1935, Faiz had his first job as a lecturer in English at MAO College in Amritsar where he stayed for next seven years. In early 1947 Faiz became the first editor of Pakistan Times, the English daily and also headed the editorial boards of Imroze and Lail-o-Nahar. During Liaquat Ali Khan’s time, Faiz was arrested in Rawalpindi conspiracy case in 1951 and spent four years in different prisons. The period of incarceration was productive as far as his poetic creation was concerned. He produced Dast-e-Saba and Zindan Nama in these years. Faiz received Lenin Peace Prize in 1962, an award no Pakistani had ever received before. He was given this award for his poetry, his politics and his international struggle against imperialist/oppressive powers. In 1971, during the time of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Faiz organized and became the head of National Council of Arts and later became the consultant on Culture to the Government. After the military

47 overthrow by General Zia-ul-Haq in 1977, Faiz resigned and had to opt for exile in Beirut. He stayed in Beirut till 1982 providing his service as the chief editor of Afro- Asian Writers’ magazine Lotus. Faiz died in Lahore on 20 November 1984. The ideological matrix of Faiz’s poetry is set by an increasingly corrupt status of Pakistan and its political apparatus. After the independence, violence and communal riots continued to wreck both India and Pakistan. The majorities in India and Pakistan began to attack their minorities which finally led to the mass migration, in which, more than 14 million migrated; more than a million were killed and countless other miseries were seen. Pakistan had to go through various problems regarding the governance. Many wanted Pakistan to be a modern state with democratic system while others strived for it to become an epitome of Islamic state. After the untimely death of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, his Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan came forward as a supreme leader. In 1951, Major General Akbar Khan was in total opposition to the measures of Liaquat’s government and decided to overthrow it but the plan did not materialize. Instead he was tried with many other officers and civil members. Liaquat Ali Khan is believed to be shot dead by a follower of Jamaat- e-Islami for advocating the Western form of government. The military in Pakistan overthrew the governments several times. And the first of its kind was “led by General Ayub Khan (1907–1974), the military coup in Pakistan on October 28, 1958 proved to be a turning point in the country’s history and also a new threshold in the civil-military relationship. Given wider acclaim as a revolution by Ayub Khan himself and projected as a protest against politicians accused of incompetence and corruption. . .” (Malik, History 143). During his era, Ayub Khan emphasized that the nation of Pakistan is not yet ready to run on the system of democracy based on the western style and hence its prosperity lies in the hands of a disciplined army. Although he incarcerated many politicians but he never punished them physically as “National solidarity was his objective, and he sought the cooperation of those whom he believed had the country’s preservation as their primary interest” (Ziring 83). In 1962, General Ayub came up with his “Constitution of ‘basic democracies.’ The government that emerged after this Constitution was aptly described by a Pakistani politician as the ‘Government of the President, by the President, for the President’” (Farooqi 26). However, history is evident that coups d’état, whether they were in Pakistan or in other places like Latin America and Africa, have never been successful in

48 delivering the desired service. In 1976, Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto made Zia- ul-Haq the chief of army but the former was overthrown by the latter in a military coup. The deposition of the Bhutto government by martial law and his own tragic end through a criminal case not only added to political instability and disillusionment within the country, but allowed the Pakistani army to gain power over all other institutions. Policies inducted by General Zia were not only authoritarian; they also led to further sectarian and ethnic fragmentation of the society, with democracy, women, and minorities being the major losers. (Malik, History 169) For Zia-ul-Haq, it was the secular stance of the parties that led to the instability of Pakistan. His “desire to recreate Pakistan as an Islamic state was not only more in keeping with the genius of the Pakistani nation, it also elevated the formation of Pakistan to a moral plane not experienced in the years since independence” (Ziring 165). Zia rejected the political parties on the basis of their incongruity with Islamic teachings. Faiz’s progressive political critique is in the fashion of protest and rebellion against the political chaos. His poetry is radical in its essence and makes its way as an ideological resolution for political incongruity as poetry is the better witness of a society in calamitous ideological crisis. As one of the important poets of the 21st century, Carolyn Forché supports the task of poetry to bear witness; she also claims that all language is political. Forché says, “All language, then, is political; vision is always ideologically charged; perceptions are shaped a priori by our assumptions and sensibility formed by consciousness at once social, historical, and esthetic. There is no such thing as non-political poetry” (DeShazer 16). In her anthology Against Forgetting: Twentieth-century Poetry of Witness, Forché demands poetry of the social space, which exists in between the state and the “safe havens of the personal.” Using her term, ‘poetry of witness’ in context of Faiz, Ted Genoways writes that “in poetry of this kind, the poet of witness enters into dialogue, overt or covert, with this oppressor, and thus the language (the style, the form, even the imagery) of the poem is partly dictated by the condition under which the work is written” (Genoways 96). It is important to note that the poetic style of Faiz makes use of a unifying model in which politics and aesthetics portray the communal issues at one place. In his surroundings, the facts include the plight of general populace afflicted by

49 unemployment, violent strategies of powerful, separation, wrong governance, and uncertainty among others. Depicting an ideology via radical poetry, in connection with left-wing politics, Faiz’s poetry adds to other existing critical perspectives of common evils and acts as a definite agent to speak for oppressed individuals. Firaq Gorakhpuri i and Ali Sardar Jafari ii were the two poets writing in the same era as Faiz. While discussing the modern trends in Urdu poetry they came to the same conclusion that with Faiz a new brand of poetry came forth. To Firaq, the poetry of Faiz was full of intense emotions and radical thought which at the same time portrayed the social milieu as well as feelings of a lover for his beloved. This juxtaposition of thought and love was new in Urdu poetry started by Faiz. Arguably, Faiz was the first major political poet writing in Urdu. He belonged to that group of poets who were born in the beginning of 20th century around the time of First World War and grew up under domination of corrupt governments. It was the time when a middle-class individual was not only politically and socially aware but was eager to speak out for the poor and the oppressed. Around this time, the progressive movements had already started their course in Europe. The civil war in Spain was in full swing. The opposition to General Franco had become an international issue. The international progressive writers had put themselves as vanguard against the oppression. Meanwhile, many well known writers like Mohammed Din Taseer, Mulk Raj Anand, and Syed Sajjad Zaheer who were studying in London gathered under one banner and laid the foundation of Progressive Writers’ Movement in the year 1935. Progressive Writers’ Association became, “in Aijaz Ahmad’s words the ‘strongest and proximate shaping force’ in Urdu literature from its very inception and very soon became ideologically hegemonic ‘to the extent that it defined the parameters of the broad social agenda and cultural consensus among the generality of Urdu writers . . .” (Mir and Mir 11). Their first meeting was organized in London. Sahibzada Mehmood ul Zaffar was the ambassador from India who met Faiz afterwards. Mehmood ul Zaffar’s wife, Dr. Rasheeda Jahan was already a celebrity who met Faiz and discussed the movement with him. It was the time when Faiz was overwhelmed by romance. Rasheeda Jahan advised Faiz to leave the trivial course of love and take heed of more serious issues of the world. It was she, who directed Faiz’s focus towards the plight of his people, his ailing nation and told him that it is self-centeredness to just think of his own self. It was during these days that Faiz came in contact with Alys Catherine and fell in love for second time. This time

