sign in sign up
<<
Home , Amias Paulet, Anthony Kitchin, Anthony Rudd, Anthony Watson (bishop), Bishop of Llandaff, Cuthbert Tunstall

This dissertation has been microfilmed exactly as received 69-4939

MILLER, Robert Henry, 1938- A SELECTED EDITION OF SIR 'S A SUPPLIE OR ADDICION TO THE CATALOGUE OF , TO THE YEARE 1608,

The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1968 Language and Literature, general

University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan

Copyright by

Robert Henry Miller

1969 A SELECTED EDITION OF

SIR JOHN HARINGTON'S A SUPPLIE OR ADDICION

TO THE CATALOGUE OF BISHOPS. TO THE YBARE 1608

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University

By

Robert Henry Miller, B.A., M.A.

The Ohio State University 1968

Approved by

Adviser Department of E llsh ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I wish to express my deepest thanks to Professor

Ruth Hughey, who spent many hours encouraging and advis­

ing me in my work, and who succeeded in instilling in me some of her own interest in the Haringtons. I am

completely in her debt for any comments I make here about Sir John Haringtonfs equally talented father,

John Harington of Stepney. Without her help this edition would never have been possible.

To Richard Schrader I am grateful for much

needed assistance in translating Latin quotations and

phrases.

I also wish to thank the Folger Shakespeare

Library for assistance of various kinds, all of

which were vital to my work.

I am especially grateful to the Trustees of

the British Museum for permission to base this

edition on manuscripts in their keeping.

11 VITA

August 10, 1938 Born - Defiance, Ohio

1960 B.A., Bowling Green University, Bowling Green, Ohio

1960-I96I Teaching Assistant, English Department, Bowling Green University

1961 M.A., Bowling Green University

1961-196^ Instructor, Humanities Depart­ ment, Michigan Technological University, Houghton, Michigan

196^-1968 Teaching Assistant, Department of English, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

FIELDS OF STUDY

Major Field: English Literature of the Renaissance

Studies in the Renaissance. Professor Ruth Hughey

Studies in Bibliography and Textual Criticism. Professor Hughey and Professor Matthew Bruccoll

111 TABLE OP CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... 11

VITA ...... • ill

LIST OF TABL E S ...... vl

INTRODUCTION ...... 1

TEXTUAL N O T E ...... o ...... 71

A SUPPLIE OR ADDICION TO THE

CATALOGUE OF BISHOPS, TO THE YEARE 1608

f ! 102

Of the Bishops of L o n d o n ...... 11^

Of the Bishops of . . • ...... 133

Of Sallsburle ...... 17^

Of the Bishops of Bathe and Wells 183

Hereford ...... 210

Chichester ...... 220

Of ...... 227

Of Saint P a r i e s ...... 230

Of L a n d a f ...... 235

Of the of Y o r k e ...... 2^1

It [Conclusion] ...... 272

The Occasion Why the Former Worke Was Taken In Hand ...... 27^

NOTES ...... 283

APPENDIXES ...... 3^6

Appendix A: Substantive Emendations . . • „ . 3^7

Appendix B: Emendations of Accidentals . . . 350

Appendix C: Historical Collation of Substantive Variants ••••...... 355

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... „ ...... 383

v LIST OF TABLES

Table Page 1* Some Changes of Accidentals In A and FC .<>••. ..o...... 79

2. Census of Substantive Variants . . . . • . 99

3. Textual Genealogy ..... 100

vl INTRODUCTION

On the sixth of November 1612 Prince Henry

Frederick, son of King James I of , died. He was eighteen, and the great promise he had shown had given hope to those around him that he would make a worthy king. In an elegy to the dead prince, John

Taylor wrote:

"For hee that was the worlds admired Lampe,

The life of Peace, of War, of Court, of Campe,

Th'expected hope of blest ensuing time,

Fell in his spring, and dide in golden prime."

No one knew at the time that monarchy was to end temporarily with Henry’s younger brother Charles I; but to us, in retrospect, his death seems to have been that much more tragic. No person can say what kind of king Henry might have been, but there is a chance that the bloodshed that was to come under King

Charles I might have been averted under Prince Henry's reign.

^Great Brltalne. All in Blacke (, 1612), sig. B2V.

1 2

Par to the west, two weeks , on the twentieth of November, another older, perhaps by this time sager, courtler left the world, In the quietness of his home

In Kelston, near Bath. Sir John Harlngton, godson to

Queen Elizabeth, man of the court, poet, translator, and historian, died, as Sir Robert Cecil says, "sick of a dead palsy." Sir John's quest for preferment began early in the reign of and extended through the early part of that of James I. Harlngton had incurred the ill favor of his godmother the queen by being associated with the Earl of Essex in the letter's abortive expedition to Ireland in 1599* Although the death of Queen Elizabeth came as a great loss to Sir

John, also meant a chance for him to find favor with the new king. It is to King James that Harlngton dedicated and addressed his A Tract on the Succession to the Crown, which attempts to set forth Harlngton*s views on the religious compromise that he hoped James 2 would implement. When his efforts with James found

2 A Tract on the Succession to the Crown was written in 1602 for the purpose of not only procuring favor, but also of influencing James's attitudes as king, especially his religious attitudes, and it was to have the same effect on James that Harlngton hoped the later Supplle would have on Henry. Harlngton's own manuscript of the work, together with marginalia by Toby Mathew, is now in the Chapter Library at Cathedral. The only printed edition is that of the Roxburgh Club, ed. C. R. Markham (London, 1880). no encouragement, he directed his renewed attempts at

the , Henry Frederick, In the form of

"A Supplle or Addiclon to the Catalogue of Bishops, to

the Yeare 1608," In order to counterbalance some strong

Puritan Influence that had always been present around

the young prince. The story of the Supplle then Is

the story of an older man's attempt to advise a younger man, or at least that la part of the story. With Henry'

sudden death. It seems as If Harlngton too saw not only the collapse of his own ambitions but also the collapse of his desires to bring about a religious compromise, which he proposed in both the Tract and the Supplle.

The struggle for Henry's religious convictions

actually began early In his life, when Clement

offered to give James money to secure him on the

English throne, If he, the pope, might be entrusted

with the care and upbringing of the prince.3 of the

Puritan influence surrounding Henry there can be little

doubt. The young prince naturally became the subject

of appeals from the Puritan writers and divines, who

had great difficulty influencing the anti-presbyterlan

James. With Henry they may have made greater gains,

though it is difficult to tell, since we have very

^Thomas Birch, Life of Henry. Prince of Wales (London, 1?60), pp. 22-23. 4 little Information ebout the young prince's religious feelings. One of prominent writers who appealed to Henry at one time or another was

Broughton, the Hebraic scholar whom Harlngton mentions disparagingly in the Supplle.*4, Broughton's reply to

Bishop Thomas Bllson of Winchester, on the matter of

Christ's descent into Hell^ was inscribed to Henry, as well as his scholarly treatise Responsum ad Eplstolam

Iudael and his translation from the Hebrew of The

Lamentations of Jeremy. The Puritan divine John

Brinsley the elder dedicated his Henry Ludus Llterarlus of 1612 to the prince. Probably the greatest influence, however, was exerted by , who was a close friend of the prince and who served as his chaplain from 1608 to 1612. Some of Hall's works dedicated to Henry are his Epistles (1608, 1612), The

Peace of Rome (1609), and Contemplations upon the

^Supplle. p. 175. The information on religious writings has been taken from E. C. Wilson, Prince Henry and English Literature (Ithaca, N.Y., 19^6), which dis­ cusses the many works dedicated or addressed to Henry. Wilson mentions the Supplle. pp. 66-67, but he gives the fair-copy manuscript the title that Chetwlnd provided for the printed edition, and, like his earlier source, Birch's Life of Henry. he confuses Sir John Harlngton with his relative John, Baron Harlngton of Exton, who was also Henry's close friend.

^See Supplle. p. 171 and Note 171.10. 5 Prlnclpall Passages of the Holie Storle (1612). Two of his later chaplains also exerted strong antl-Catholic

Influences on him: Daniel Price, who presented Recusants

Conversion (1608), and Lewis Bally, later Bishop of

Bangor and author of The Practice of Piety (1612). In his history of the at this time, W. H, Frere tells the story that Bally, in his funeral quoted the prince as having said shortly before his death that "religion lay a-bleeding, and no marvall when divers of the privy council hear mass in the morning, court sermon in the afternoon, tell their wives what is done at the Council so that they tell their Jesuits and confessors."^

The truth of Bally1s report Is doubtful, even though he was to become a bishop, and Bally himself was summoned before the and the Privy Council for having made it. However, It is interesting to note that the statement Is violently anti-Catholic rather than pro-Puritan. There is nothing in it to indicate that Henry carried Puritan sentiments to his grave, but there is a great deal in it to suggest that he was vehemently opposed to the

Catholics, and little wonder. All of England was bent

History of the English Church during the Reign of Elizabeth and James I (London, 190*0, p, 372. 6 on a Catholic persecution that had not been seen in the nation before and was not to be seen again, be­ ginning with Elizabeth's excommunication in 1570 and the execution of Mary Queen of Scots in 1587. The laws against the recusants were Just as strong under

James, and that one ominous event, the of 1605, only succeeded in instilling in the people more chilling fears of a Jesuit conspiracy. Similarly, the religious literature addressed to Henry has more to do with recusancy and Jesuit plots than with Puritan reforms. One of the anti-Catholic pamphlets directed to Henry is 's The Encounter against

M. Parsons (1610), in which Morton states that he thinks it only proper that a book exposing an infamous Jesuit,

Robert Parsons, "who laboured to undermine the right both of his Maiesties possessions, and of your future succession in this land," should be dedicated to the prince (sig. *2T ). In his Life. Birch comments that after the Gunpowder Plot, Leone 1 Sharpe, chaplain to the Earl of Essex, preached a violently anti-papal sermon before Henry. In addition, Henry's tutor Adam

Newton, later to be of Durham, who was not a thoroughgoing Puritan, was Indeed aware of the Jesuit threats. Birch Includes in his Life an appendix of ? correspondence to Newton from Sir Edward Conway, who served In the Netherlands as governor of the Brill about 1610, and the letters are full of Conway's fears of Jesuit threats from abroad.7

Into this background, then. Sir John Harlngton*s

Supplle fits; only It Is one of very few works that were intended to have any anti-Puritan or pro-episcopal causes to carry to the prince. The real threat of

Puritanism, in Harlngton*s mind, is not its attempt to bring about reforms, but its presbyterian character; its real threat is to the episcopal organization and control of the Church. It is this "episcopal" concept that Harlngton wishes to preserve in Henry's mind.

