DOCSLIB.ORG

RUSSIA in GLOBAL AFFAIRS

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
RUSSIA in GLOBAL AFFAIRS RUSSIA in GLOBAL AFFAIRS Vol. 2•No. 4•OCTOBER – DECEMBER•2004 Contents Russia Goes to War Fyodor Lukyanov 5 Comments Learning to Fight International Terrorism Anatoly Adamishin 8 The former Cold War enemies are still more preoccupied with a tug-of-war between themselves than with combating the new threats. How many more times will we repeat the same mistakes in choosing our priorities? Ukraine After Kuchma Arkady Moshes 16 Within the next five to ten years, Russia and Ukraine will have to decide whether their common border will be a conventional boundary connecting their peoples, or whether it will become a new frontier of a Europe divided. Ukraine and Russia will have to make a choice on their own – and then live with its consequences. Should Russia Play Economic Catch-Up Games? 27 Ksenia Yudaeva The idea of national competitiveness looks very attractive on the surface, but it makes no economic sense. The struggle for competitiveness can deal an irreparable blow to Russia’s economic development. Russian State of Emergency Putin’s Choice as Russia’s Choice Vitaly Tretyakov 36 The depth of political changes Vladimir Putin’s latest reform will bring to Russian society and Russia’s state system is comparable to that brought about by Boris Yeltsin’s disbandment of the Congress of People’s Deputies (former parliament) and the adoption of a new Constitution in 1993. Thus far, those two events have been the fundamental political landmarks in Russia’s modern (post-Soviet) history. Contents “Mobilization Plus Modernization” 52 Tatyana Gurova, Andrei Tsunsky If the march of events is favorable, Russia will have at least a two-party sys- tem by the next presidential term – identical to what has happened at cer- tain stages in the history of many Western countries. There is every indica- tion that it will be far less elegant and shapely than in those countries. Nevertheless, this future system will be better than a brutal dictatorship. Russia’s Disintegration: Factors and Prospects Igor Yakovenko 61 The modernization of the heterogeneous population scattered around the critically large landmass means that there exists a high probability for Russia’s breakup. The collapse of the country’s uniform ideology has pre- determined its civilizational (cultural and religious) heterogeneity. European Vision of Russia Russia and Germany: The Core Tenet of Cooperation 76 Gerhard Schröder European experience has shown that stability depends on sound democrat- ic institutions which ensure that decisions taken by policymakers have pub- lic backing. This, in turn, demands ongoing political feedback within a con- fident parliament and an active civil society. Why Schröder Loves Russia Alexander Rahr 84 The German business world is pushing Schröder into Putin’s arms. This is not surprising, since Germany has always had a special business approach to Russia, unlike other Western countries. In the Transatlantic Gap Flemming Splidsboel Hansen 91 On a number of key points – power, the national interest and state sovereignty – Russia has more in common with the U.S.A. than with the EU member states. Most central perhaps is the understanding of the con- cept of “power.” There is a possibility that Russia can actually benefit from the gap between the U.S.A. and Western Europe. The Caucasian Knot Wider Europe’s Horizons in the Caucasus Vladimir Degoyev 106 Russia’s top political milieu is growing restive over the amassed Western penetration into Transcaucasia. The pragmatic West realizes only too well that whoever brings peace and affluence to the post-Soviet territories will have (overtly or covertly) the dominating positions there. Georgia Propelling Its Disintegration Andranik Migranyan 118 There are no legal or international barriers to recognizing