50 the love culminated in marriage. Alys was 16 but was already a member of Communist party of Britain. She was very much active in radical and left-wing politics. She widened her political circle by meeting Krishna Menon, Iqbal Singh, Mulk Raj Anand among others. As influenced by socialist thoughts, she always opposed oppressive ideologies. In 1941, Adolf Hitler launched an attack on Soviet Union. His forces penetrated deep into Russia and this brought a lot of changes in the thinking of left- wing politics. To Socialist and Communist intellectuals, it was the duty of all to support the cause of Soviet and fight against Hitler and his Fascist allies. Almost all the contemporaries of Faiz, especially his fellow writers of Progressive Writers’ Movement (PWM) were interested in practical politics irrespective of being attached to any political party. In fact, left-wing political poetry became the culmination of the artistic endeavours of many members of PWM. Many of whom were even incarcerated for the same. And as far as Faiz was concerned, he was imprisoned for far more grave accusations than his fellow writers. As it has been a tradition to incarcerate the Urdu poets, Faiz was no exception. In connection with the political poetry of Faiz, the questions arise about the role of poetry in politics; and the artistic value of this kind of poetry. And whether the poems can become means of social and political change? The answers to these questions are discussed at length in the chapter one of this thesis. Faiz’s poems certainly have the potential to influence an individual which affects the whole society as it is effectually made up of individuals. Faiz himself writes: One cannot isolate oneself from the rest of the world and be oblivious to the environment. Isolation, even if it is possible, is an unprofitable act because an individual ... is a very limited and ordinary being. The measure of one’s depth is only to be found in one’s emotional (and psychological) relationship with the human community, particularly those relationships that involve the sharing of pain and suffering. The sorrows of loving and the sorrows of living are different forms of the same expression. (Mir and Mir 35) It will not be an exaggeration to say that if people get a ray of hope, even for a moment, from poems, it is a matter of pride for the poet. “As a poet-thinker, he believed that art should never be divorced from social reality, and he adhered to this credo from his days as an active member of the Progressive Writers’ Movement” (Kumar xii).

After the successful revolution of Russia in 1917, the ideology of communism gained currency all over. It started influencing the mindset of young Indians who were fed up by the suppressive governance of British Empire. They found in it the peace, dignity and equality. This ideology swayed them completely and they began to imagine the communism as the perfect ideology for ruling the people. It was in 1935 when Faiz started showing interest towards Marxist thought. He asserts that it was this thought that taught him the lesson that it is impossible to think of oneself in isolation. An individual is in a certain kind of relationship with the world. Rasheed Jahan provided the Manifesto to Faiz. It is considered to be an important milestone in his life. It was at this point that his ideology changed and he became the people’s poet. On reading the Communist Manifesto, he expresses the metamorphosis of his thought by stating that the book had an immense influence: “it was as if a key to treasure was given to him” (Malik 33; translation mine). After this recognition, Faiz started the journey outside his own self and identified himself with that of his surroundings to build a new society. To him, Marxism was not a dogma but a science which is improved upon day-by-day. He believed the things which can be proved wrong by experimentation should be revised instead of showing rigidity. The poetry of Faiz had a peculiar kind of beauty since beginning but his contact with Progressive Writers’ Movement had a different kind of effect on his verses as if a new life was injected in his voice. This adhesion with PWM was so apparent that the name of Faiz became synonymous with its creed. Earlier, Faiz would consider the pain of love as the only pain and fit subject for his poetry but it was with the advent of PWM that he began to consider the other serious pains around him. Accordingly, the verses of Faiz were in line with the creed of Progressives. The Progressives fashioned a new poetic tradition, turning the conventional metaphors of shama-parwaana (flame-moth), firaaq-visaal (separation-union) and husn-ishq (beauty-love) on their heads in the service of a new aesthetic of social change. Instead of writing ghazals about pining lovers, they penned popular poems to celebrate progress and modernity. Instead of elegies to Majnoon and Farhad, they composed dirges about martyred revolutionaries . . . (Mir and Mir 21-22) The effect of this thought was so immense that it put Faiz’s poetry on the whole new orbit. Thus, the poet was compelled to address his beloved as: Love, do not ask for my old love again.

Once I thought life, because you lived, a prize – The time’s pains nothing, you alone were pain; ...... Our age knows other torments than of love, And other raptures than a fond embrace. The dark curse of uncounted centuries, Inwowen with all their satins, silks, gold lace – Men’s bodies sold in street and market-place, Bodies that caked grime fouls and thick blood smears – Flesh issuing from the cauldrons of disease With festered sores dripping corruption, – these Sights haunt me too, and will not be wiped out; Not be wiped out, though your looks catch the heart still...... Love, do not ask me for that love again. (Faiz, Poems 22) The poet earlier had believed that his beloved’s mere existence was a great subject to think about. But with the advent of new world order, the poet is compelled to tell his beloved that there are various other crucial subjects that demand his attention. Love, to him, remains now a subsidiary issue. Regarding the poem, Agha Shahid Ali writes, “Faiz breaks from Urdu’s traditional way of looking at the Beloved. Not only does he refuse to despair but, in a radical departure from convention, asks the Beloved – even while acknowledging her immense importance – to accept his social commitment as more important than their love” (Ali, Rebel’s 3). The other problems of the world are more serious than the private love affair. As Gopi Chand Narang maintains “once the parameter of love changes form personal to social, and it is realised that Faiz is a poet with social consciousness, it becomes easy to multiply the obvious with the metaphorical. After such realization, effortlessly every figure of speech starts revolving round a socio-political axis in accordance with expectations” (Narang, How 50). There is a veil of poetic art over his progressive political ideas. Some would consider it as an imperfection but in fact it is the thing that lets his poetry universal appeal. Frederick Engels in a letter to Margaret Harkness says “The more the opinions of author remain hidden, the better for the work of art” (Engels N.P.) So, this is true of Faiz’s poetry too. Regarding Faiz’s universality, Carlo Coppola remarks,

A spokesperson for the world’s voiceless and suffering people – whether Indians oppressed by British in the ’40s, freedom fighters in Africa, the Rosenbergs in cold-war America in the ’50s, Vietnamese peasants fleeing American napalm in the ’60s, or Palestinian children living in the refugee camps in the ’70s – Faiz wrote painfully, stunningly, and compassionately of the human aspirations for freedom: a hallmark of his verse and, more than once, an excuse to refuse him entry into the United States. (qtd. in Ali xiii-xiv) The Progressive Writers emphasized that good poetry should consist of simple diction even if a writer has to compromise on intricacy of art because it has to reach the masses. They used rhetoric and razor-sharp words but it was always in the view to support the cause of common people. Their credo was to believe realism as the basis of literature; taking part in freedom struggle was considered immensely important for a writer; and to free society from the evil of superstition was its other objective. In the arena of Urdu Poetry, The Progressive Movement also thrived because it spoke of its time, its history and its politics. The anti- imperialist struggle, the Second World War, the trauma of Partition, the Telangana uprising, and the failure of the new nation to deliver on its promise of a better life for all citizens, all allowed these poets to speak in a voice that resonated with the aspirations of the people. (Mir and Mir 10) Basically, PWM was the movement of change. It wanted to bring in new vigour in age-old art but instead it was considered as a movement devoted to communism. In fact, all its advocates, including Faiz, had interest in communism. As a Marxist to the core, Faiz in a poem, “I Don’t Know Why I’m So Unhappy,” shows how he cares for the community as a whole. He identifies himself with the poor and oppressed class and says: I don’t know why I’m so unhappy ...... And even if, darling, you could be mine It would not make this world benign And there’ll be malice; there’ll be spite And cruelty in it will not decline. We’ll still have sorrow, we’ll still have pain ...... And no matter how much we moan and groan