There is no indication what Henry's attitude toward episcopacy may have been, but as the sovereign he was by his very position committed to have bishops, so long as he could control them. His father had put it most aptly at the in 160*4-: Q "No bishops, no king."

A Supplle or AddleIon to the Catalogue of

Bishops. to the Yeare 1608 was in its conception and execution a strictly private work, intended for

Prince Henry's own use, though there are some

7Life. pp. **79-520.

®See the Supplle. p. 278, and Frere, p. 297. 8

indications that Harlngton had a broader audience In

mind. It was written as a supplement to Bishop

Francis Godwin's A Catalogue of the Bishops of England

(l601), 5TC 11937* one of the earliest histories to

treat strictly of the lives of the bishops from the beginnings of the church to the earlier years of

Elizabeth's reign. Godwin's Catalogue is quite extensive and proportionately dull in comparison with

Harlngton's; however, it was well thought of and earned him a promotion from Subdean of Exeter to

Bishop of , an impoverished but still prestigious see. Godwin's Catalogue is composed of

short biographies of bishops, heavily factual in nature, and arranged by bishoprics. The work continued

into another edition (1616), STC 119^1. Harlngton thought a great deal of him,^ and Anthony a Wood,

ln Athenae Oxonlenses. says of him that he was Ma good man, a grave divine, skilful mathematician, excellent philosopher, pure Latinist, and incomparable historian. . . ."10

9see his account, Supplle. pp. 235-239.

10l, *4.96-^97. Godwin has recently come into hi3 own as an imaginative writer through renewed scholarly Interest in a "scientific travelogue" of his. . or a Discourse of a Voyage thither by Domingo Gonsalez. the Speedy Messenger (London. 1638, s t c 1194 yn 9

Harlngton prepared a very beautiful manuscript of his Supplle. which includes a topical index and an alphabetical index to Godwin's Catalogue, as well as the text Itself. He had the whole manuscript bound In with a copy of the first edition of Godwin's Catalogue and presented it to the Prince.'1'1 As nearly as can be ascertained the work was written throughout the year

1607. perhaps as early as 1606, and presented to Henry sometime in 1608. In a letter dated 1606 by Thomas

Park, one of Harlngton's editors, Harlngton writes to

Prince Henry, "I here sende by my servant such matter as your Highness did covet to see. In regard to Bishop

Gardener of Winchester, which I shall sometime more 12 largely treat of, and lay at your feet.” The rest of the letter is composed verbatim of Harlngton*s account of Gardiner in the Supplle. ^ The last page of the text of the "Supplle" is dated 18 February l6o?

H-For a full discussion of this manuscript, see the Textual Note, pp. 75-77.

I^The Letters and Epigrams of Sir John Harlngton ed. N. E. McClure (Philadelphia, 1930),pp. 127, 405. The letter was first published in Henry Harlngton*s 1769 edition of the Nugae Antlauae. p. 81* with the date 1609, and Thomas re-dated it 1606 in his edition, I, 363* on the logical assumption that the "9" was a misprint for ”6," since Henry already had Supplle in his hands sometime in 1608.

^ Supplle. pp. 1^3-1^4. 10

In Sir John's hand. In the "Occasion why the former worke was taken In hand," the last part of the

"Supplle," Harlngton describes the Incident that sup­ posedly Inspired the work, the London preacher's telling of the rhyme, "Henry the 8. pulld down Abbeys and

Cells / But Henry the 9. shall pull down Bishops and bells"; and he says that the "Londoner of honest credit" told him of it "about the monthe of August last past," which would have been August of 1607. Sir John then would have us believe that this history was written between August 160? and February 1607/8, perhaps Just as Castiglione would want us to think that he wrote

The Courtier In a few days. On the basis of the letter of 1606, the terminus a quo is probably some time in

1606, and the terminus ad quern February 18, 1607/8.

During this time, Harlngton would have had to prepare at least three copies, one foul-paper copy and two final manuscripts.^ Within the time from 1606 to early 1608 it Is probable that the work was completed, for the Supplle is not a studied production but a free, gentlemanly venture rather than a scholarly one, requiring the author to draw freely from his fund of personal lore, from his first-hand knowledge

l U See Textual Note, pp. 72-83. 11 of the men, and from his wide acquaintance with the history of the Church,

At Harlngton1s death, two manuscripts of the work lay quietly out of the public eye, one within the Harlngton family and the other in Henry's hand­ some library, then in his father's possession after his death. The "Supplle" still remained for all pur­ poses a private work, a "courtly" history, seen only by a few, not by many. But by 1653 all this had changed, for in that year John Chetwind, a Presbyterian grandson of Sir John's, resurrected the history under the title A Brlefe View of the State of the Church of

England, and had it published in London by the printer

Joshua Kirton.

It is a little shocking to know that the con­ servative Sir John Harlngton, an Anglican with Catholic proclivities, and his anti-Puritan history would ultimately be brought to the public by a Presbyterian grandson, and this knowledge has affected the Judgment and evaluation that has been made of the work in the past.

John Chetwind, son of Dr. Edward Chetwind, chaplain to Queen Anne, and of Helena Harlngton Chetwind, was born at Banwell, Somersetshire, in 1623. He was educated at , and, according to Alsager Vian's account of him in the DNB (s.v. Chetwynd), "threw in his lot with the presbyterlans, seemingly at the

instigation of his uncle, John Harlngton [[Sir John's

son]." Sir John's namesake had deserted the family position and turned parliamentarian, in spite of his father's views on monarchy and episcopacy. Perhaps

like other Haringtons in the past, especially his own father, he noticed the changing winds. In any case the grandson Chetwind continued a Presbyterian and during the Cromwell period, held the position of joint-pastor of the parish of St. in Wells; and it was during this time, in 1653* that he published Sir

John's Supplle. He dedicated It to Lady Jane Pile, the great-granddaughter of Bishop of Bath and Wells, who was Sir John's headmaster at Eton.

Chetwind, in 1660, had a change of heart that strangely coincided with the Restoration, gave up his Presbyterian notions to take orders in the Church, and was subse­ quently appointed vicar of the Temple Church in

Bristol. Later he became of the cathedral

in Bristol, and earned a sound reputation as a preacher of distinction. John Evelyn mentions listening to

"Mr. Chetwln" preach at on two different occasions.E. S. DeBeer, his editor, feels that

•^Dlary. ed. E. S. DeBeer (Oxford, 1955)* IV. 502, 539. 13

Evelyn may have had In mind Knightly Chetwood, chap­ lain to the Princess of Denmark and later dean of

Gloucester, but perhaps Sir John's grandson did preach the . After a full clerical life Chetwind died 30 December 1692 and was buried at Bristol. He was the author of several works, the best known of which is his Anthologlca Hlstorlca (1674), a collec­ tion of passages from various historical works brought together as a kind of commonplace book. His religious works are Eben-ezer. a Thankful Memorial (1682), and

The Dead Speaking (I65M , both sermons, the latter of which Chetwind preached at the death of Samuel Oliver, of Wells. It was first brought out in a funeral collection by , The Dead Speak­ ing. or the Living Names of Two Deceased Ministers of

Christ (1653).^

The reception of the Supplle is so fully bound up with the nature of the work itself, the man who wrote it, the man who saw it through the press, and especially the age in which it was published, that the whole story needs to be unravelled. To repeat, for all intents Sir John's "Supplle" received no public exposure until forty years after his death, and then

l^The works are listed in Wing STC. C3793* C3796, C3795, and T987, respectively. 14

It appeared at a time when the Idea of episcopacy was very much out of favor and when bishops were out of power. The state no longer recognized the Church of

England, Its worship was illegal, and Its ministry had been replaced. Cromwell*s attitude toward what he termed the "malignant Episcopal party" was severe, and the Church as well as Its episcopal system was in complete disarray and disfavor. In spite of all this,

Chetwind determined to publish the Supplle. an episcopal history by an author with highly authoritarian views and a strong dislike of the of his own day.

Besides, the work was published by one of the more antl-eplscopal, pro-Cromwell printers of the day,

Joshua Klrton. This printer alone brought out many of the Presbyterian tracts and subscribed to at least two pamphlets recommending that harsher censorship laws be Imposed on printers who brought out "heretical" 17 tracts. As far as can be determined if we can judge from the number of copies of the 1653 edition extant today (It Is more available than the eighteenth- century editions of the Nugae Antlquae). the work was popular, and gained a reputation as a good

^See Luke Fawne et al. , A Beacon Set on Fire. or the Humble Information of Certain Stationers. Citizens of London . . . (London. 1652). Wing STC F 564, and Its sequel, A Second Beacon Fired (London, 1654), Wing STC F 565. 15 anti-episcopal tract. Anthony a Wood, in his account of , is the first to comment:

But so it was, that the book coming into the hands of one John Chetwind. (Grandson by a daughter to the author,) a person deeply principled in presbyterian tenants, did, when the Press was open, print it at London 1653. in oct. And no sooner was it published, and came to the hands of many, but t'was exceedingly clamour*d at by the Loyal and orthodox , condemning him much that published it, . . . yet it was exceedingly pleasing to the Presbyterians and other Dissenters. And there is no doubt, but that if it had come into the hands of Prynne . . . he would have raked out many things thence, and aggravated them to the highest, . . .18

It is pretty clear from Wood's comments that the

Supplle came to the world and was received by it as a kind of expose of the sins of bishops, and there is no doubt that its gossipy nature heightened this effect. Chetwind*s characterization of it as a

"briefe view of the state of the church" partly con­ tributes to this impact, and its more scandalous material appealed to an audience receptive to it, or even non-receptlve to it, since from Wood's remark, it seems that there was a strong outcry from the episcopalians against it. People saw in it what they wanted to see.

^ A t h e n a e . I, ^07. 16

Historians, too, viewed the book as untrust­

worthy. Wood used Harlngton*s history extensively

In his Athenae, yet nowhere does he change his des­ cription of it. ^9 Thomas Puller, in The Worthies of England, says of Sir John: "A postume book of his

la come forth as an addition to Bishop Godwin's

Catalogue of Bishops: wherein (besides mistakes) some tart reflections In uxoratos eplscopos might well have been spared."20 And yet Fuller used the work extensively in his Church History. And one of the most used historians, John Strype, was critical of

Harlngton*s account: "Sir John Harrington (who lived

in these times of Queen Elizabeth, and some time after) undertakes to give some strictures of her

Bishops; but they are commonly but light rumours of court, and often idle and trifling."22 Strype goes on to heap praise on Fuller; yet many times he also used information from Harlngton's history.

i9See the Supplle on , pp. 115-116 and also the Notes, p. 293.

20ed. Freeman (London, 1952), p. 500.

2^See his Church History of Britain, ed. J. S. Brewer (Oxford, 184-5) * V, 322-3257 for example.