the independence of the self-proclaimed republics of Abkhazia and South Ossetia in consider- ation of the practices that the Western countries demonstrated toward the republics of the former Soviet Union and Yugoslavia. Following the breakup of the Soviet Union, the notion of territorial integrity lost its import. RUSSIA IN GLOBAL AFFAIRS VOL. 2 • No. 4 • OCTOBER – DECEMBER • 2004 Contents Georgiophobia Leonid Radzikhovsky 126 Russia is Georgia’s natural ally. To make Georgia understand this, Russia must change its attitude toward its southerly neighbor. First and foremost, we must take our feet off the tabletop and stop putting on arrogant airs. Armenia Amid a Sea of Uncertainty 133 Survey of the Armenia 2020 Project At the start of the 21st century, the countries that once made up the Soviet Union have approached a momentous point in their history. The newly independent states bordering on the mighty development centers, such as Russia, the EU or China, will have to set their priorities and decide for themselves what structures they would like to integrate into. Looking for a Way Out of the Karabakh Impasse 145 Vladimir Kazimirov The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict between Armenians and Azerbaijanis, which broke out in 1988, was the first armed clash on the territory of the Soviet Union. The word ‘Karabakh’ became a common noun used to describe any armed conflict on the territory of the former Soviet Union. Just Do IT Nationality: Cyber-Russian Robert A. Saunders 156 Cyberspace offers great promise for the preservation of identity and nation- al culture. Through computer-mediated communication, nations – espe- cially challenged nations like the Russians in the ‘Near Abroad’ – have the ability to maintain and reinforce their identity in new and compelling ways. Russia On-Line Pavel Zhitnyuk 167 The Russian Internet community has consolidated, expanded and acquired the necessary links and levers to bring pressure on the authorities. This makes everybody hopeful that any potential attempts by the government at “making the Internet clearer” would be opposed by a force powerful enough to shape public opinion. Domestic Brains Heading Offshore Andrei Korotkov 179 Presently, it seems that Russian software producers are already prepared for the export of not only customized products but computer packages oriented toward end-users. Corporate customers are unanimous about Russia’s opportunities within IT market. Reviews A New Approach to Ethnicity and Nationalism 189 Vladislav Inozemtsev Russia at the Turn of the Century: Hopes and Reality 198 Review of the Novgorod International Conference RUSSIA IN GLOBAL AFFAIRS VOL. 2 • No. 4 • OCTOBER – DECEMBER • 2004 Published quarterly RUSSIA IN GLOBAL AFFAIRS BOARD OF TRUSTEES EDITORIAL BOARD Vladimir POTANIN Sergei KARAGANOV, Chairman (Chairman) Interros Holding Company Martti AHTISAARI Irina KHAKAMADA Vyacheslav NIKONOV (Finland) (Deputy Chairman) Sergei GENERALOV Helmut KOHL (Germany) Association for the Protection Graham ALLISON (U.S.A.) Andrei KOKOSHIN Vladimir OVCHINSKY of Investors’ Rights Alexei ARBATOV Mikhail KOMISSAR Vladimir POZNER Andrei KUZYAEV Lev BELOUSOV Vyacheslav KOPIEV Sergei PRIKHODKO LUKoil Overseas Holding Ltd. (Deputy Chairman) (in a personal capacity) Mikhail KOZHOKIN Boris KUZYK C. Fred BERGSTEN (U.S.A.) Yevgeny PRIMAKOV Yaroslav KUZMINOV New Concepts and Programs Carl BILDT Vladimir RYZHKOV Holding Industrial Company (Sweden) Sergei LAVROV (in a personal capacity) Horst TELTSCHIK Valery OKULOV Vladimir GRIGORYEV (Germany) Alexander LIVSHITS Aeroflot JSC (in a personal capacity) Anatoly TORKUNOV Vladimir LUKIN Nikolai TSVETKOV James HOGE (U.S.A) Lord William WALLACE Uralsib Financial Corporation Vladislav INOZEMTSEV Fyodor LUKYANOV (Great Britain) (Editor-in-Chief) Ruben VARDANYAN (Chairman, Sergei YASTRZHEMBSKY Troika-Dialog Group Board of