We’ll always have bondage; we’ll always have chain. But the pain of other can become our grief ...... And if we all have right dreams They can surely give us a little relief And since there are people in commonwealth

Who make their money by using stealth So instead of keeping it all to themselves With us we can make them share their wealth But for this to happen, we’ll have to unite And to get our share we’ll have to fight And one day when we have the power Our rich, I’m sure, will see the light. (Faiz, Wailing 20) These lines are full of Marxist ideology: it does not consider the mere presence of beloved to be end of problems; the pain of others needs to be felt by even those who don’t have anything to worry about; the wealth needs to be shared among all to bring the economic stability in the society. In the same manner, poet expresses his inner most feeling for the oppressed in the following lines of the poem, “To My Rival”: Humility I’ve learnt, sympathy for the poor, learnt the meaning of despair, suffering and pain; learnt to comprehend the miseries of the oppressed, the meaning of cold sighs, of pallid faces...... whenever is traded in the market place the flesh of the labourer, and on the highways flows the blood of the poor, a sort of fire upsurges in my bosom and I lose all hold over my heart. (Faiz, Best 26) The poet reveals that he has learnt the humility from the poor, who suffer in pain or go through miseries of oppression. The ‘fire’ that arises in poet’s heart after seeing this gets transferred into the form of poetry that speaks against their oppressors. Good poetry is possible only when, according to Faiz, ideology becomes a part of poetry and in fact when a poet becomes a part of his own being. He says, “Every poet has an ideology. Ideology is the lens through which a poet sees the world. I too

55 have an ideology . . . but it doesn’t mean that a poet should always talk about politics of ideology. . . I don’t know of any artist, painter or musician who doesn’t have any ideology or stance about his times” (Mirza 82; translation mine). In his poetry, love and revolution are so mingled with each other that one cannot separate them. Faiz has revealed his own being in his poetry in such a way that accentuates the quality of unity in it. If we look at the oeuvre of Faiz, it becomes apparent that he had prepared an intelligent strategy for the expression of his influential poetry. Speaking of revolution, Faiz writes, “when there is a revolution in state every individual has to take part. Be it labourers, farmers, or intellectuals. After the Russian Revolution, its people have sacrificed a lot. They have fought wars, defeated Fascism and lived from hand to mouth” (Mirza 371; translation mine). It is important to note here that he wrote very little political poetry in his youth. Perhaps he was aware, consciously or unconsciously, that the extra radical and revolutionary poetry from a youngster tarnishes the art. His poetry evolved with the passage of time and attained a political status of its own. In the preface to Dast e Saba (Fingers of the Wind), which he wrote in Central Prison Hyderabad, he says that “the duty of the poet is not only to observe but to fight” (Faiz, Nuskha 103; translation mine). Faiz was of the opinion that good poetry includes three orbits: first is poet’s own being; second is of his society and nation; and third is of the whole humanity. His poetry passed from first and second orbit and culminated at third with marvellous dexterity. He talked about his own self, his nation and did not stop there – he painted the picture of oppressed humanity by talking about Africa, Iran, Palestine and other places. When Faiz was asked about progressive poetry and non-progressive poetry, he replied: The basic difference between poets of Progressive Movement and others lies in the way a poet observes the history and the future of society. But it doesn’t mean that there is an interdiction for Progressive poet to write about love (the earlier poetry of Faiz is romantic and so are his many poems in his later poetry) or to write on any other subject is proscribed. Progressive poet tries to be more realistic to present the actual state of the society. Every experiment is acceptable that also includes personal love. It includes dust, sunshine, moonlight, earth, sky, hunger, poverty, and almost all other things. (Mirza 85; translation mine)

Similarly, at other place he maintains that “A revolutionary poet cannot be ordered to write just about revolutionary themes and not to write about his other experiences. A perfect revolutionary poet does not restrict his revolutionary ideology to mere revolutionary themes. To him, beauty, love, natural surroundings . . . are different faces of same reality” (Aqeel 280; translation mine). Faiz was full of enthusiasm when he met Pablo Neruda in Moscow. Regarding him, he says that “He [Neruda] is meek but so much enthusiastic and determined in case of revolution.” Apart from Neruda he was very much interested in the poetry of Lorca, Makhdoom Mohi ud din and Nazim Hikmet. He says “they all were devoted to great historical fights” (Mirza 545; translation mine). Faiz was also influenced by Russian poets and litterateurs. In addition to Communist Manifesto, he read Vladimir Mayakovsky with devotion. Faiz was much influenced by the movement of Progressive Writers. The movement was against every oppression and wanted to see an individual free in private and in public. The movement was fully aware of the advancements of freedom struggles and resistance measures against tyrannical forces. Among the writings of fellow authors of PWM, Faiz’s diction and expressive strategy was far more comforting and extensive than others. Regarding the Progressive Movement, Faiz writes that “it was a sort of realistic movement. Because previously during the classical period and the period afterwards, our poetry and our literature was very largely given up to legends and fanciful tales and romanticizing and poetry of largely linguistic gymnastics. During this period, a genuine lyrical political poetry was born” (Faiz, Culture 9). Many political poems of Faiz were so effective that people quickly identified themselves with the verses and it became the reason for his popularity. There are many other reasons for his popularity like he blended feelings and emotions in such a manner that one forgets about his political creed or ignores the political ideology and falls in love with the art. Good poetry is not made up of just feelings or form in isolation but it is the perfect combination of the two. In his art, Faiz proves, even if inadvertently, that if political ideology is ornamented by perfect diction, it can entice even those who are against politics. In an interview, Faiz was asked about the role of an artist in politics and he replied: The poet has two identities: one is of the common citizen who is accountable for many duties; and second is of the political responsibility. Political

responsibility means that if there are any loopholes in the structure of politics, he has to eradicate them. And if there are good qualities in it, he has to enrich them. . . He should not limit his intellect to his own benefit only but should include all others.

The first duty of the poet is to write poems . . . and the second duty is to bring politics on the right track . . . he has to strive in one way or the other. It is not necessary that he joins the demonstrations but he must protest with his pen. He need not be a politician but he must be a man of politics. (Hussayn 333-334; translation mine)

In this connection, the poem, “We Poets” delineates the role of a poet in society. It reads: We were there – in every age, in every clime, drinking poison, singing songs; we kept sacrificing ourselves for life’s sake – ...... Whatever path we chose, we stuck to it even while the affluent kept staring at us disdainfully, reproachfully, rubbing their palms. On them we hurled the stone of the word of truth whose dread kept the world reeling. And for those who’d none to shed tears over, our eyes rained tears for their sorrow. At the ruler’s command, we went out of sight, endured prisons, suffered flogging. As people listened to the strains of our hearts’ cries, our songs kept filtering through the prison bars. We are the blood-stained mirrors of this blood-stained world, we are the sorrowful heart of anguished humankind. A poet’s temper is to battle against injustice and tyranny; we are the arbiters of good and evil, right and wrong. (Faiz, Best 176) The poet talks about his creed as a responsible citizen who has to endure the hardships for the betterment of others. The poet goes on to sing the songs of defiance, revolution, and resistance even if he is made to drink ‘poison;’ endure exile; suffer