2^Llfe of Grlndal (London, 1821), p. 4-54-. 17

What these men saw In Harlngton they saw through the version of the text that they had avail­ able to them, Chetwind1s edition. When John Chetwind published A Brlefe View in 1653. h© sa* It first of all as a memento for Lady Jane Pile, in of her great-grandfather John Still, and rightly so, since

Sir John's account of that great bishop in the Supplle is one of the most personal and most moving. Secondly,

Chetwind was quite aware of the clamor that might ensue if he were to publish an episcopal tract, and he wisely, but nonetheless wrongly, omitted Harlngton*s

"The occasion why the former worke was taken in hand,"^^ without which the Supplle can more conveniently be read as an antl-eplscopal tract. In the to the 1653 edition Chetwind says:

To [the reader, the Supplle~1 likewise will sufficiently be justified even in those passages that seem most likely to offend: Since such that are ingenious are supposed duly to consider, The nature of the Discours: A History the greatest commendation of which is impartiall truth. The quality of the Author: a courtier, that writes to a Prince the sonne of that King who held that Prophetick Axiom as a sure truth, and we see it fulfilled. No bishop, No king. The time when, and the subject of whom this tract is, So that if any should take, what is not intended, offence at the honour he gives those, that have been less honoured, or at the zeal he shews against some whom he supposed their

23Supplle * PP. 27^-282 18

adversaries: The Publisher desires such to consider that In those dales when this discourse was penned, those principles which now appeare publiquely as the Sun, and have burnt as a flame, were then but a small candle newly lighted, and that carried in a dark Lanthorne, not to be seen by all, or in all places, and not at all to be seen In the Court, where the Author lived; Which considered, the most displeased Reader, if any such be, must impute those hearts to the Authors zeale, of not according to the truth, yet according to his knowledge, and the then apprehended true principles of Eccleslastlcll Policy,

Judging from Its tone and its explanations, this dedication shows that Chetwind understood very well the nature of the work he was publishing and how it would be treated by his public. Its anti-Puritan, pro-episcopal drift is clear to him, and he asks that Sir John be excused these habits of mind, since he was only expressing the sentiments of his fellow- courtiers and his age. Yet in spite of the "qualify ing" dedication, Chetwind still hesitated to include

Harlngton's explanatory "Occasion," We know that

Chetwind was working with the earlier A MS., which now lacks the "Occasion," but there is no doubt that this section was present in the complete manu­ script and that Chetwind knew it, since material from that section appears on the title page of the

1653 edition and in Chetwind’s dedication,^ The

oh. See the full discussion of this manuscript in the Textual Note, pp. 72-73* 19 phrase "no bishops, no king" was used by James at

the Hampton Court Conference, as previously mentioned

(p. 7), but it appears in exactly the context that

Chetwind uses it in the dedication. Secondly, the

distich "Henry the 8, pulld down Abbeys and Cells /

But Henry the 9. shall pull down Bishops and bells,"

which appears on the title page of the 1653 edition, appears only in the "Occasion," Even if the "Occasion" may have been lacking in the A MS,, there is an equally good possibility that Chetwind could have seen it in

Prince Henry's fair-copy manuscript,In any case we are certain that Chetwind was familiar with the

"Occasion" and that he chose to leave it out of the first edition.

There can be little doubt that Chetwindfs omission at the time was judicious, for with the

"Occasion" included, the Supplle probably would not have been published. And yet without it, and in the

spirit of the Presbyterian age in which it was read,

it received a reputation that it has never been able 2 6 to shed, to this day. While we cannot ignore the

^See Textual Note, pp. 8^-85,

2^The most recent study of the bishops might serve as the best example of the effect that Harington’s "bad" reputation has had on the evaluation of his work. Phyllis Hembry, in The Bishops of Bath 20 obviously "gossipy,” raconteurlsh qualities In It. I should like to reappraise the total work In light of the whole text and Harlngton's Intentions, and though

I cannot elevate It to any awesome artistic stature, at least the twentieth century may be able to see It as something much superior to any much more significant than its late seventeenth-century reputation would

Indicate. and Wells (London, 19^7) wrongly states that Harington was "apparently hostile to the bishops" (p. 102). She continues by saying that "Harlngton’s bias against the bishops was recognized even by his contemporary Thomas Puller" (p. 103). First of all, Fuller never pointedly said that Harington was prejudiced against bishops. He said instead that his history contained errors and that Harington made remarks about bishops' wives that might better have never been said. See my comments earlier, p. 16. I might in passing point out some errors in her treatment of Harington, Just to set matters straight. She quotes a comment, p. 102, from the Suppile on Bishop Gilbert Berkeley of Bath and Wells (see Supplie, p. 19?)* and says that the assumption that the bishop was married rests on a statement by Harington. However, the text shows that Harlngton's statement is really nothing but a translation of a Latin quote from Godwin's "Catalogue Episcoporum." It was Godwin, not Harington, who claimed that Berkeley was married. On another occasion, p. 156, Miss Hembry states, "It is alleged by the unreliable Harington and others . . . that [Bishop 's second wife] was either a scheming girl of twenty who had acquired half the bishopric, or a widow of forty." What Harington actually claimed was that "the good Earle of Bedford happening to be present when theise tales were told and knowing the Londoners widow that the bishop had maryed, said merily to the Queene after his dry manner. Madam, I know not how much the woman is aboue twenty but I know a sonne of hers is but little vnder forty" (p. 199)* 21

Harlngton’s own comments within the Supplle. particularly those having to do with the Intent of the work, are revealing, and the "Occasion why the former worke was taken in hand" tells us more in a specific way about what Sir John was trying to do than all the 27 comments of later historians. He says, first of all. that the main intent of the work is to divert

the prince from being affected by the pronouncements of the Puritans and Presbyterians, who claim that the episcopal system is certain to fall. It was a

"Londoner of honest credit," Sir John says, who told him how a zealous preacher had in turn told his congregation "how some lewd person had scattered In divers places this ryme.

Henry the 8. pulld down Abbeys and Cells

But Henry the 9. shall pull down Bishops and

bells."

And the idea expressed here affects both Papist and

Puritan: "The worst sort of Papists, that haue not yet disgested the dissolution of Abbeys . . . fill

^ I t is interesting to note in connection with the "Occasion" that it is the only section of the whole Supplle that is not addressed to the Prince. It is not hortatory but explanatory, and I think it should be taken as a sincere description of purpose. Tangentlally, it may also indicate that Harington had some hope of the Supplle1s being published later, per­ haps after his death. 22 men with feare that all tends to lmpietle and Atheism, as though no man can serve god that is not a Romane.

The gulddy Puritan is well pleasd when he hears yt, hoping their presbitery would rise by the fall of

Bishops. ..." Harington finds himself in between the two positions, and like the it­ self, beset on both sides by the extremists, who are inevitably destroying its structure. It is "the trew

Christian that fears god and honors the king ..." who "bestirs himself the more courageouslie to discouer 28 the frawd, and resist the mallice of the enemie."

The posture that Harington adopts is that of the militant Anglican, committed to episcopacy, seeking to counteract the satanic attacks of Papists, on the one hand, and Puritans on the other, who, through their struggles with Anglicans (i.e., Anglicans committed to episcopacy) are bringing down the whole structure. And what he says was true: the Anglican position was constantly weakened by the militancy of the Catholics. The small but no less significant plots, such as the In Elizabeth's time and the Gunpowder Plot of 1605, did as much to weaken the Anglican position as any number of Ineffective

28Supplle. pp. 27^-275. 23 bishops. And the fear of the Jesuit "conspiracy" never died; it was always there to be drawn out by the low-church people, even after the Restoration, in the guise of Titus Octes’s "great discovery," the

Popish Plot.

Harington, however, has faith in the eventual victory of the English Church, in spite of its problems, and ends the "Occasion" on an optimistic note, saying that people in the past have constantly predicted the fall of the Church, only to have the

Church revive, and that "yt is impossible a Prince discended of such Auncestors so vertuously brought vp, so devoutly and sweetly inclyned by nature and nurture . . . should so straungely degenerate in

England, to pull down 2k Bishopprlcks so long since and so firmly established, and to prophane bells, ordayned for the sounde of Ioy, and honour of

Christian peace . . . "29

One of his tasks is to preserve in the prince’s mind, the need to keep the episcopal system; his pur­ pose, however, is more extensive. The Supplle is a

"supply," intended to supplement Godwin's Catalogue with material he purposely omitted. In his address to the reader, Godwin says,

29supplle. pp. 281-282. ZUr

I thlnke it necessary now to admonish the Reader, that he expect not any ample discourse of the H u e s and actions of the Bishops of our owne time or neere vnto it, I have purposely auoyded to set downe any thing of them, but what either I finde written by other, or else remayneth to be seene in publike record. And this course I haue taken, because I ludge It neither seemely to praise, nor safe to reprehend (how iustly soeuer) those men, that either by themselues, their neere 'rlends or posterity yet lluing, may seeme either to haue allured me to flatter, or feared me from disclosing that truth, which otherwise I would haue vttered (sig. A^fr).

Harington seeks to remedy this lack in Godwin, and to provide material on the Elizabethan bishops that was not known before then: "My purpose in this worke from the beginning and my promise to your highnes being, to add to this Author a supplle of some matters

(that he purposely omitted, wryting in the latter yeares of Queen Elizabeth,) and my resolution being to wryte playnly without fear of favor , . (p. 9 ).

However, his purpose is not only to supplement

Godwin but to continue Godwin in a freer and more truthful vein. Godwin states that "it is not to be denied, that the most part of the Chroniclers and historiographers of our age, haue borne a hand hard ynough at least vpon the Prelates and Cleargy of former times, euery where like Chams, discouering the nakednes of these fathers, but seldome or neuer lndeauouring with Sem to hide the same, much lesse 25 affoording vnto them any honorable mention neuer so well deserved" (sig. A3r ). He continued, saying that his intent is to counteract much of the harm done by the earlier historians, in their zeal to expose the evils of churchmen. There can be little doubt that

Godwin must have had *s Actes and Monuments in mind here, along with other works, and that he determined at least to give his work the tone of reason and control that is sometimes lacking in Foxe•s work. The result is that Godwin is impeccably rational and balanced, but that posterity has much preferred

Foxe's account of the to Godwin's accounts of the bishops. Harington, in his turn, announces his intention to counteract this quality of Godwin's in his Supplle. and to rectify any prejudiced treat­ ment of bishops: "I shalbe constraynd to do as he hath also done with dyvers of those former Bishops, namely to obscure and omit the good desarts of some, and to conceale and hide the demerits of others ..."30

This implicit criticism of Godwin occurs only once in the Supplle, and I assume Godwin never say it, but nonetheless Harington has committed himself to historical truth. He wants to be just in his

^°Nugae. ed. Park, II, 131. 26 judgments: "I know that next to kings Bishops are most sacred persons and as yt were Gods on earth, howbeit also some of them haue the Imperfections of men, and those not preiudlcial to the acts of their office for my part I would I could speake much good of all and 31 no ill of any , . . " In light of criticisms leveled by earlier critics and the general reputation Imputed to the Supplle. Harlngton's claim to veracity and balanced Judgment is rather unexpected, but nonetheless he makes this claim for his work.