Advisors) Vladimir MAU (in a personal capacity) Simon VAYNSHTOK Igor IVANOV Thierry de MONTBRIAL Igor YURGENS Transneft JSC (in a personal capacity) (France) Alexander ZHUKOV Victor VEKSELBERG Karl KAISER (Germany) Sergei ZVEREV SUAL-Holding Vladimir YEVTUSHENKOV BOARD OF ADVISORS Sistema JSFC Vladislav INOZEMTSEV, Vladimir ENTIN Georgy MIRSKY FOUNDERS: Chairman Leonid GRIGORIEV Mark SHKUNDIN Anatoly ADAMISHIN Alexander LOMANOV Alexander YURIEV COUNCIL ON FOREIGN Olga BUTORINA AND DEFENSE POLICY INFORMATIONAL PARTNERS RUSSIAN• UNION OF INDUSTRIALISTS •Newspapers: Izvestia, Moscow News, Rossiyskaya Gazeta, Sovershenno Sekretno, AND ENTREPRENEURS Trud, Vremya Novostey News Agencies: Interfax, RIA Novosti, Rosbalt • •Radio Station Echo of Moscow IZVESTIA • NATIONAL DAILY PUBLISHED BY LEGAL PR PARTNER GLOBUS PUBLISHING HOUSE CONSULTANCY KROS Public Relations KLISHIN & PARTNERS Company RUSSIAN EDITION Attorneys at Law IS PUBLISHED WITH PARTICIPATION OF Editor-in-Chief Fyodor Lukyanov Deputies Editor-in-Chief Natalya Kostromskaya, Timofei Bordachev Director General Assistant to Chairman Russian Edition FOREIGN AFFAIRS Irina Palekhova of the Editorial Board Yelena Blinnikova Copy Editors Editorial Office: Copy Editors Alexander Kuzyakov 11 Mokhovaya St., Bldg. 3B, Robert Bridge Computer Makeup Lyubov Ryklina Rinat Yakubov Natalia Zablotskite Moscow 103873, Russia Proof-Reader tel.: +7 (095) 980-7353 Proof-Reader Design and Layout Arnold Kun Lyudmila Kupchenko Konstantin Radchenko fax: +7 (095) 937-7611 e-mail: [email protected] Assistant to Editor-in-Chief Circulation http://www.globalaffairs.ru Ksenia Mikhailova Vladimir Astafyev Web Editor tel.: 7 (095) 937-7611 Photos contributed [email protected] by Fotobank Agency Registered with Pavel Zhitnyuk THE MINISTRY [email protected] OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION FOR PRESS, TV AND RADIO BROADCASTING AND MEANS OF MASS COMMUNICATION PI No. 77-12900 3 June 2002 The views
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Possibilities of a Strategic Relationship Between Russia and Saudi Arabia
    POLICY BRIEF Possibilities of a Strategic Relationship Between Russia and Saudi Arabia GRIGORY KOSACH Professor at the Chair of Modern East, Department of History, Political Science and Law, Russian State University for the Humanities ELENA MELKUMYAN Leading research fellow at the Modern East Shared Problems Research Center, RAS Institute of Oriental Studies, Professor at the Chair of Modern East, Department of History, Political Science and Law, Russian State University for the Humanities No. 6, August 2016 1 BOARD OF TRUSTEES PRESIDIUM Sergey Lavrov – Chairman Mikhail Margelov Petr Aven of the Board of Trustees Yury Osipov Igor Ivanov – RIAC President Sergey Prikhodko Andrey Kortunov – RIAC Director General Herman Gref Anatoly Torkunov Fyodor Lukyanov Aleksandr Dzasokhov Andrey Fursenko Aleksey Meshkov Leonid Drachevsky Aleksandr Shokhin Dmitry Peskov Aleksandr Dynkin Igor Yurgens Mikhail Komissar Konstantin Kosachev Editors-in-Chief: Timur Makhmutov, PhD, political science Ruslan Mamedov The Russian International Aff airs Council (RIAC) is a membership-based non-profi t Russian organiza- tion. RIAC’s activities are aimed at strengthening peace, friendship and solidarity between peoples, preventing international confl icts and promoting crisis resolution. The Council was founded in accor- dance with Russian Presidential Order No. 59-rp “On the Creation of the Russian International Aff airs Council non-profi t partnership”, dated February 2, 2010. Founders: Ministry of Foreign Aff airs of the Russian Federation Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation Russian Academy of Sciences Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs Interfax news agency RIAC Mission: The RIAC mission is to promote Russia’s prosperity by integrating it into the global world.