58 imprisonment and ‘flogging.’ No obstacle is big enough to stop him from this ‘battle’ of truth which he thinks will triumph eventually. In one of his prose pieces, Faiz discusses the concepts of art and propaganda. He writes: Is propaganda the aim of literature? Yes, absolutely! . . . a writer has experienced a thing, he has felt a thing, he has thought of something and he wants you to experience the same thing; feel the same thing, and think the same. If this is not the propaganda that what is?! The difference between progressive literature and other kinds of literature does not lie in the fact that one is full of propaganda and the other is not. The only difference is that the former carries the beneficial propaganda and the latter has detrimental or useless propaganda. So, isn’t there any difference between propaganda and literature? Why don’t we call political speeches and journalistic stories literature? We don’t call them literature because the artistic features of literature are missing in them. . .” (Faiz, Adab 727; translation mine) At another place he says, “In a sense all literature is propaganda . . . literature fails to be literature and becomes journalism or pure propaganda only when it lacks the additional aesthetic dimension required of all literature” (Faiz, Culture 193). In spite of explicit propaganda, the poems of Faiz are so much appealing because of their strategy and uniqueness that one cannot help but admire his work. The poem, “The Slave” has an interesting appeal as it studies the existential being of pain, pleasure, and God: Night comes down; the fountain inside every pain is released. Morning arrives; the stitches of every wound unravel...... This is my declension, the chain of hours, morning, noon, and night, my miserable trudge from eternity to eternity. Is it you, oh God of mine, who have ordained this for me?

Is it You who have disinherited me from every human pleasure? Canon has that every torture has Your sanction;

every atrocity is Your commandment. You, the Just One – should I denounce Your Judgment? Can I accept this canon; can I believe that You exist? (Faiz, True 117) The poem ends with a question that was the basic one in the Faiz’s life. This is the question that gave birth to the tussle between his spirit and politics. The ramifications of this situation were apparent in his life as well as in his art. Because according to poet, ‘submission to tyrants’ and ‘being of God’ are two opposites that are impossible at the same time. To many critics, Faiz’s revolutionary politics had its genesis in his revolutionary love – the love that encompasses not just humanity but the whole universe. This is the reason that one finds allusions to different personages and diverse lands in the poetry of Faiz. He includes many like Nazim Hikmet iii, Yasser Arafat, Iranian students, martyrs of Africa and Palestine. He not only sympathizes with them but allows them to become a part of his identity. He addresses Yasser Arafat, in the poem, “For the Palestinian Martyrs”: Wherever I go, My beloved land, The pain of your humiliation burns my heart. But there are compensations: Your dignity enhances mine, Your love walks with me, The fragrance of your citrus groves Breathes through my mouth...... Wherever I unfurl The banner of my blood, There flutters the flag of Palestine. One Palestine has been destroyed By my enemies But my agony has given birth To innumerable Palestines. (Faiz, City 162) Faiz literally joined the Palestinian struggle in Beirut. Along with Muin Bseisoiv and Mahmoud Darwish, v Faiz composed various poems on Palestine. Yasser Arafat

60 claims that just after the first meeting with Faiz, he felt that Faiz “had been among us all the time; had suffered all our troubles; and had been our partner in cultivating hope” (qtd. in Malik 120; translation mine). Under the supervision of Yasser Arafat, Faiz was selected as the chief editor of the Afro-Asian Journal, Lotus. During this time, Faiz stayed in Beirut which was the headquarter of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO).vi It was the base-camp from where Palestinians launched their liberation struggle. Faiz joined other freedom fighters and proved his mettle in print. In a letter, dated 19 February 1981, Yasser Arafat says to Faiz: . . . We, the Palestinians have found you as a great progressive and international poet who struggles for liberation, progression and peace in humanity. We are very proud of your friendship and your fight for the due rights of Palestinians. Your sincere verses that are full of references to Palestinian children and fighters present an everlasting example and speak volumes about true brotherhood and genuine love. . . (Hussayn 253; translation mine) He presents his accolade for Iranian students who were killed in the struggle of freedom and peace and at times gets his voice together with those of African freedom-lovers. He writes for them and says: I have caught the madness of your drum, My hot blood beats and throbs with it – come, Africa, come! ...... The shattered manacle is my mace, From the broken fetter I forge my shield, Spears burn like gazelles’ eyes through the reeds, With enemy blood night’s shades turn red – Africa, come! The earth’s heart, Africa, beats with mine ...... I am Africa, I put on your mask, I am you, my step is your lion-tread, Africa, come! Come with your lion-tread, Africa, come! (Faiz, Poems 73)

“Come, Africa” was a phrase that Faiz came across through anti-colonial slogans that indigenous people were chanting. The poem is a fine instance of showing one’s interest for the international cause. The companion of Faiz in prison, Mir Mohammed Ishaq, writes that when this poem was written, “it often came to my mind that Faiz is not a Pakistani now but has become an African” (qtd. in Malik 117; translation mine). Similarly, drawing inspiration from letters of Ethel and Julius Rosenberg,vii he ends the poem, “We Who Were Murdered,” as: From this fatal spot where men now bleed New bands of lovers will lift again Our banner and start on the quest; our steps Have shortened the distance of their pain: Life lost, we have made for them your lips’ Embraces a world-embracing creed – We who were murdered in the dark street. (Faiz, Poems 70-71) The Rosenbergs were executed in 1953 on charges of conspiracy against American state. It is said that they passed on the information of atomic bomb to Soviet Russia. Faiz was deeply moved by the news of execution of his comrades. They shared a great belief in the Soviet Union because it was the state that seemed to take care of all without and distinction. The poet believes that their devotion and sacrifice will not go in vain but it will sow the seeds of hope and a new generation will draw inspiration from them. There is a peculiarity in the universality of this poem; it goes beyond time/space barrier and brings all the martyrs at one place. This poem speaks for “Karbala, Plassey, . . . Jhansi, Jallianwala, Stalingrad, Korea, Telengana, Tunisia, Tehran, and Karachi” (Faiz, Nuskha 217). A slogan from the blood-drenched fighters can be discerned in this poem. Freedom was snatched away from Faiz because he refused to conform to the oppressive regime whose mechanism he knew. His poetry is full of new vigour which was written during incarceration and exile. It juxtaposes private and the public affairs in such a way that politics comes out as a natural exercise. The form and ideology are inseparable in his poems. Sajjad Zaheer in a foreword to Zindanama points out, “the values represented by the poet are the same as the values of all progressive humanity of today. But Faiz has adopted them so well that they neither appear distinct from the best traditions of our civilization and culture, nor in the individuality of the poet, his soft sweet and lyrical style divorced from them” (qtd. in Zaidi 117). He speaks against