Finally, he viewed it as an entertaining diver­ sion, or at least he says that his purpose, though serious, is also "to sawce [the Supplle1 in such sort, with some varietie of matter not impertinent, to cheere your spirit, least a dull relation of the acts of grave graybeards to a young prince might grow fastidious.1,32 Henry was almost fourteen at the time, and I suspect that in spite of his mature bear­ ing, he would not have got much from a supplement that patterned Itself completely after Godwin's Catalogue.

The whole purpose or Intent of the work conforms to Sir 's three functions of poesy. I.e., to teach, to delight, and to move to action. It

^ N u g a e . ed. Park, II, 131.

32Supplie, pp. 133-134. 27 would seem that Harington In some way had these qualities In mind. He saw the whole purpose of the history to instruct the prince in the heritage of the church he would someday control and at the same time to provide him with diverting, entertaining matter, and also to move him to action, action of a dehorta- tive rather than of an exhortative nature. The ulti­ mate Intent is to keep the prince from abolishing or to ask the prince to preserve, not destroy, the bishops;

and even though the Supplle contains "scandalous"

matter, the total effect of the work is laudatory,

not condemnatory. To Sir John the bishops are the

Church as he says, "that Christian religion was first

planted by Bishops, that it hath beene preserved and

continued with Bishops, and that it will fall and

decay without bishops. . . ."33 Pall, Indeed it did,

and fortunately Harington did not live to see it

happen. But decay it did not, though the episcopacy

that returned was much changed from what it was in

the early days of Harlngton's life.

The history of the Church of the sixteenth

century is a history of the general decline of the

temporal power of the bishops. The traditional

33supplle. p. 279. 28 set-piece that most closely symbolizes the struggle of the bishops Is the older medieval conflict between the church and the state, as represented most dramati­ cally In the clash between Becket and Henry II. This struggle continued Into and through the sixteenth century, and though the bishops experienced some change In their status under the shifts during the last three Tudor reigns, their position within the church was continually being weakened by those around them.

Henry VIII1s split with Rome is the beginning point of any discussion of the decline of the episcopacy, and at least three of his actions provided the frame for what was to follow. First came the work of the , which passed the

Annates Acts of 1532 and 153^* restraining the payments to Rome, the Acts of Submission of the Clergy, and ultimately the most Important law dealing with the power of the king over the Church, the Act of Supremacy.

An interesting indication of the extent to which the power of the bishops had fallen since the days of St.

Thomas a Becket can be got from a comparison of the plight of that medieval prelate and that of the early

Tudor bishop, . In the one case Becket was by violence thrown from his position at Canterbury, while in the other case Fisher died an old and broken man, completely at the mercy of his king. What Henry did do, was to further the rapacity directed at church properties, in the dissolution of the monasteries, and this action set the precedent for continuing attempts on the part of and gentry to enrich themselves at the expense of the church, and particu­ larly at the expense of the bishops.

Under Edward VI the decline of the power of the bishops proceeded apace. Specifically, the Chantries

Act of 15^5, passed late in Henry VIII's reign, opened the way for a broader kind of rapacity by making the lands of the regular church, as well as those of the secular church, fair game. In addition, the general reformative character of the English religion was ad­ vanced in Edward's reign, and part of that reform was expectantly directed against the power of the bishops,

In one form or another, whether it was through the appointment of weak-willed bishops, like Anthony

Kitchin of Llandaff, or simply through the increasing influence of the reformers on religious matters. In addition, the attitude of the bishops under Edward VI is largely reflected In the character of the supreme prelate of the time, , Archbishop of

Canterbury. Cranmer's approach, in contrast to the violences of the previous reign, was a "go-slow" 30 approach. Under his guidance the more protestant reforms, which Henry had been opposed to, were rein­ stated, and the work of bringing the literature of the church to the people was continued. By the end of

Edward*s reign, after the activities of church and parliament, the reformation was on thoroughly firm footing, and the Catholic element was under control.

Fate, however, played Its unpredictable role, and with Edward's untimely death the country was put into the hands of Queen Mary, the devout Catholic, who was bent on bringing the English nation back to its religious position preceding Henry VIII's separation from Rome. Although more authoritarian bishops, namely of Winchester and

Edmund Bonner of London, came to power, a number of bishops met their death at the stake, among them

Cranmer, of Worcester, and Nicholas

Ridley of Oxford. And although the persecutions under Elizabeth after her excommunication were exten­ sive, her attitude, particularly at her accession, was mild in comparison with Mary's decimation of the episcopal ranks. At Mary's death, for example, ten bishoprics were vacant, whereas at Elizabeth's none were. In addition, Mary's abrupt return to Catholicism had left religious matters in shambles. All the 31 reforming work had to stop, and those bishops in power were busy enough with holding what they had and carry­

ing on the persecutions, so that little in the way of genuine episcopal advance occurred.

Under Elizabeth, and incidentally during the

time covered by the Supplle, conditions changed. Some

of England’s most outstanding, most capable, and most

learned men served as bishops. With Elizabeth's accession, the Marian bishops generally were deprived, excepting a few, like . The three archbishops of Canterbury who served her are among the most distinguished the Church has known. The earliest, , outstanding for his work

in solidly establishing what has come to be known as the Elizabethan Settlement, distinguished himself not

only as a learned churchman but also as an early antiquarian of great renown. Under Parker the strug­ gles of the queen to put the Church back into the

Reformation fold succeeded, largely through his wise and skillful handling of the early Puritans. The next archbishop of Canterbury, Edmund Grlndal, is per­

haps better known to us as the good shepherd Algrind

of Spenser•s The Shepheardes Calender; he was not as propitious a choice as Parker, and his relations with the queen were continually strained. In addition, his unwillingness to pursue the Compromise undoubtedly 32 led to the increased activity of the Puritans. The last of the archbishops, , was undoubtedly

Elizabeth's favorite. He and she saw religious matters in the same perspective and both were strongly opposed to the "Novelists," as Harington calls them. Whitgift's tasks were as difficult as Parker's, and though he was a person of rather stern and severe ideas, the times called for such a person. Beset by both Catholic and Puritan, the Church was having its difficulties trying to maintain the concord established under

Archbishop Parker. On the one hand, the threats of overthrow by the Jesuits and the machinations of Mary

Queen of Scots fostered the most extensive Catholic persecution England has ever seen. On the other hand, the continual thrusts of the Puritans, working from within the Church through prelates like Thomas

Cartwright, and from the outside through sympathetic or opportunistic courtiers like Robert Dudley, Earl of , and Sir Walter Ralegh, caused the episcopacy to become more Increasingly wary of these reformers. At the same time the Puritans were making their case heard in the land through their skillful opposition, perhaps best characterized by the Martin

Marprelate Tracts of the late 1580's. Both Richard

Bancroft, then , and , 33

Bishop of Winchester, took up the cudgel, but the

Tracts and their humorous rejoinders are better remembered than the Bishop Cooper's solemn replies.

It is not only the names of the archbishops of

Canterbury that we remember; there are all the other great bishops, including Cooper and Bancroft. There is of , the most capable apologist for , who defended the church against the criticisms of the Puritans; and Harlngton's own beloved

Bishop John Still of Bath and Wells, a learned man and former master of Eton. Sir John also writes of the distinguished , and today recognized as one of the great prose writers of the age, and Francis Godwin, "mine Author," as

Sir John titles him, who, in spite of his "antiquarian" love of detail, provided us with a very useful history and inspired Harington to write his. We find also In the Supplle. Bishop of London, whom

Harington praises Justly, and Harlngton's own close friend Toby Mathew, .

The age then is the age of bishops, and even though events were inexorably moving toward the temporary dissolution of the Anglican Church and the beheading of Charles I, many of the bishops of the time were men of great ability, tremendous learning, 3^ sound character, and high stature. If they lived in a troubled age, the times served to bring out these qualities in them, and it is doubly fortunate that we have Sir John Harington to chronicle their merits, and at times their demerits.

We know then what Harington intended to do, we know something of the period he treated, and of the religious problems current. How, in fact, does

Supplle contribute, what does it show us of the age? Since for all practical purposes, nothing has been said about the Supplle. I shall try to give some­ thing of an overview of its contributions, of the kind of information Harington had access to, and what he did with that information.

First of all, what were Harlngton*s sources of information? Surprisingly, they are not small in number, though quite diversified, Harington says,

"of the former times I haue other bookes of stories or relaclon of my father that lyvd in those dayes, but of theis, that lyved in the first twenty yeare of the Queene's raigne when I was at schoole or at the vnluersitie I could heare little. . . ."3^ His father was more closely associated with the bishops of the reigns of Edward VI and Queen Mary Tudor, and

3^Supplle, pp. 159-160. 35 since the elder Harington heavily opposed Stephen

Gardiner, any Information he gave his son was strongly anti-Marian.35 There can be little doubt that the elder Harington was closely acquainted with the activities of the bishops of that time.36 He had married Henry VIII's natural daughter Ethelreda, be­ fore his later marriage to Isabella Markham, and was involved in political affairs. Later he was in the service of Sir Thomas Seymour, with whom he was im­ prisoned in 15^9- He was imprisoned again in 155^ for his connections with the Princess Elizabeth, after the episode. In the Supplle. Sir

John includes his father's poem to Gardiner, who had imprisoned him, and the elder Harlngton's hatred of

Gardiner was strong enough to cause him to write the epitaph on Gardiner's death, which Sir John quotes in

A Tract on the Succession to the Crown:

Heer lye the bones of busy Gardiner dead That in five yeres spoiled more good lawes and love Then two great kings with all the wits they bred Could stablish sure in forty yeares before The Queen beguild, the Lordes like lymehoundes led.

35See the elder Harlngton's letter to Bishop Gardiner, Nugae Ant la uae. ed. Park (London, 180*0, I, 63-66.

36information on the elder Harington is taken from Hughey, I, 63-66. 36

The usurping rules of Rome he did restore, Burne, head and hand, imprison, vex and spoile, The worthle sort of this declyning soile.37

In addition, the elder Harlngton's second wife

(mother of Sir John) was Isabella Markham, daughter

of Sir John Markham, Lieutenant of the Tower; she was also one of Elizabeth’s ladies in waiting, and through his contact there he must have been privy to a good deal of information. And doubtless, much of it he passed on to his son, Sir John.