    [Show full text]
  • New Agenda for Russia-EU Relations
    POLICY BRIEF New agenda for Russia-EU relations M. ENTIN professor, MGIMO-University, RIAC expert E. ENTINA associate professor, NRU Higher School of Economics, RIAC expert No.4, May 2016 1 BOARD OF TRUSTEES PRESIDIUM Sergey Lavrov – Chairman Mikhail Margelov Petr Aven of the Board of Trustees Yury Osipov Igor Ivanov – RIAC President Sergey Prikhodko Andrey Kortunov – RIAC Director General Herman Gref Anatoly Torkunov Fyodor Lukyanov Aleksandr Dzasokhov Andrey Fursenko Aleksey Meshkov Leonid Drachevsky Aleksandr Shokhin Dmitry Peskov Aleksandr Dynkin Igor Yurgens Mikhail Komissar Konstantin Kosachev Editors-in-Chief: Natalia Evtikhevich, PhD, political science Alisa Ponomareva The Russian International Aff airs Council (RIAC) is a membership-based non-profi t Russian organiza- tion. RIAC’s activities are aimed at strengthening peace, friendship and solidarity between peoples, preventing international confl icts and promoting crisis resolution. The Council was founded in accor- dance with Russian Presidential Order No. 59-rp “On the Creation of the Russian International Aff airs Council non-profi t partnership”, dated February 2, 2010. Founders: Ministry of Foreign Aff airs of the Russian Federation Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation Russian Academy of Sciences Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs Interfax news agency RIAC Mission: The RIAC mission is to promote Russia’s prosperity by integrating it into the global world. RIAC oper- ates as a link between the state, the scholarly community, business and civil society in an eff ort to fi nd solutions to foreign policy issues. The views expressed herein do not necessarily refl ect those of RIAC. 2 Russian International Aff airs Council New agenda for Russia-EU relations Russia and the European Union are neighbours.
    [Show full text]
  • Ukraine's Political Crisis and U.S. Policy Issues
    Order Code RL32691 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Ukraine’s Political Crisis and U.S. Policy Issues Updated February 1, 2005 Steven Woehrel Specialist in European Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Ukraine’s Political Crisis and U.S. Policy Issues Summary In 2004, many observers believed that Ukraine was at a key period in its transition that could shape its geopolitical orientation for years to come, in part due to presidential elections held on October 31, November 21, and December 26, 2004. In their view, Ukraine could move closer to integration in Euro-Atlantic institutions, real democracy and the rule of law, and a genuine free market economy, or it could move toward a Russian sphere of influence with “managed democracy” and an oligarchic economy. For the past decade, Ukraine’s political scene had been dominated by President Leonid Kuchma and the oligarchic “clans” (regionally based groups of powerful politicians and businessmen) that have supported him. The oligarchs chose Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych as their candidate to succeed Kuchma as President. The chief opposition candidate, former Prime Minister Viktor Yushchenko, was a pro-reform, pro-Western figure seen by many observers as a man of high personal integrity. International observers criticized the election campaign and the first and second rounds of the election as not free and fair, citing such factors as government-run media bias in favor of Yanukovych, abuse of absentee ballots, barring of opposition representatives from electoral commissions, and inaccurate voter lists. Nevertheless, Yushchenko topped the first round of the vote on October 31 by a razor-thin margin over Yanukovych.
    [Show full text]
  • Towards a Strategy for Reconciliation in the OSCE Area” Vienna, 18 December
    PC.DEL/1177/12/Rev.1 7 January 2013 ENGLISH only Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe Workshop “Towards a Strategy for Reconciliation in the OSCE Area” Vienna, 18 December Opening Session Contribution by Prof. Anatoly Torkunov, Russian Co-Chair of the Polish-Russian Group on Difficult Matters, Rector of Moscow State Institute of International Relations OSCE Reconciliation Strategy: Notions, focal points and prospects for implementation Reconciliation-rapprochement-distress/detente: synonymous notions. After thoughtful and substantial presentation of Prof. A. Rotfeld inducing the considerations about the concept and practices of reconciliation, I just want to bring your attention back to the meaning of the definition “reconciliation”. I agree with the authors of the “Food for Thought” paper that there is no general agreement among academics and practitioners on the precise meaning. And in this context, I think that reconciliation is not a proper wording for what we are doing in Russian-Polish relations nowadays. I always stress, we (Russia and Poland) have nothing to reconcile about, since we’ve not waged war against each other, at least, in terms and scale of the WW II or Balkan conflicts. That is why, I prefer to use word rapprochement for the process where both of us, me and Prof. Rotfeld, have been involved since 2008. (Though, some practices of ‘reconciliation” was borrowed by our Russian-Polish Group on difficult matters, as well as we could share our ‘rapprochement practices’ for those who are willing to reconcile). Rapprochement is a perfectly fitting word when it comes to relations between Russia and, let us say, its neighbours from the Baltic shore or any other country where objective closeness is harmed by not linked to an immediate or direct conflict.