62 suppressive powers not only of India and Pakistan but against misuse of power everywhere. Whether it is a Palestinian, an African, an oppressed Indian or Pakistani, all are present in his poetry. If they cannot speak for themselves, Faiz becomes their mouthpiece and expresses their plight. It is important to consider that the greatness of a poet can be gauged by the fact that his poetry is relevant beyond his own time. A poet needs to be in perfect consonance with his own era as well as the future generations. The case of Faiz is obviously of that poet who spoke in his own times but addressed the future generations too. 9 March 1951 marks an important day in the history of Pakistan. It was the day when Prime Minister, Liaquat Ali Khan, unfurled a conspiracy case in a dramatic manner. He said, “a conspiracy made by the enemies of Pakistan has come forward. The object of this conspiracy was to wreck havoc by taking course to extremist policies . . . hence, many prime conspirators have been taken into custody. . .” (Mirza 99; translation mine). This was the day when Faiz was apprehended from his house in Lahore. The case was named as Rawalpindi Case. The government and the media spitted venom against the “conspirators” and demanded an immediate death penalty for them. No one dared to ask why were they conspirators and what was their felony? When Faiz was arrested he told his daughter, Saleema, that the case is just a concoction and it is all a lie and fraud. Narrating the actual case, He says: Since I was in military, I had many friends there. Many among them had same political thought as mine. One day we discussed the fate of our state, that how should it be brought on right track. The state had come to existence five years back but there was no constitution and viable structure of politics. Liaquat Ali Khan was the head of air and naval forces. And there was the issue of Kashmir. On the whole, these were the issues we talked about. I was just among the listeners. They made plans themselves and decided to overthrow the government . . . I was accused on the contrary. Though I was against the plan of overthrowing but it was presented in a manner that made me among the prime players. (qtd. in Malik 47; translation mine)

Liaquat Ali Khan was not on good terms with Faiz. Once addressing a public meeting, he read a piece from Faiz’s poem and lampooned that there are some fools (like Faiz) who still believe that there is no freedom yet. Two years passed and Faiz was arrested. He was such a patriotic person that he never wanted to see anything bad

63 happen to his country. His revolutionary poetry proved to be a valuable asset and acted as blunt source of reply in the face of oppressors. The poem “The Dance of Death” is not only one of the most beautiful poems of Faiz but also it is one of the important documents in the history of Pakistan’s politics. The poem was written in 1971 at the time when Bangladesh came into being. It was the time when army launched the attack on East Pakistan. The poem reads: This dance of death is like a festival But whom can my blood captivate! There isn’t much blood in my body anyway ...... But there is poison in every vein Each drop a deadly venom, Brewed over centuries of pain, of deprivation, Each drop on fire with rage and suffering...... This poetry of Faiz had great impact on the minds of young readers. On this, Faiz remarks, “I considered that I was famous only when romance was my subject. If they still like my words then I must say that the new generation is not that bad and they can understand the complexities of life” (Mirza 159; translation mine). The poet here shows his rage, for he has suffered a lot at the hands of tyrannical powers. He gives vent to his pent-up wrath in verses full of intensity. He ends the poem as: My body’s a piece of wood left in the desert, Which, when burnt, will spring no flowers, But the ghost fires of my bones Whose ashes scattered over plain and hill Will give rise not to the morning breeze, But the dust of death. Take heed, for my heart is thirsty for blood. (Faiz, City 242) “Faiz never submitted himself to any form of tyranny – political, social or religious. His poetry exudes dissent, anger, at times even broiling wrath” (Kumar xii). The ideology and actions of Faiz were always people-oriented and unsurprisingly rulers were never happy with him and even snatched away from him the pen and paper - the two tools through which suppressed can raise his voice and make his presence felt. In his remarkable poetic piece, he writes:

What if my pen and paper have been snatched away? I’ve dipped my fingers in the heart’s blood, What if my lips are sealed? I’ve lent my tongue to each link in the chain. (Faiz, Best 48) The biographers of Faiz reveal the background of this piece at a time when he was incarcerated and the restrictions were so severe that even pen and paper were not allowed. As the poem “Love, Do Not Ask” was an important starting point of his first collection, so is this piece – a significant beginning of revolutionary poetry. Agha Shahid Ali acclaiming Faiz’s creativity says, “Given Faiz’s political commitments, particularly his Marxist understanding of history, audience may hastily assume that he was a poet of slogans. His genius lay in his ability to balance his politics with his (in some ways stringently traditional and often classical) aesthetics without compromising either” (qtd. in Zaidi 114). Faiz considered his land, Pakistan, as his Laylaviii and spent all his life for its development. As Agha Shahid Ali asserts that “For example, the beloved – an archetypal figure in Urdu poetry – can mean friend, woman, God. Faiz not only tapped into these meanings but extended them to include the Revolution. . . Waiting for the Revolution can be as agonizing and intoxicating as waiting for one’s lover” (Ali, True 132). His daughter, Saleema says: “The more I read him, the more I get the impression that there is only one subject. That is politics. Perhaps I am biased. I am reminded of all the happenings that would strike his heart and the poems would come oozing out. And all these happening were mainly political” (qtd. in Malik 68; translation mine). When freedom struggle against British Imperialism was at its peak, the idea of establishing a separate Pakistan became Faiz’s beloved theme. He even brought radicalism in his poetry for its sake. Faiz’s idea of Pakistan was based on freedom, justice, progression, and modernity. These ideas of him were in direct confrontation with those of corrupt rulers’ ideology of capitalism. The war that Faiz started, with his poetry, is of great importance. This war of words was in favour of his nation. To put a check on his revolutionary verses, Faiz was shown the door to prison but that had an adverse effect: his poetry became more intense: Just so, have I craved for my Laila, my land, my heart fluttered with the same longing; just so has passion sought fulfillment – ......

Much has the priest roared from the pulpit, and much has the ruler thundered in the open court. Never did my enemies share the barb of abuse nor did my friends forsake their style of censure. I have no regrets over this love or that – my heart carries all the stains – except remorse. (Faiz, Best 70) This blending of the beloved with the country in this poem, “Two Loves,” takes the well-known metaphors to new domains. This amalgamation of the personal and political is clearly obvious in the poem. “When he is addressing the beloved, he is also addressing a figure that, depending on the context, may very well be the Revolution – Revolution as a lost lover or a cruel lover who is refusing to return. So the subject of poetry continues to be true: the loss of the beloved” (Ali, True 135). While reading this poem, one feels as if Faiz was among the martyrs. There is a plethora of patriotic songs composed by the Pakistani poets but the poems written by Faiz in praise of Pakistan are outstanding. In the land where oppression and corruption were order of the day, Faiz remarks in “Dedicated to Your Alleyways”: I’m dedicated to your alleyways, O my motherland, Where it’s customary now that nobody may walk about, head held high. If anyone dare step out, he must do so in furtive fear of body and soul All your devotees must now withstand a new law, a new order – ...... These power-mongers are now both judges and petitioners – Who then will defend us, and where shall we seek justice? ...... The same age-old wars between tyrants and mankind – Never have their ways changed, nor ours. Always, we have let flowers bloom in fire. It’s always been the same – their defeat our triumph. That’s why we’ve no grievance against our destiny, No gloom over our separation from you. (Faiz, Best 72-74) The poem here laments the governance of his beloved country, where the draconian laws entangle the citizens in shackles. The speaker is resilient enough to say that if the