The "other bookes of knowledge" are several.

First of all, of course, is Godwin's Catalogue. which

serves as a kind of backdrop for some of the accounts

in the Supplle. In addition, Harington refers to

Godwin's "Latin treatise" in the Bath-Wells section.

This cannot be Godwin's Latin translation of the

Catalogue. which was not published until 1616; rather

it must refer to the bishop's "Catalogue Episcoporum

Bathoniensium et Wellensium," a more detailed and

complete history of Bath and Wells, which Harington

undoubtedly relied on heavily for his account.38

37 Page 101.

38 In the Catalogue. Godwin says in his life of Bishop Stillington of Bath and Wells: "Concerning this man and many other Bishops of this Church, if any de­ sire to understand more, I must referre them to a dis­ course heretofore written by me In Latin of them, which is in many hands, though never published" (p. 307). A manuscript of this work, titled "Catalogua Episcoporum 37

Of the early writers, Harington mentions making use only of William of , whose history he must have been familiar with; but of his own age and earlier, two writers are particularly important to him. The first is , whom Harington calls "the best antiquary of our time."39 Harington drew freely on material in Camden's Annals. and Camden is the direct source of Harlngton's account of the death of Bishop Richard Fletcher.**0 Camden, by the way, was also a close friend of Godwin's, and the bishop accompanied him on his Journey to in search of antiquities.^

Probably Harlngton's most noticeable debt Is to his distinguished predecessor John Foxe, from whose Actes and Monuments Harington draws freely.

Bathoniensium et Wellensium," dated 15 December 159^. is in Trinity College . Part of it has been published in Thomas Hearne's edition of John de Whethamstede, Chronlcon (London, 1732), p. 635* ®nd also in Hearne's edition of John de Trokelow, Annales Edwardl II (London, 1721), p. 381. See also Supplle. p. and Notes, pp. 316-317.

39prlando Furloso (London, 163^), p. 30.

^QSupplle. p. 126, and note 126.11.

^iTwo sources that Harington refers to I have not been able to identify. In his account of Bishop of , he refers to "the french wryter," from whom he takes a condemnatory account of Scory's activities. Another unidentified source is one William , perhaps meaning William, an abbot in one of the monasteries, from whom he takes an ac­ count of an Incident in the life of St. Bernard (see Supplle. p. 251 and note 251.1^. 38 He tells us In one of the notes In his Orlando Furloso

(p. 393)# that in he made Latin transla­

tions of certain sections of Foie's work. In the

Supplle. it Is pretty clear from a comparison of it

to Foxe's scattered accounts of Stephen Gardiner, that

Sir John drew heavily on Foxe for his material on that bishop, even though he must have had a good store of material from his father's experiences with Gardiner.

These are undoubtedly just a few of the large number of works that Harington knew, and if their diversity is any indication, his learning and acquain­ tance with church history indeed have been broad.

Even in the notes to the Orlando. p. 80, he mentions a life of St. Patrick, the Surlus de vltls Sanctorum, and I am sure he must have been acquainted with many others. In Sir John's autograph memoranda in the

British Museum (Add. MS. 27632) there are jottings on religion and a list of books purchased, some by

Lancelot Andrewes, then . And undoubtedly his acquaintance with Godwin, the eminent church historian of the day, must have brought him

into contact with numerous sources.

Ultimately the most significant source of the great bulk of information in the Supplle is Sir John

Harlngton's own experience. The man was so closely 39 In contact with the events and personalities of the age that he was Inevitably In a position to know a good deal of what was going on. He was a man who had his friends, and he knew scores of prominent people. In the latter period of Elizabeth's reign he was in the center of affairs of state, and if he did not know the bishops personally, he knew people who knew the bishops. His situation was to that extent unique, and it is this quality that lends to the Supplle its worth both as history and as literature. The names casually dropped are too numerous to mention, but here are a few: Lord Burghley, the Earl of Leicester, Sir Walter

Ralegh, Sir Philip Sidney, his father Sir Henry

Sidney, Sir , Sir Edmund Anderson,

Sir , Sir Matthew Arundel, ,

Thomas Cartwright, Robert Parsons, the Earl of Essex, and a large number of others, people he knew and also people familiar to the young prince, even though some of them were no longer alive in l608. Harington, in many instances, is our only source for many of the facts we have of the bishops' lives. Time after time.

Wood's accounts derive from the Supplle. Stories told by Harington are later picked up by Strype and

Fuller and become a part of church history. All of these are too numerous to detail here, but they are bO on in the Notes. As a matter of fact, I have found it extremely difficult to verify many of Harington1s accounts, since so many later historians have simply repeated his own information. Harington, for example, is our only source for most of the sermons he recounts, including Thomas Dove's, Anthony Rudd's, William

Wickham's, and Matthew Hutton's. The intimate stories also come from him: of Queen Elizabeth's encounter with Archbishop Parker's wife, of 's despoiling property at York, and numerous personal accounts. The Supplle is a full record of very per­ sonal, first-hand stories, many of which have become

"facts" for later readers.

What are the religious topics of the day that seem to be of major concern to Harington? The primary one is the Anglican-Puritan struggle, and this concern seems to be out of keeping with the concerns of other writers of religion at the time, particularly those writers who directed their works to Prince Henry. As pointed out, most of the religious writing directed at Henry dealt with the Papist conspiracy. However,

Harington is not so concerned with the Papists. He makes only one mention of the Gunpowder Plot, and says in his Tract on the Succession (p. b) that he knows the Jesuit Robert Parsons only through his writings, and mentions him briefly only twice in the Supplle. Of Edmund Campion he has a little more to say, and most of It Is veiled praise. Harlngton's father admired greatly a poem on Campion's martyrdom, which he considered the best he had r e a d , ^2 and as pointed out previously, both Harlngtons thought a great deal of the learned Campion. The Puritan contro­ versy, however. Is central to the Supplle. First of all, Harlngton's bias against the Puritans is reflected

In his treatment of the prelates. He casts doubts on

Edmund Grlndal's blindness, emphasizes his part in

Leicester's attempts to settle the cast of Dr. Julio and mentions nothing of any of the real achievements of Grlndal. By the same token, he casts a few "asides11 at Dr. John Bainolds for his Puritan leanings, mention­ ing that Queen Elizabeth had to "school" him to obey her laws and not run before them, and that James had to repeat the lesson at the Hampton Court Conference.

This though is tn exaggeration, for Ralnolds was

Instrumental in getting the translation of the Bible under way .^3 Thomas Young, Archbishop of Canterbury,

^The text Is given in The Arundel Harington Manuscript of Tudor Poetry. I, 106-111, and Miss Hughey includes a full note on the authorship in Vol. II, pp. 60ff.

^3See Fuller, Church History. V, 32^. 42 is also treated with scorn, though Justly so, if later accounts of his activities are correct.^

In the controversies, Harington totally supports the Anglican bishops. He lauds Whitgift for his severe but Just handling of the Puritans during his tenure as archbishop of Canterbury, and sides with

Whitgift in his quarrels with the Puritan cleric ke Thomas Cartwright. J Harington sums up Whitgift*s treatment of the Puritans by making the judgment that

"[^Whitgift] caried himself in that mylde and charitable course, that he was not only greatly approued by all the Cleargie of England, but even by some of those, whom with his penn he might seeme to haue wounded. I meane the Puritans of whom he wan dyvers by sweete 46 perswasions to conformitie." This is high praise indeed for as stern a bishop as Whitgift proved to be, and It does cover over the fact that Whitgift*s measures would not all be classed as "sweete perswasions to conformltle" and that he incurred the wrath of great numbers of the Puritans.

41JSee Notes 242.3-246.12.

45Supplle. p. 107.

46sUPpiie. p. io8. 43 Harington also supports others In their con­ flicts with the Puritans. He commends of Canterbury, Whitglft's successor, for his ability to play the Papists off, one group against another

(the Jesuits against the secular ), and for his suppressing of the "fantasticall Novelists," the

Puritans (p. 112). In the major exchange, the Martin

Marprelate controversy, Harington praises Thomas

Cooper for his workmanlike reply to "Mad Marten":

"After he [Cooper] was bishop, Mad Marten, or Marprelate wrate his booke or rather Lybell against bishops, which some playing with Martin at his own weopon answeared pleasantly both in rymes and prose, as perhaps your highnes hath seene, Or I wish you should se. . . .

But this bishop with authoritie, and gravitle, con­ futed him soundlie . . (p. 162). In his account of of Winchester he praises that prelate for defending the fortress of faith against the "Crew of mutinous souldiers," particularly the Hebrew scholar Hugh Broughton, who later directed several of his works to Prince Henry; this "crew" had attacked the belief in Christ's descent into Hell and Bilson defended the article. Harington says scoffingly that after the conflict Broughton has "gone as I heare to J4.14. teach the jewes Hebrew."**? He praises John Jewel of

Salisbury for his great defence of Anglicanism in his sermon at Paul’s Cross, known as Jewel's Challenge, and for his defense of the Church against both Papist and Puritan attacks.**® Harington speaks admiringly of Lancelot Andrewes' conscientiousness in refusing to uphold the Puritans in order to advance himself personally. Andrewes1 patron Francis Walslngham had tried through his patronage to get the young cleric to commit himself to the Puritan cause, but Andrewes refused, and according to Harington "answeared him playnly [Puritan principles] were not only against his learning but his conscience" (p. 223).

Of some Importance, especially to literary students, is the Puritan attack on and the prevalent attitude that style was, to use a common definition, the dress of thought. In contrast, cer- gain of the Puritans adopted what has come to be described as the principle of the "moral sense of simplicity" and attacked rhetoric as a harlot dolled up in false and deceptive clothes. The question of

**75upplle. pp.170-172.

**8see the notes on his exchange with Thomas Harding, pp. 312-313. ^5 the debate is aptly put by Harington: "Whether

Rhetoricall figures and tropes, and other artiflclall

ornaments of speach taken from prophane authors , . .

might be vsed in Sermons, and not rather the playn

naked truthe delivered out of the word of God" (p. 228).

Among others, Samuel Fleming of Cambridge responded to the attack, and Harington praised him for it. His reply is paraphrased by Sir John: "That seing now the extraordinarie guifts first of tongs next of miracles was seased, and that knowledge is not now Infusa but acqulslta, we should not dispise the helpe of any

humane learning, as neither Saint Paule did, who vsed

the sentences of Poets as well as of Prophetts, and

hath manie excellent tropes, with exaggerations and

exclamations in his Epistles. For Chastitle doth not abhorre all ornaments, and Iudith did attire her head as curiouslie as Iesabell" (p. 228).

Another central and pressing danger that the church was facing was the economic rapacity of the

nobility and gentry, and of the bishops themselves.