    [Show full text]
  • The Russian State Duma , On-Stage and Off: Inquiry, Impeachment , and Opposition
    The Russian State Duma , On-Stage and Off: Inquiry, Impeachment , and Opposition MARTHA MERRITT L egislatures in mixed regimes the world over are often less popular than pres- identa, dismissed as "talking shops" while executive power lays claim to active and decisive leadership.l This tendency is clear in Russia's relatively new political institutions, with the State Duma rated in December 1999 as the Ieast trusted organ of government.z Both reflecting and helping to consolidate this atti- tude, the harsh national media routinely belittle the Duma: Deputies are said to "scurry like cockroaches" as they register electronic votes for themselves and their absent colleagues during the allotted fifteen-second period, the television news describes deputies as "babbling" while reporters discuss crises as yet unad- dressed, and during election periods television talk shows run polis to ask view- ers whether the country needs a national legislature at all. Not surprisingly, those who choose to telephone in this most unrepresentative of surveys defeat scattered support and record thousands of antiparliament "votes" Duma-bashing is something of a national sport in Russia, but it was also a use- ful resource for executive power as exercised by President Yeltsin. Although some commentators predicted a dramatic lessening of tension between Yeltsin's suc- cessor and the Duma after the relatively pro-government parliamentary elections of December 1999,3 the very majority that they had anticipated led to a dramat- ic walk-out of minority parties in early 2000 when the two largest legislative blocs, the Communists and Unity, found common ground in dividing committee chairperson positions.
    [Show full text]
  • Events of 2013
    Europe Katalin Halász and Nurçan Kaya Europe Paul Iganski AZERBAIJAN AZER. ARMENIA GEORGIA RUSSIA SEA TURKEY K CYPRUS ICELAND AC BL UKRAINE VA MOLDO BELARUS ATL ANTIC FINLAND BULGARIA TVIA ROMANIA ANEAN SEA LA FINLAND OCEAN ESTONIA NORWAY GREECE LITHUANIA ovo SWEDEN MACEDONIA SERBIA MONTENEGRO AKIA RUSSIA Kos OV POLAND ESTONIA SL ALBANIA Kaliningrad (Rus.) HUNGARY BOSNIA AND HERZE. LATVIA MEDITERR SWEDEN IRELAND DENMARK CROATIA UNITED ITALY CZECH REP. LITHUANIA KINGDOM AUSTRIA AY KaliningradSLOVENIA (Rus.) NORW BELARUS LIECH. NETHERLANDS SAN MARINO GERMANY DENMARK GERMANY POLAND BELGIUM LUXEMBOURG LUXEMBOURG MONACO UKRAINE CZECH REP.SWITZERLAND BELGIUM SLOVAKIA NETHERLANDS LIECH. MOLDOVA FRANCE SWITZERLAND AUSTRIA HUNGARY FRANCE SLOVENIA ANDORRA UNITED ROMANIA KINGDOM CROATIA BOSNIA GEORGIA ANDORRA SAN MARINO SERBIA PORTUGAL AND HERZE. BLACK SEA MONACO MONTENEGRO AZERBAIJAN ICELAND IRELAND Kosovo SPAIN BULGARIA ARMENIA MACEDONIASPAIN ANTIC AZER. ITALY ALBANIA L TURKEY OCEAN GREECE AT PORTUGAL CYPRUS MEDITERRANEAN SEA n November 2013, in her opening speech considerable anti-migrant and generalized anti- at the European Union Fundamental ‘foreigner’ sentiment across the region. I Rights Agency (FRA) conference on The internet and social media have provided Combating Hate Crime in the EU, Cecilia new opportunities for venting such sentiment. Malmström, the Commissioner of the European Individuals from minority communities who step Commission in charge of Home Affairs, into the public eye in politics, media and sport, expressed concern about the ‘mounting wave have provided new targets for hate through social of harassment and violence targeting asylum media. Between 2012 and 2014 the Council of seekers, immigrants, ethnic minorities and Europe is engaged in a major initiative against sexual minorities in many European countries’.