66 tyrant is not going to change his way so will not oppressed change his way: the oppressed will continue to fight. Commenting on the poem, Ted Genoways remarks: Here is the poem that “moves, as Bly says the best difficult poems do, ‘from the anguished emotions to the intellect and back’ . . . the opening lines . . . means literally, “Let me be a sacrifice to your streets” (“Nisar main teri galyon ke”). A common Urdu phrase (“Let me be a sacrifice to —”) is usually completed by some expression of religious devotion, but here Faiz uses the structure ironically, preferring to be a sacrifice not to some higher power but to the streets of his belovèd country. (116) The poetry that Faiz wrote outside Pakistan shows that even though his body was away from his nation but his heart and soul were always in Pakistan. He strived hard to look for remedies to the ailments of his nation. And when it became impossible to stay away from it, he came back only to find his beloved land a grim prison. Though his poetry could not provide the liberation but it became the resource that helped in achieving it. One cannot expect more from a poet. Faiz wrote numerous poems that guide towards a ray of hope in dark. He began the course of his poetry when the world had already seen the mass destruction by World War I and was waiting for another. Army officials had started ruling the people of Pakistan and turned whole country into a vast prison. As Faiz says in his poem “Look at the City from Here”: If you look at the city from here, you see circles within circles; every rampart like that of a prison and every pathway a prisoner’s circular walk – no milestone, no destination, no way out...... every young man’s neck in a noose, every woman a branded slave The shadows which waver round the distant lamps – who knows if it’s an assembly of grieving or carousing men, and all those hues which appear scattered on every door and wall – seen from here it could be the blood or flowers. (Faiz, Best 134) By using symbolism, similes and metaphors, Faiz portrays the true color of Pakistan’s politics. Nishat Zaidi in her essay says that “Faiz carved a new space on the

67 horizon of Urdu poetry by transcending its classical symbols and thematic concerns and transforming its idioms to express his ideological moorings grounded in his Marxist leanings, his progressive views, his deep concern with social ills, and his desire for change” (Zaidi 114). Since Faiz has lived his life like that of a warrior, it is not surprising to find his poetry as slogans of a martyr. The struggling life of Faiz works as an interesting subject fit for poetry. Three-fourth of his poetry was composed in the prisons of Pakistan. The poems like these get their strength from this belief that all the people including working and intellectual class can be united to replace the corruption with progression. After the First World War, the intellectuals belonging to the left accentuated the establishment of a peaceful society. For this, Faiz (as a progressive poet, as a journalist, and a trade-union worker) took part in it and started a signature campaign in Pakistan. Whatever measures were taken in this connection, Faiz was seen supporting the cause. He believed in peace and strived for its establishment in the humanity. He held that “in Pakistan today a serious writer must openly and fearlessly not only advocate but practice his basic right of freedom of expression, to denounce all old wrongs as well as all new injustices, all irrationalities, . . . and all dishonesties, social political intellectual” (Faiz, Culture 204). In July 1952, many of the students in Iran and Egypt were gunned down by their respective governments. Faiz was much saddened on hearing this news and writes, “I have started a poem on the martyred students of Iran and Egypt. It is the first time that I am content with my creation since I was incarcerated. I think I’ve found the apt way of portrayal that I was looking for. I know it is against the tradition of art with which masters of art will not agree, but who cares about that . . .” (Mirza 165; translation mine). Similarly he says, “the slaughtered youngsters in camps of Korea were my brothers. When they were alive in these far-flung lands which I’ve not seen, they were alive in my body too. Their blood and mine was one. Those who murdered them killed a part of me too and spilled my blood. They are dead now and who can mourn better than one who is dying too” (Mirza 174; translation mine). There has been a tradition of revolutionary writers in Urdu but Faiz is special because one can sense an outstanding combination of revolution and poetry. Almost all revolutionary poems of Faiz possess this blend of two entities. On their face, there is no apparent political theory but they are very much based on politics. On analyzing Faiz’s oeuvre, one becomes aware of the fact that his art continues to be as appealing

68 as his politics. He stays away from sloganeering and hysteria but the intensity to change the oppressive course remains intact. Hence, Anisur Rahman is of the opinion that “His Marxist view of history, his association with Progressive Writers’ Movement, Afro-Asian Writers Association, his exiles and imprisonments his whole life, so to say, do not make him a rebel just as W. B. Yeats is not a rebel in spite of all his commitment to the Irish cause” (Rahman 25). He was a poet of fine class who could strike the balance with finesse. While some considered Faiz a poet who adhered to tradition, others see him as a poet who uses much of innovation. But a close analysis will reveal that Faiz synthesized both convention and innovation. It is due to this that Edward Said praises his creativity and compares him with Neruda and Yeats. He says: The crucial thing to understand about Faiz . . . is that like Garcia Marquez he was read and listened to both by the literary elite and by the masses. His major – indeed it is unique in any language – achievement was to have created a contrapuntal rhetoric and rhythm whereby he would use classical forms (qasida, ghazal, masnavi, gita) and transform them before his readers rather than break from the old forms . . . his purity and precision were astonishing, and you must imagine therefore a poet whose poetry combined the sensuousness of Yeats with the power of Neruda. (qtd. in Kumar xviii) The advocates of “art for art’s sake” take literature as something like supernatural entity and believe that it cannot be understood under the defined social categories. But it is an established fact that humans are willy-nilly affected by their environment and they too shape the environment in turn. Faiz had already understood this fact. He instantly turned down the theory of “art for art’s sake” and started his poetic journey to serve the ailing humanity. Being a poet, he was very much alive to his time and knew his duty as a responsible artist. He fits in the definition of an ideal poet according to Russian thinker, Peter Kropotkin who believes that If your heart really beats in unison with that of humanity, if like a true poet you have an ear for Life, then, gazing out upon this sea of sorrow whose tide sweeps up around you, face to face with these people dying of hunger , in the presence of these corpses piled up in these mines, and these mutilated bodies lying in heaps on the barricades, in full view of this desperate battle which is being fought, amid the cries of pain from the conquered and the orgies of the victors, of heroism in conflict with cowardice . . . you cannot remain neutral.

You will come and take the side of the oppressed because you know that the beautiful, the sublime, the spirit of life itself are on the side of those who fight for light, for humanity, for justice! (Kropotkin 273) “We Shall Witness” is probably one of the most well-liked poems where the poet explores the thought of overpowering tyranny and despotism. The idea of creating equality, justice, and harmony is associated with the notion of a virtuous order as the ultimate providence of humanity. The poet says: We shall witness It is certain that we shall also witness ...... When the impregnable mountains of tyranny Will disperse in the air like cotton flakes Under the feet of subjugated This earth shall pulsate like hammer-beats And on the heads of despots Lightening shall crack We shall witness. When from the Kaaba of the proclaimed God All idols will be removed We the pure, till then outcasts Shall be seated on high All crowns will be tossed up All thrones toppled We shall witness. Only the word shall remain Who is hidden as well as present Who is spectator as well as spectacle And shouts of “I am the Truth” shall rise Which is both you and me And then will rule God’s Creation ...... We shall witness. (Hamid 97) This poem spurs the vision of a political revolution in a most accurate manner: bringing down the oppressive rulers and putting the power in the hands of common