Harington*s concern with this threat to the episcopal

power is evident throughout the Supplle. The most

prominent gentleman to come under Harington*s censure

is Sir Walter Ralegh, for his designs on the of

Sherborn in Salisbury, which is told in some detail i+6 by Harington. ^ Phyllis Hembry points out that the plundering of the bishoprics, begun under Edward VI, reduced the bishop's temporalities in the see of Bath and Wells by more than half.50 Although the depreda­ tions of this see were unusual, owing to the great losses it suffered to Edward Seymour, Duke of under Edward VI, they nonetheless Indicate the extent to which the economic collapse of the bishops had pro­ ceeded by the early part of the seventeenth century.

The bishops themselves were also to blame, and

It is perhaps because of his accounts of the depreda­ tions by the bishops that Harington's work acquired its reputation as a scandalous history. Some of Harington's accounts are verified, others have been proved false.

Harington*s contention that John Aylmer "marred all the elms in Fulham" has been discredited.^ Anthony

Kltchin's self-enrichment and his ability to keep his see through four reigns and overturnings is well 52 known. John Scory of Hereford also is accused of heaping up wealth, though Harington's exaggerated account of his rapacities depends largely on the

*^3ee p. 181,

50The Bishops of Bath and Wells (London, 1967), P. 3. 5!see note 118.1,

52See note 235.1*4-. 47 untrustworthy account of some hitherto unidentified

"french wryter," most likely a Catholic account exaggerat

ing the truth, John Capon of Salisbury also comes in for his due criticism, and justly so, as Capon enriched himself under the protection of Cardinal Wolsey.

Thomas Young of Canterbury is also accused of self- enrichment at the expense of the Church, though the extent of his depredations is not known,53

The combined predations of lay and clergy con­ tinued then to undermine the economic foundation of the episcopacy, and those bishops who were crying out for the retention of bishops and at the same time were preying on their sees must have realized that their actions were contradictory, for the power of the bishop to a great extent depended not only on his moral force as a cleric of rank but also upon his real power as a temporal lord. Harington's recognition of the

Importance of this economic base of power is clearly

evident in his account of the bishopric of Bath and

Wells, His concern throughout is with the economic

decline — in the sale of lands, the dissolution of

abbeys, the destruction of church buildings. His

whole attitude is summed up in his paraphrase of

53see note 242.12. ^8

William Wickham*s sermon to the queen, in which that bishop implores the queen to put a halt to the depredations,^

The Supplle. for all its gossipy qualities and for its reputation as a history of bishops* scandals, really contains little of a scurrilous nature and what little it contains Is largely true and was generally known in Harington*s own time, I am convinced that had Strype*s work preceded Harington's, the latter would have been received quite differently, Harington tells us of the Earl of Leicester's attempts to solve the marriage problems of his personal physician.

Dr. Julio, by pressuring Archbishop Grindal, and the story has been well substantiated.^ He tells of the philandering of John Aylmer's son-in-law, Adam

Squire, which also has substantiation.^ He tells of the infidelities of Amy Cooper, wife of Thomas Cooper *57 of Winchester, another verified account. He men­ tions the clashes between father Toby Mathew and his son, which are documented elsewhere. Of the

5^See Supplle. p. l6*f.

55see note 105*16.

56see note 119.20-21.

57See note 161.6. ^9 so-called scandals of bishops, the only serious error

Is his belief that the notorious Luke Hutton, thief and brigand, was the son of Matthew Hutton, Later commentators have properly Identified him,58 Lastly,

Sir Robert Stapleton*s attempt to blackmail Archbishop

Edwin Sandys,^ -which Harington recounts so fully, has been even more fully reported by John S t r y p e . ^ O

In the end it seems clear that any attempt to pass the Supplle off as a collection of scandal Is bound to go wrong, and any attempt to characterize It as a conveyor of misinformation is wrong as well. What is remarkable about this "scurrilous material" is first of all its paucity, secondly its accuracy, and lastly its lack of novelty. There Is remarkably little of it, and what there Is of It is fairly accurate; and lastly, all of It, in the light of our knowledge today, was known at the time, Amy Cooper was celebrated

In libels, as was Adam Squire,^ We have good records of other accounts, most of which serve to substantiate and supplement Harington*s accounts. The Supplle1s

58See note 261,18,

59supplle. pp. 24^-253.

60see note 2^5*7-8,

6lHughey, I, 225, II, 290ff; II, 2?9. 287- 288. 50 reputation as a scandal sheet Is overstated and very- much undeserved.

One of the major ecclesiastical concerns of the

Supplle was also a concern of the queen herself, that

is, the marriage of the clergy, for as Harington says quite early, "she misllked marriadge in Bishops" (p. 104).

Harington*s own position on this matter was in line with Elizabeth's, and fortunately we have a draft of a letter of his that corroborates and expands his comments on clerical marriage. The letter, to Bishop

Joseph Hall, appears in rough form in Harington*s hand in B.M. Add MS. 27632, fols, 35-40, and a transcript with commentary and notes has been made available by M. H. M. MacKinnon.^ The details of the exchange between the two men is discussed in that letter, though it should be emphasized that there

is no positive proof to show that the letter was ever sent to Hall or made public in any way. The gist of the letter is that marriage of clergy is to be allowed

so long as both parties abstain from sexual rela­ tions — that is, a celibate marriage is allowable among the clergy. This position is in line with

^"Slr John Harington and Bishop Hall," PQ. XXXCII (1958), 80-86. MacKinnon's discussion does not refer directly to the Supplle and the treatment of marriage in that work, though he points out that Harington "approved of married celibacy." 51 Stephen Gardiner*s during Edward Vi's reign,^3 and

Harington marshals the precedents in church history to support his position.

Elizabeth's own attitude is reflected throughout the Supplle. With some bishops she was able to over­ look their "indiscretion," as she apparently did with

Matthew Parker, who was married. In other cases her anger was particularly aroused, as Harington recounts of her adverse feelings toward Bishop Thomas Godwin's later marriage, which she took as a particular affront, since Godwin, a bishop and a widower, chose to marry after he had been appointed Bishop of Bath and Welis, fully knowing what her attitude was toward clerical marriage. Similarly she was incensed by Richard

Fletcher's taking the very same course while he was bishop of London. And even Harington's own beloved master, John Still, affronted her by marrying during his tenure as , though

Harington hastens to add that "this marriadge was much more lustifiable than the other [[Godwin's], for age, for vse, for end, he being not too old nor she 64 too young. ..."

Behind the traditional doctrine of celibacy of the clergy and this doctrine's hold on Elizabeth and

63see note 143.5-6 ^ Supplle. p. 206, 52 Harington lay the ever-present economic consideration — that of church wealth. To what extent is a married clergyman responsible for the consolidation and care of church wealth and to what extent is he responsible for the establishment of his own progeny? A bishop was in a peculiar position. He was a lord, with political power and with control over his temporalities, large holdings of property for which he was responsible.

Yet at the same time he did not own his holdings but held them and administered them for the church. A bishop with children to establish in the world was put in the difficult position of having to carve out of his temporal wealth some future for them, assuming, that is, that he had no property of his own. In any case, the detriment would be to the church, and I am sure that Harington was well aware of this consequence, and that both he and Elizabeth foresaw the inevitable erosion that marriage of the clergy would make into church holdings.^

Without a doubt the most compelling figure of the Supplle is the great sovereign, Elizabeth, and

Harington*s accounts of her give us a picture of a

a full account of these "erosions" as they occurred in the of Bath and Wells, see Phyllis Hembry, The Bishops of Bath and Wells. 53

stately queen and a fallible, human person, with her

magnanimity and her personal vanity as well. She

reacted strongly but temperately to Bishop White's

funeral sermon for Queen Mary, on the text of "Better

a live dog than a dead lion." With characteristic

Impatience she "schooled" Bishop Westphaling for not

being able to speak ex tempore and for being so windy.

And how did she do It? In her own witty, sarcastic way, on the day after Westphaling's sermon she de­

livered an ex tempore. memorized Latin address on affairs of state, and was able to pause in the middle of it to see that the aged Lord Burghley was seated comfortably, and never lost her train of thought.

Her intense vanity and her great fear of mortality are exhibited well in two anecdotes. Bishop

Anthony Hudd preached to her on the occasion of the grand climacteric, her sixty-third birthday, on the text of Psalms 90^12, "0 teach us to number our days, that we may incline our hearts unto wisdom," surely no popular text with such a queen, and Elizabeth's reaction is precious. After the sermon she said to the bishop that "he should haue kept his Arithmetick for himselfe, but I see (said she) the greatest

Clerks are not the wisest men" (p. 233)* Later in the day she "proved" her youthfulness by being able 54

to read a minute inscription on a jewel, which fortunately, none of the courtiers could make out. They had learned well from Rudd's experience.

Though Rudd had the tactlessness to speak of

the queen's aging, Archbishop Hutton of York was brave enough to speak of her death and her successor, which

indeed startled the whole court. Hutton must have been, as the historian says of Sir Thomas

More, either a wise foolish man or a foolish wise man, to broach the subject. Surprisingly enough, but perhaps characteristically enough, Elizabeth's reaction was controlled and pleasant, though after she had had time to ponder, she had the archbishop confined to his house.

These are only a few of the queen's appearances

in the Supplle. but combined with the numerous side comments and short anecdotes in which she is mentioned, they serve to make concrete our Impression of the queen,

in her later years, as only her godson and courtier could have known her. And his picture of her is human, and personal, a combination of majesty, vanity, wit, and genuine humanness.

Above the particularities of the age, the day-

to-day events and lives of those connected with the church, above the "gossipy" matter of the Supplle and

Its concern with the personalities of the day, there 55 exists a serious concern with the future of this church. What is to come and what things can tne Church of England hope for? Harington*s dislike of the Puritans is well known; his hatred for the scheming Jesuits, especially people like Robert Parsons, is expressed in various places; and yet his natural affection for degree, ceremony, and ritual made him a friend to

Catholicism Insofar as that religion did not try to subvert the government of England. Harington was an ecumenist, with some qualification, for his real hope was to see the eventual "composing of the controversies," and it is this theme which is expressed throughout the

Supplle. For him someone like Lancelot Andrewes was the ideal bishop, strong enough not to get embroiled in controversy, wise enough to see the virtues in cer­ tain Catholic or high Anglican practices, like confes­ sion, exceedingly learned and articulate, and a man committed to bringing together the two opposing forces.

Harington admired Andrewes* reasonable, controlled approach, what he calls Andrewes* ability to find the golden mean "between precipitation and procrastina­ tion" (p. 226 ).