    [Show full text]
  • A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects the Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society
    The Russian Opposition: A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects The Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society By Julia Pettengill Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 1 First published in 2012 by The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society 8th Floor – Parker Tower, 43-49 Parker Street, London, WC2B 5PS Tel: 020 7340 4520 www.henryjacksonsociety.org © The Henry Jackson Society, 2012 All rights reserved The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and are not necessarily indicative of those of The Henry Jackson Society or its directors Designed by Genium, www.geniumcreative.com ISBN 978-1-909035-01-0 2 About The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society: A cross-partisan, British think-tank. Our founders and supporters are united by a common interest in fostering a strong British, European and American commitment towards freedom, liberty, constitutional democracy, human rights, governmental and institutional reform and a robust foreign, security and defence policy and transatlantic alliance. The Henry Jackson Society is a company limited by guarantee registered in England and Wales under company number 07465741 and a charity registered in England and Wales under registered charity number 1140489. For more information about Henry Jackson Society activities, our research programme and public events please see www.henryjacksonsociety.org. 3 CONTENTS Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 5 About the Author 6 About the Russia Studies Centre 6 Acknowledgements 6 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8 INTRODUCTION 11 CHAPTER
    [Show full text]
  • Popular Magazines, Or the Aestheticization of Postsoviet Russia
    Studies in 20th Century Literature Volume 24 Issue 1 Russian Culture of the 1990s Article 3 1-1-2000 Style and S(t)imulation: Popular Magazines, or the Aestheticization of Postsoviet Russia Helena Goscilo University of Pittsburgh Follow this and additional works at: https://newprairiepress.org/sttcl Part of the Film and Media Studies Commons This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0 License. Recommended Citation Goscilo, Helena (2000) "Style and S(t)imulation: Popular Magazines, or the Aestheticization of Postsoviet Russia ," Studies in 20th Century Literature: Vol. 24: Iss. 1, Article 3. https://doi.org/10.4148/ 2334-4415.1474 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by New Prairie Press. It has been accepted for inclusion in Studies in 20th Century Literature by an authorized administrator of New Prairie Press. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Style and S(t)imulation: Popular Magazines, or the Aestheticization of Postsoviet Russia Abstract The new Postsoviet genre of the glossy magazine that inundated bookstalls and kiosks in Russia's urban centers served as both an advertisement for a life of luxury and an advice column on chic style. Conventionalized signs of affluence, models of beauty, "educational" articles on topics ranging from the history and significance of ties ot correct behavior at a first-class estaurr ant filled the pages of magazines intended to provide an accelerated course in etiquette, appearance, and appurtenances for Russia's newly wealthy. The lessons in spending, demeanor, and taste emphasized moneyed visibility.
    [Show full text]
  • What Does Ukraine's Orange Revolution Tell Us About the Impact
    FREE POLICY NETWORK BRIEF SERIES John S. Earle, George Mason University Scott Gehlbach, University of Wisconsin-Madison November, 2016 What Does Ukraine’s Orange Revolution Tell Us About the Impact of Political Turnover on Economic Performance? Political turnover is a normal, even desirable, feature of competitive politics, yet turnover in a context of weak institutions can create policy uncertainty, disrupt political connections, and threaten the security of property rights. What is the impact of political turnover on economic performance in such an environment? We examine the behavior of over 7,000 enterprises before and after Ukraine's Orange Revolution—a moment of largely unanticipated political turnover in a country with profoundly weak institutions. We find that the productivity of firms in regions that supported Viktor Yushchenko increased after the Orange Revolution, relative to that of firms in regions that supported Viktor Yanukovych. Our results illustrate that the efficiency consequences of turnover can be large when institutions are weak. Introduction Ukraine in 2004 Politics in much of the world is a winner-take-all Three factors make Ukraine in 2004 an appropriate contest. When Viktor Yanukovych fled Kyiv in setting for identifying the effect of political February 2014, for example, he was joined by a turnover on economic performance. First, Ukraine close group of associates overwhelmingly drawn under Kuchma was a paradigmatic case of from the country’s Russian-speaking East, “patronal presidentialism,” in which the president including Yanukovych’s home region of Donetsk. “wields not only the powers formally invested in The governors who ran Ukraine’s regions under the office but also the ability to selectively direct Yanukovych fared no better.