70 oppressed people. The expressions “mountains of tyranny,” “like cotton flakes,” “earth shall pulsate like hammer-beats,” “Lightening shall crack” are all essentially inspired by the Quranic text where a description is given regarding the end of the world. Faiz appropriates them in the context of the world that is governed by oppressors and which according to the poet is destined to vanish. Similarly the “idols” which unrightfully occupy a place shall be smashed to the ground and the “pure,” the rightful will get their due. The thrones and the crowns of oppressors will be demolished to make way for the deserving. The “word” in“Only the word shall remain” refers to the Lord, whose existence, as the Sufis believe in the doctrine of Waḥdat al-Wujood (Unity of Being) is definite regardless of His obvious absence. And “shouts of “I am the Truth” shall rise” like those shouts came out from Sufi Husain Ibn Mansur al-Hallaj.ix The poet here says the “Haq” are both “you and me,” the creation that is fit to rule as a force by virtue of being God’s creation. Thus, the poet does not engage only in interpreting the world but vows to change it. The poem was written taking in view the Iranian Revolution and when a friend enquired about the revolution being an Islamic one, Faiz replied: “Revolutions are not Islamic or non- Islamic – when people come down to streets to overthrow the tyrannical crowns, it becomes people’s revolution” (Abidi 494; translation mine). The Poem “Speak” is considered one of the powerful poems in Faiz’s oeuvre as far as his revolutionary zeal in concerned. The poet writes: Speak, for your lips are free; Speak, your tongue is still your own; This straight body is yours still –

Speak, before its breath is gone. See how in the blacksmith’s forge Flames leap high and steel grows red, Padlocks opening wide their jaws, Every chain’s embrace outspread! This short hour is the time enough, Now till body and tongue lie dead; Speak, for truth is living yet – Speak whatever must be said. (Faiz, Poems 28)

The expression “Speak” carries a peculiar connotation in itself – it is as if someone gives a kind of urgent notice; as if an alarm has begun; as if a warning has been made. The poem uses the refrain “speak” to act. Inspired by the verses of Faiz, a group of writers came into action and wrote various poems against the oppression they were going through or about the oppression that was carried out elsewhere. For example, “comparing the fate of the Palestinians to their own oppression under the dictatorship of Zia-ul-Haq . . . Habib Jalib . . . taunted Zia-ul-Haq in a ghazal that quickly became a popular anthem: Go to the battleground where Islam actually is in danger Why are you after our lives? Go to Lebanon And when we ask for permission to go to Beirut Our rulers instead tell us to head for the dungeons. (Mir and Mir 80) According to Faiz’s concept of responsibility, if an artist, especially a poet chooses not to act in times of need, it tantamounts to his unfaithfulness towards the society. In a fight between right and wrong, poets have to take side of what that leads people towards light. They have to rescue people from pessimism and make them cognizant of their power. The poem “No Sign of Blood” persuasively draws our interest to the triviality of wickedness in the course of following lines: Nowhere, nowhere is there any trace of blood. Neither on the hands of assassin, nor under his fingernails, Not a spot on his sleeves, no stain on the walls. No red on the tip of his dagger no dye on the point of his bayonet. There is no sign of blood anywhere...... The orphaned blood of murdered parents screamed out for justice; no one had time or patience to listen to its cries. There was no plaintiff, no witness; therefore no indictment It was the blood of those whose homes are made of dust, Blood that in the end became the nourishment for dust. (Faiz, True 49) Faiz never separated his art from societal issues and that is the reason for his relevance and popularity. He was a revolutionary in the sense that he wanted to see

72 the positive changes in the whole world that would be free of corruption and injustice. He was not a poet of one particular nation but of the whole humanity. Agha Nasir writes about him, “there are very few people by whose name a whole nation is recalled. Faiz stands among the finest who received this honour in fifty years of Pakistan’s establishment. He was an ambassador of his nation” (Abidi 22; translation mine). On reading his poetry, one can clearly discern his inner sense of revolution which would come alive on seeing the society full of oppression. However, he could not create a clear-cut line between his romance and his revolutionary poetry. Both revolution and love are to be seen at work at the same time throughout his poetry. But it is important to remember that he did not end up as a fanatic in either of the domains. “He was not completely absorbed in romance like that of Akhtar Sheerani and nor was he entirely a revolutionary extremist” (Abidi 71; translation mine). The ingredients of both the ideologies had perfect sense of balance. The critics are of the opinion that there are at least three internal and external happenings that took place and shaped the poet’s understanding of revolution: World War I in 1914; World War II in 1939; the socio-economic and political crisis arising from the partition in 1947. Many critics count Faiz among the poets who are subjective in their approach. This assertion is valid to a great extent but it is not limited to Faiz only. In fact, it is the subjectivity that leads a poet towards the greater fame and objectivity. Because when the external events strike the inner/subjective self of a poet, the emotions and feelings take a new course and give birth to a poetry that has the spirit to change the course of time. Throughout his life, Faiz was a staunch believer in the socio-political commitment of the artists especially poets. He asserts: It is my firm conviction that poetry can be used for this purpose (of propagating a particular ideology), and that poetry is used for this purpose. The thing is that every word which we utter in our ordinary everyday language communicates some idea, some thought, some opinion to others, which influences them to some extent (and) if you bring about even a minute change in someone’s mind… then you have brought a change in the system of the world to that extent. Poetry can do this work to a great extent… a person need not employ slogans, shouts and direct political statements as poetry. (Hashmi NP)

As far as his diction was concerned, it was the expansion of the diction that Iqbal and Ghalib used. He did not introduce new words but used the classics and imbued them with new meanings to meet his purpose. In one of his essays, Gopi Chand Narang discusses the system of meaning in Faiz’s diction on the basis of structural analysis. He says, “Many would be taken aback but it is the fact that in Faiz’s poetry no meaning/implication goes beyond these eighteen structures . . . Aashiq/Lover (fighter, revolutionary) Ma’shooq/Beloved (nation, people) Raqeeb/Rival (imperialism, capitalism) Ishq/Love (revolutionary zeal, desire for freedom) Wasl/Togetherness (revolution, freedom, liberty, social change) Hijr/Firaq/Separation (tyranny, oppression, state on injustice or detached from revolution) Rind/Rogue (fighter, revolutionary, rebel) Sharab/MayKhana/Pyala/Saqi/Wine/Tavern/Cup/Cupbearer (means of socio- political change) Muhtasib/Shaikh/Ombudsman/Master (imperialism, capitalist state, regressive system . . .) Junoon/Obsession (desire for revolution, yearning) Husn/Haq/Beauty/Truism (revolution) Aql/Intellect (tyrannical system . . .) Mujahid/Fighter (revolutionary fighter) Zindan/Prison (political incarceration, execution . . .) Hakim/Ruler (imperialism, capitalism, militaristic system) Bulbul/Andaleeb/Nightingale (emotion, patriotism, freedom-loving poet, revolutionary poet) Gul/Flower (political ideal) Qafs/Cage (impediments in the path of political ideal). (Narang, Faiz 470)

The Urdu words above have age-old tradition of being used in love poetry but each word acquires a different connotation (as indicated in parenthesis) when Faiz uses them in his revolutionary poetry. Regarding this Shamsur Rahman Faruqi writes, “the classical words have been used by other poets other than Faiz, and they have the same