This view was expressed earlier, in 1602 in his A Tract on the Succession to the Crown, specifically in its last chapter, "On Religion." Harington there predicts a resolving of the religious question under 56

James, in which he hopes to see the eventual union of the three disparate countries, Ireland, England, and Scotland, and their disparate religions, Catholicism,

Anglicanism, and Presbyterlanism, respectively, under one crown and one church. In the Supplle. the hope is expressed in the "Occasion," previously discussed and quoted, where Harington states that though the demise of the Church has been predicted over and over, the Church will withstand the attacks from both sides.

The future was indeed dim, and as history shows, the rift was very severe. Whether the present Church of

England conforms to Harington1s wishes or not I leave to others to decide. Nonetheless Harington*s concern over the religious struggle runs throughout the Supplle and is one of its major concerns. In that way, Sir

John Harington shows himself not to be a recorder of the decadence of the church but an advocate of religious harmony and compromise. The two poems in the section on Bath and Wells (p. l*fo) best sum up his feelings.

"Ignoto" writes:

0 Church I waile thy wofull plight

Whom king nor Card*nail, Clerke nor knight

Haue yet restored to auncient right.

To which "Cassadore" replies: 57 Be blythe fair Kerk, when hempe ys past

Thyne Olyue that 111 wynds did blast

Shall flourish green for ay to last.

Ultimately, though, the real appeal of the

Supplle lies not just in Its presentation of the religious conflicts of an age, but In Its artistry or "style," to use this term in its broadest sense. It is Harington's own particular touch, his ability to depict and discuss the great figures of the church, that Impresses us most. Part of this appeal is a result of the circumstances under which the Supplle was written; it was a "private” document and as such it has more of the "private" or personal quality than does such a document as Godwin's Catalogue. Even though Godwin's work was the precursor of Harlngton's, the two are worlds apart In style and presentation.

Where Godwin is pedestrian and purely factual,

Harington is rhetorical, entertaining, and alive.

Godwin's major function is as historiographer, the plotter of Information, whereas Harlngton's is as historian, the interpreter and selector of information.

Since Godwin's work Is generally unavailable, I should like to quote one extensive, representative 58 passage just to convey a little of the flavor of the

Catalogue. This is Godwin*s account of Thomas Cranmer.

A famous and memorable man succeeded . Thomas Cranmer Doctor of Divinity, whose life is written at large by Master Foie £Actes and Monuments] and others. I should lose labour therefore in writing any long discourse of the same. Briefly to set downe that which I cannot omit without interrupting my course, you shall under­ stand that he was borne at Arflacton in Nottinghamshire, of a very ancient house as it should seeme came out of Normandy with the conquerour; for it is certaine that in the time of this Archbishop a certaine French gentleman named Cranmer came into England, bearing the same armes that the Archbishop did, who gaue him great entertainment and did him much honour. He was brought vp in Jesus colledge in Cambridge. Being yet very young, he marled, and so lost his fellowship in the said colledge: But his wife dying within one yere, he was received into his old place againe. For the maner and occasion of his aduancement, his diuers imployments before and his actions in the same, his lamentable fal, his heroicall and memorable combats, and lastly his death, I will as (before I said) send the Reader vnto Master Foie. who hath eiactly set downe all the particularities of these things. Onely thus much heare, that he suffered most vnworthy death at Oiford March 21, 1556. being the first Archbishop that euer was put to death by order of lawe in England, eicept onely Richard Scroope. Archbishop of York (pp. 123-12^).

I have chosen this passage to show how Godwin performs as a "supplementor" or supplier, as he is doing in this account of Cranmer. His major concern in supplementing

Foie*s account is two-fold, first to present additional factual material and secondly to re-emphasize Cranmer*s 59 martyrdom, though the re-emphasls Is rather bland.

Godwin, unlike Harington, has no real interest In pre­ senting any special quality of the man; he only wants to get things straight. And I can hardly Imagine the rhetorlcally-oonsclous Harington writing that last sentence about Cranmer's being the first arohblshop to be executed under the law, that Is (note the anti­ climax), "except onely Bichard Soroope. Archbishop of

Yorke." The concern for accuracy rather than for oratorical effect robs the last sentence of Its real force, and Cranmer*s martyrdom gets lost In Richard

Scroop's.

Unlike Godwin, Harington was working with fresh materialv and as pointed out previously, Godwin was unwilling to write of the bishops of his own time, while Harington was willing to do so. The latter thrived on the Immediate, the first-hand, and it Is this quality, so ever-present In Harington, that Is totally absent from Godwin; and even though Harington follows Godwin's scheme of arrangement faithfully, beyond that one similarity there are very few others.

Godwin operated as a consolidator and synthesizer of the reoords, but Harington became the "artist,”

Interested in presenting an impression of the age to a young man who had never known It. 6o

Even though Harlngton's Supplle has something

In conion with the later "personal" recollections, or records, like Evelyn's and Pepys* diaries, It Is quite different In Its Intent and Its execution. It

Is a personal recollection, but of a studied kind; It

Is not simply the recorded jottings and day-to-day

Impressions of a man of the town. What Harington Is doing Is something that was at that time unique. He

Is presenting In a quasl-publlc way his own views and recollections, skillfully arranged, prepared and pre­ sented, for a certain end, to achieve a certain effect, so that the whole work, though personal and "private"

Is really rhetorical in Its effect. It seeks to teach, to delight, and to move to action — to teach by Instructing the young prince In the events of the past, to delight by offering diverting entertainment and wit, and to move to action by persuading the prince to adopt a certain stance with respect to the religious situation. It Is in addition very much a part of that kind of oratory that Aristotle in his Rhetoric classi­ fied as epldelctlo, or ceremonial oratory, concerned with the virtues and vices of men, with praising or blaming them for their character and consequently their actions. Each of the accounts of the respective bishops can be viewed as a brief piece of epldelotlc 6i oratory, and Harington'* purpose In each is to give a concise summary picture of the oharacter of the man through a selective treatment of incidents or events in the bishop's life that "sum up" the aan himself.

The overall intent is to praise most of them, but this effect is produced from the cumulation of praises for each bishop. It is really this "selective ability" that marks Harington and places him beside Dr, Johnson, who accomplished a similar end in his Lives.

What specific qualities does the Supplle contain?

Plrst of all, it exhibits Harlngton's great use of wit, in the modern sense of the term, that is, his ability to use a turn of phrase, a "fact," in a kind of reverse way to make a point. Two examples are characteristic.

Of Mr. Adam Squire, Bishop Aylmer's son-in-law,

Harington says that he preached at his own wedding

"vpon this text. It XM, not good for Adam to be alone■

This text he so pursewd after he had bene some yeres married, that though his wife were away, yet Adam would not be alone" (p. 120 ). A second example of this same wlttlness occurs in Harlngton's remarks about

Bishop Kltohin of Llandaff: "Doctor Kitchen being made of an ydle abbot a busle bishop, and wading through thels hazardous times that lnsewd till the first yeare of Queen Elizabeth, to save himself, was oontent to spoils his Blshopprlok, Sathan having In those dayes 62 more cmre to sift the Blshopprlcks then the Bishops.

Else how wms It possible for a man of that ranke to sing Cantate Domino Cantloum novum [Sing unto the Lord a new song] foure times In l*t yeare, and never sing out of tune . . ." (pp. 235 -2 3 6 ). This Is not malicious humor, but humor to a purpose, to an end, and the Supplle Is filled with the same entertaining but pointed use of wit, the extensive use of all the punning devices especially, which was so characteristic of the wit of the late sixteenth century. Many times tho humor borders on levity or Jocularity, but really

It serves Its function, first to entertain, but more especially to make the point. Bishop Rudd's fusslngs and squlrmlngs during his preaching of the sermon on

Elizabeth's sixty-third birthday really make the anecdote come alive. One can see the old bishop reallz** lng his faux pas and trying to wriggle out of the sermon without angering Elizabeth too much. And really what more pointed way Is there to portray the gravity and seriousness, and at the same time, the absurdity of Sir Robert Stapleton's planned menage for Archbishop

Sandys than through the humor and sarcasm which

Harington employs there? And what better example of the pointed wit than the apt metaphor with which Sir

John doses his account of that confrontation: "The play of Chesse, a game (not devised for, or by fooles) 63 nay teach that the Bishops due place Is nearest the king, and though some knight can leape better over the Pawnes heads, yet oft times he leaps short, where the bishops powre yf you orosse It, reacheth the length of the whole Province" (pp. 252-253)? It la the diverting humor that entertains, but again It is humor to an end.

On the serious side, Harlngton's ability to capture the feeling of the event Is unparalleled; his description of Archbishop Hutton's sermon will compare with any eye-witness account. It conveys the great feeling of the pageantry of the occasion, but particu­ larly the "drama." Unknown to the court, Hutton Is about to preach a sermon on the Succession, in which he alludes to the then James VI of Scotland as

Elizabeth's most logical successor. The whole topic was distasteful to the queen to begin with, but one can feel the tenseness of the moment when the court became aware of what Hutton was going to do. Here is

Harington*8 description:

I no sooner remember this famous and worthle Prelate, but I thlnke I see him In the Chappell at Whitehall, Queene Elizabeth at the window in the Closet, all the Lords of the Parliament Spirltuall and temporall about them, and then after his three coursles that I heare him out of the Pulpit thundering this text. The S L ShS. 2££££ •£• ftl££, Z~~ do glue them to whom I will, and I. haue 6^

gluen then to Nabuchadonezer and his sonne and his aonna sonne. Which text when he had thas produced, taking the sence rather than the words of the prophet, there fol­ lowed first so generall a murmur of one frend whispering to another, then such an erected countenance in those that had none to speake to, lastile so quiet a scHence and attention in expectance of some straunge doctrine where the text it selfe gaue away kingdomss and scepters, as I haue neuer obserued before or since" (pp. 256 -2 5 7 ).

The quality of immediacy, the whole conveyance of description, and the tone of the moment put the reader there in Whitehall, listening attentively for Hutton’s next words.

Not only does Harington have that rare ability to recreate an event, but he can capture the essenoe of a man, particularly one he knew and loved well. I quote first of all from the beginning of Harlngton’s account of Bishop John Still of Bath and Wells, Master of Eton when Sir John was a schoolboy there:

But what style shall I vse to set forth this Still, whom welny 30 yeare since my reverent tutor in Cambridge styled by this name Devine Still, who when my selfe came to him to sew for my grace to be Bacheler first examined me strictly and after answerd me kyndely, that the grace he graunted me was not of grace but of merit, who was often content to grace my young exercises with his venerable presence, who from that time to this hath gluen me some helps, more hopes, all lncouragements in my best studies. To whom I neuer came but 1 grew more religious. Prom whom I never went but I parted better instructed; (p. 203). 65

Such a precise, beautiful, cumulative paean will stand up to any. The passage moves rhythmically to its period

In the last two sentences, and the whole gives us vividly the genuine feeling of this man toward his old master. In the section on York, Sir John speaks In similarly laudatory terms of his good friend Toby

Mathew:

The praises of a frend are partlall or suspitious, of straungers, vnoertaine and not ludlclous, of oourtly persons complementall and mannerly, of learned and wise men more pretlous, of a prince most cordlall and comfortable, but of an Adversaria though often daungerous, yet never vndeserved. What exceptions then can be taken to his lust praises, whom frends commend, straungers admire, nobles lmbrace, the learned affect and imitate his sovereigns haue advaunced, and even his enemle and emulous cannot chuse but extoll and approue (p. 262).