    [Show full text]
  • Elections, Revolution and Democracy in Ukraine
    ELECTIONS, REVOLUTION AND DEMOCRACY IN UKRAINE: REFLECTIONS ON A COUNTRY’S TURN TO DEMOCRACY, FREE ELECTIONS AND THE MODERN WORLD By Jeffrey Clark With Jason Stout October 2005 DEVELOPMENT ASSOCIATES: STRENGTHENING ELECTORAL ADMINISTRATION IN UKRAINE PROJECT This publication was made possible through support provided by the Regional Mission for Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova, U.S. Agency for International Development, under the terms of Agreement No. 121-A-00- 04-00701-00. The opinions expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the U.S. Agency for International Development. PREFACE A USAID-supported activity known as the Strengthening Electoral Administration in Ukraine Project (SEAUP), administered by Development Associates, played a decidedly important role in facilitating Ukraine’s turn to democracy in 2004. The pages that follow provide evidence of that unequivocal conclusion, but just as importantly offer reflections on how the project was perceived and implemented of interest to promoters of free elections and democratization elsewhere. SEAUP’s success would have been unattainable without the unwavering support USAID gave the initiative and the trust placed in its professional staff. The Kyiv Mission granted considerable administrative flexibility that proved essential as political tensions increased and unplanned program inputs had to be devised virtually overnight to meet the challenges of a massively fraudulent vote and a court-ordered revote. The efforts of external players to foment anti-American sentiments further complicated the environment and imposed additional constraints on project implementers. USAID sponsored other implementing agencies actively supporting democratic consolidation in Ukraine, working directly with NDI, IRI, Freedom House, InterNews, and ABA/CEELI.
    [Show full text]
  • The Russian Migration Regime and Migrants' Experiences: the Case of Non-Russian Nationals from Former Soviet Republics
    The Russian migration regime and migrants' experiences: the case of non-Russian nationals from former Soviet republics by Larisa Kosygina A thesis submitted to The University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Centre for Russian and East European Studies School of Government and Society College of Social Science The University of Birmingham 2009 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Acknowledgements This work would be impossible without the people who agreed to participate in my research. I am extremely grateful for their time and trust. I am also very grateful to the International Fellowship Program of the Ford Foundation which provided funding for my work on this thesis. I want to thank my supervisors – Prof. Hilary Pilkington and Dr. Deema Kaneff for their patience, understanding, and critical guidance. It was a real pleasure to work with them. Within CREES at the University of Birmingham I would like to thank Dr. Derek Averre for his work as a Director of Post graduate Research Programme. My thanks also go to Marea Arries, Tricia Carr and Veta Douglas for their technical assistance and eagerness to help.
    [Show full text]
  • Human Rights in Russia: Challenges in the 21St Century ICRP Human Rights Issues Series | 2014
    Institute for Cultural Relations Policy Human Rights Issues Series | 2014 ICRP Human Rights Issues Series | 2014 Human rights in Russia: Challenges in the 21st century ICRP Human Rights Issues Series | 2014 Human rights in Russia: Challenges in the 21st century Author | Marija Petrović Series Editor | András Lőrincz Published by | Institute for Cultural Relations Policy Executive Publisher | Csilla Morauszki ICRP Geopolitika Kft., 1131 Budapest, Gyöngyösi u. 45. http://culturalrelations.org [email protected] HU ISSN 2064-2202 Contents Foreword 1 Introduction 2 Human rights in the Soviet Union 3 Laws and conventions on human rights 5 Juridical system of Russia 6 Human rights policy of the Putin regime 8 Corruption 10 Freedom of press and suspicious death cases 13 Foreign agent law 18 The homosexual question 20 Greenpeace activists arrested 24 Xenophobia 27 North Caucasus 31 The Sochi Olympics 36 10 facts about Russia’s human rights situation 40 For further information 41 Human rights in Russia: Challenges in the 21st century Human rights in Russia: Challenges in the 21st century Foreword Before presenting the human rights situation in Russia, it is important to note that the Institute for Cultural Relations Policy is a politically independent organisation. This essay was not created for condemning, nor for supporting the views of any country or political party. The only aim is to give a better understanding on the topic. On the next pages the most important and mainly most current aspects of the issue are examined, presenting the history and the present of the human rights situation in the Soviet Union and in Russia, including international opinions as well.
    [Show full text]