74 ideology and creed as that of the latter, but the words do not carry the same beauty when Faiz uses them” (Faruqi 146). Patriotism and devotion to one’s nation is an influence that has been borrowed from Persian poetry. Faiz remains a distinguished poet among those who have written poems in favour of their nations. As a matter of fact, a large number of his poems bring in the question of nation. Faiz is not satisfied with the circumstances that are to be seen in his beloved state. Being sad over this, he expresses his feelings of love and pain in a romantic manner in his “A Few Days More, My Love”: A few days more, my love, just a few days more – are we fated to live in tyranny’s shadow. Let us endure a little longer – oppression, writhing and tears. All this is our legacy; we are helpless. Body imprisoned, emotions shackled, thought chained and speech censored. It’s just our courage that keeps us going...... But now the days of tyranny are numbered. Just a little patience, since the days of entreaty are nearly done. In this scorched wasteland of life, we’re destined to live, but not like this. This nameless, heavy oppression of alien hands, we may have to endure today, but not forever...... a few days more, my love, just a few days! (Faiz, Best 34) However, there are two aspects, at least, in Faiz that are missing in other Marxist/Progressive poets: first, he takes care of artistic features of a work and this quality is almost absent in others which becomes the cause of their being ineffective; second, he possesses a kind of self-control even in his acerbic verses against the power. His Marxist ideology and radical feelings are fully veiled in diction of sobriety. Faiz asserted that “to promote the world revolution is a moral duty of everyone” (Aqeel 283). He believed that it is the poet who prompts the ideology of

75 revolution in people’s minds and surroundings. And this stands exactly true of his poetry, his revolutionary verses instigate a kind of force in the thinking and which in turn culminate in external actions. Ayoub Mirza writes that Faiz “was a lover of every step, every pen, and every flag that was used for revolution” (Aqeel 285; translation mine). Faiz had a different understanding of revolution from that of common perception. His poetry aims at bringing change from within and then moves toward outward politics. Faiz says, “it is mandatory to protest against the oppressor whether he is imperialist or native. The silence, in this battlefield of right and wrong, is not only dishonesty and self-centeredness but an infidelity. . . revolution does not come in an envelope” (Aqeel 284; translation mine). Faiz is essentially a poet first and then an advocate of a particular ideology. This is the reason that a part of his poetry that is based on Marxist/revolutionary ideology is not a blunt propaganda but flows as a sweet melody. There seems to be a tornado of emotions in his heart but even then he has a fine control over its expression. One of the poems of Faiz is “Oh Restless Heart.” It has a clear political theme but the expression of it is so artistic that one cannot help but admire it. The poem starts as: Darkness wells up, comes flooding on – Night’s blood, gushing from every vein; Creation’s pulse flutters as though The panting life of the two worlds were waning. The poet is not happy with the current state of affairs. He finds himself caught in the darkness and is very much afraid of it. But, he is not pessimistic and is full of hope. He is certain that this darkness is not perpetual. Eventually, a light will break through: Let night’s warm blood stream on: its shade Is powdering on the cheeks of the dawn. Daybreak is near; oh restless heart, be still. The quality of his self-control is apparent in these lines. He does not sacrifice the art for revolution but keeps both the virtues running vibrantly: Through music’s veil the clanking chain, Omnipotent yet fate’s web close-drawn, Tears into life’s pure winecup running, Feet drunk with freedom clogged by custom’s bane; ......

Fate’s empire shall be overthrown And tyranny of custom fade, Let the chain’s links clank now, clank as they will. (Faiz, Poems 33) As an advocate of Marxism, he believed that there was a continuous tussle between the capital and hard work. So, it was the duty of every individual to take part in it. As it is typical of Marxism to take capitalism as the root cause of all problems, Faiz translates capitalism as a horrendous night and hopes for the bright revolution of the people. He has faith in the revolution that will wash away all the expostulations and complaints. As a piece in his poem says, “Remake the flower beds,/water the earth with your blood,/make it wet with your tears/And wait for the next springtime” (Faiz, City 266). He every now and then prescribed a remedy of hope as he writes in his poem “Grieve Not”: Pain will cease, grieve not, grieve not; Friends will return, the heart will find repose, Grieve not, grieve not. The wounds will heal, Grieve not, grieve not. [. . .] The clouds will lift, the night will end, Grieve not, grieve not. The times will change, Grieve not, grieve not. (Faiz, City 210) On one hand the poet grieves, “If a cage’s corner must be our home, and rope and handcuff our coat and sleeve –/ Whether rose harvest comes or no, what use for a lover’s heart to grieve.” But on the other, poet’s determination and commitment provides a conciliation: While these hands keep their virtue, and while warm blood still pulses through these veins, While honour holds her place in our souls, and reason is potent in our brains, Let us two teach all fetters and bondage the swelling music of harp and flute, Music to strike the imperial drum of Caesar or Kai-khosru mute!

Our treasure-store is crammed with courage, in thought and action too we are free. . . (Faiz, Poems 47-48) Qurratulain Hyder remarks that “the unique style of Faiz has made him poet’s poet as that of W. H. Auden. He, like Iqbal, has played a significant role in the politics of state. . . Even those who were against (or were afraid of) his leftist ideology praised him” (Hyder 926). His voice of revolution has transcended the boundaries of space, time, and language. His poetry seems to support the cause of all the oppressed. It speaks with same intensity for Palestinians, Spanish as it does for the people of sub- continent.

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Endnotes: i Raghupati Sahay (1896-1982) better known under his pen name Firaq Gorakhpuri was a critic and one of the acclaimed Urdu poets in India. Gul-e- Naghma is his magnum opus. ii Ali Sardar Jafri was a prolific Urdu poet, critic and a film lyricist in India. iii Known as Romantic Revolutionary of Turkey, he was a poet, novelist, and dramatist. He was often incarcerated for his political ideas and spent much of his life in exile and prison. His poetry and plays have been translated into more than fifty languages. “The revolutionary poet Nazim Hikmet was sentenced to twenty-eight years in prison ‘on the grounds that the military cadets were reading his poems’” (Rich 19). iv Muin Bseiso was a famous poet of Palestine living in Egypt. He received the Lotus prize for literature and has been widely translated. v The most famous and critically acclaimed poet of Palestine. He was awarded the prestigious Lannan Foundation Prize, Lenin Peace Prize and Lotus Prize. Edward Said defines Darwish as “a brilliant poet – certainly the most gifted of his generation in the Arab world. . . his immense prestige as a poet made him politically invaluable…” (Said 112). vi Because of popular pressure and in an attempt to contain the turbulence and escalating general frustration with Arab nationalist regimes, the Palestine Liberation Organization was established in 1964. The resistance groups like PLO marked arrival of new historical force on the political scene of the world. This organization believed that the Palestinian people could not wait for the Arab regimes to liberate Palestine and therefore, the Palestinians should begin to initiate military action against the Israeli state all by themselves. Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) is “recognized by over 100 nations and of course by all Palestinians, as the sole legitimate representative . . . and yet neither the United States nor Israel concedes that the PLO represents Palestinians” (Said, Question 25). vii They were American citizens executed for conspiracy. It is said that they spied for Russia and passed the secret information to them especially regarding atom bomb. viii The beloved of Majnoon (Qais). The tale of their legendary love occupies a permanent place in literature like that of Romeo and Juliet. The story is said to have originated in ancient Arabia. For further reading, see book The Fire of Love: The love Story of Layla and Majnoon by Ganjavi Nizami. trans. Louis Rogers. ix A prominent Persian teacher of Sufism mostly remembered for saying: “I am the Truth” (Ana ’l- Ḥaqq). This belief was taken to be as a heresy and he was hanged for it. For futher reading on him in English, see Al-Hallaj by Herbert W. Mason; and Hallaj: Mystic and Matyr by Louis Massignon.