This introductory encomium prefaces a very personal, genuine tribute to the Archbishop of York. It is filled with humanizing personal accounts that give all readers some of the flavor of Toby Mathew, man and bishop. It is this quality, Harlngton's ability to select and present material that depicts something of the character and personality of the individual that contributes so muoh to the appeal of the Supplle.

Harington' 8 writing style is really a kind of

"middle ground" between the older rhythms of the

Ciceronian prose of writers like Aschan and Sidney 66 and the "new" prose of Bacon*s early essays. One can find qualities of both. In the passages quoted above, one can see very dearly the Influence of rhetoric.

The whole mode of the Supplle Is rhetorical, ooncerned not so much with describing as evaluating. Consequently the style must be affected by such an intent and It Is.

Passages are Imbued with the resonance of the sounds and with the psychological effect of periodic develop­ ment within sections like the ones on Still and Mathew.

At other times, however, the desire merely to describe, to convey information causes the prose to lapse Into a kind of Angular," ConnerIre mode, In which a sentence

Is not viewed as a total rhetorical unit but rather as a loosely developed structure made up of connected parts that flow from one smother assoclatlvely. It

Is as if one clause or phrase suggests another. Here for example, is a characteristic passage, from the account of Arohblshop Hutton:

The Archbishop showd herein the constancy and severltle worthle of his place, for he would not endevor to saue him (as the world thought he easllie might) deserving herein the praise of Iustlce which Ely wanted that was too Indulgent of his sonnes vices, and having hereby no blott but such as may sort him, with the great Monarch of this last age King Phillip, with two famous warriors of the old Homans Manlyus and Brutus, and with the highest even Aron (pp. 261-262). 67

The style is quite different from that of his father,

John Harington of Stepney, whose translation of the

De Amlolt^a shows the rhythms and oadenoes of the Latin,

Here the oadenoes exist but they are subdued to the matter. It is the matter whloh is important. In contrast, however, there is one quality which the prose styles of the two hare in common — in diction.

Both Harlngtons hare a real sense for the Anglo-Saxon qualities in the language, the older Harington being an adherent to Sir 's lore of plain English words. Harington shows this same facility for using the monosyllable and disyllable, though he does not get involved in the game of ooinlng hybrid monosyllables to replace lnkhorn terms.

The one single quality that shows the younger

Harington to be very much a man of his age (if not a precursor of an age to come) is his great love of wit — not Just humor — or sarcasm — but of the neatly turned phrase, the riposte, the Jab, the stab of a word. He loses himself in his puns at times but he thmroughly enjoys them. A name like "Madox" gives way to pun, as does Aylmer, for punning purposes to be spelled "Elm-mar," He delights in recounting Toby

Mathew's great love of puns, with names like Cox, which translates into Coxcomb, or "Leasted” to "Less-steed."

Passages like these, full of puns, are, says Sir 68

John "as dellghtfull to tha hearer as a fair course at

tilt is to the beholders, where the staffe breaks both

at the poynt and counterbuffe even to the hand • . ."

(Supplle. p. 267), The work abounds in puns, and

Harlngton's wit fills its pages.

An introduction cannot exhaust the topics available for treatment nor oan it hope to judge thoroughly a work as extensive as the 3upplle and as broad in its intentions. I only hope that it has succeeded in re-introducing the work and In opening up the possibility of giving it a fresh evaluation.

It seems to me that what Harington has done here is of both historical and artistic merit and that it has not been given any full consideration. Sir John

Harington was a man of his time, very much in touch with its events and personalities, and for that reason what he has to say has value regardless of whether it may be aesthetically pleasing. Here we have an

intimate record, personal — and biased — > of the events of the church and of the people behind them.

Fortunately, however, Harington had a genius not just for recording matter but for presenting it in such a way that the reader is brought into the age and sees the events through the eyes of a prominent courtier of the time, with his desire for personal success, with his religious leanings, and with his great desire 69 to preserve something that he held precious -- the order

and integrity of the bishops and the church they ruled.

It is really this one quality that makes the Supplle

what it is, a commentary that Is Imbued with the art and the spirit of the man who made it. Without that quality it would still be valuable, but with it, the

Supplle becomes, for each reader, a means of coming to know the great spiritual lords and the leading figures of the day in an intimate and personal way, of getting the feel of the age, of what it was like to know these men. Beyond this, the Supplle also Is an Impassioned plea for the preservation of the church and for a resolution of the religious struggle; it is one man's plea for an end to the controversies and for a uniting of the factions, Had Harlngton been able to see through to the 16**0's he would have been crushed by the collapse of the two pillars of stability, the crown and the miter. Who can tell what course the religious issue might have taken had Henry Frederick lived? Perhaps then Sir John Harlngton's great attempts in the

Supplle might have been successful. The facts of history, however, are contrary, Henry died young, and the Supplle did not accomplish its aim. But perhaps today it oan still be read and admired as one man's way of trying to do something for his church. 70 and to do It in as diverting and entertaining a way as he knew how, by delighting ns, but by teaching us as well, and even by novlng us to aotlon. TEXTUAL NOTE

Slgla for all manuscripts and printed editions:

A — B.M. Add. MS. 46370, the earliest

manusorlpt.

FC — B.M. Hoyal MS. 1? B XXII, the copy-

text for the present edition.

C — A Brlefe View of the State of the Church

of England. London, 1653* the first

edition.

HI — Nugae Antlauae. ed. Henry Harlngton.

London, 1769 , pp. 5-27.

H2 — Nugae Antlauae. ed. Henry Harlngton

London, 1779# I. 1-246. P — Nugae Antlauae. ed. Thomas Park, London,

1804, II, 1-278.

Manusorlpts

The earliest extant text of the Supplle is an

incomplete manusorlpt copy in Sir John Harlngton*s

secretary hand, which I hare designated the A MS.,

now British Museum Add. MS. 46370. Little is known

71 about It, other than what 1* revealed by textual evidence. It was In the possession of the Harlngton really from Its writing to its sale to the British

Museua in 1946 by Miss Philippa Harlngton.*' It con­ tains no date, although it is the copy from which PC, the fair-copy manuscript, was made (see the textual discussion below, pp. 77-7 8 ), which is dated 18

February 1607 £8 ]. Its existence was not known until it was discovered by Professor Buth Hughey of Ohio

State University, in 1933, among other manuscripts in the possession of the Harlngton family. Her full account of the discoveries is given in "The Harlngton

Manuscripts at Arundel Castle and Related Documents,"

Library. XV ser. 4 (1934), 388-444.

The manuscript is a quarto volume bound in nineteenth-century half calf with marbled paper boards, containing 65 unnumbered leaves and measuring

138 x 183 mm. Since I was not able to make a physical examination of the manuscript, I am inserting here a description provided for me by Mr. John Nixon of the

British Museum and Miss Sylvia England:

The pages are ruled in red throughout, the ink having faded almost to yellow. There are four blank leaves at the beginning.

^■Buth Hughey, The Arundel Harlngton Manuscript of Tudor Poetry (Columbus, 190 O), I, 14. 73

the first of which is pasted down to the Inside of the front board. They appear to be the same paper as that used in the remainder of the manuscript and to hare been ruled at the same time. On the recto of the third of these leaves (the second free one) is pasted a piece of paper with the title in a cursive l?th century hand: The hlstorye of the / Bisshoppes since the reformation / a supplement to Dr. Godwyne / written by S* John Harlngton. There is then a leaf of similar paper, differently ruled, on the recto of which is written: "Published in Nugae Antlquae." Two thirds of the way down the verso of the leaf the text begins "Of the Bishops of Winchester" and the first seven lines of text to "that ensue to produce some" are on this leaf. They are in a different hand from the main body of the text which begins on a leaf signed C in the extreme bottom right hand corner. The text then follows on C 8 D8 E® F8 £ g P H8 18 k8. Then follow five more leaves (the last pasted to the Inside of the baok board) of different paper. On the first of these (occupying the recto and about l/6th of the verso) Is the end of the text. The remainder are blank, exoept for the ruling which on all five leaves is different from that of the text.

Contents are as follows: pp. blankj C3l* title

in late seventeenth-century hand, on a pasted-in slip

of paper, "The hlstorye of the Bisshoppes since the

reformation a supplement to Dr. Godwyne written by

Sr. John Harlngton"; £4]], blank; C5D* in the same

hand as on C3], "Published in Nugae Antlquae";

[6 ]-£l2 8 3 » the text, beginning with the bishopric of Winchester and ending with the bishopric of

Chester; [129-13*0, blank. The manusorlpt lacks 7b the following sections of the complete Suppllei

(1) Canterbury, (2) London, (3) Bath and Wells,

(*0 the conclusion, and (5) the "Occasion" at the end. At least the sections of Winchester, Bath and

Wells, and Chester were originally a part of the manuscript, but they were removed sometime before It was bound in its present binding. Pages £6 ] and

£127-128 ] are In a seventeenth-century Italic hand;

£6 ] Is the first page of text, and £127-1 2 8 ] is the last leaf, which complete the sections on Winchester and Chester In the manuscript. In the middle of the manusorlpt the whole section of Bath and Wells Is missing, together with the last five lines of Salisbury and the first eight lines of Sxeter. The missing section on Bath and Wells probably was used as setting copy for Henry Harlngton*s 1769 edition of

Nugae Antlauae. which contains only that part of t*16 Supplle (see below, pp. 87-83). Henry has a reputation for having mutilated manuscripts in pre­ paring his editions and probably removed the leaves of Bath and Wells for the 1769 Nugae. 2

As previously Indicated, the manuscript Is otherwise In Sir John's secretary hand, with some

2See Hughey, I, 18-19, for a more complete des­ cription of Henry Harlngton's handling of the Arundel Harlngton Manuscript In preparing the Mugae Antlauae. 75 material In his Italic hand. The secretary hand shows variations, but they are not major and conform to

Kathleen Lea's examples of Harlngton*s hand In

"Harlngton's Folly." Elizabethan and Jaoobean Studies

In Honor of F. P. Wilson (Oxford, 1959). PP* **2-58.

It also conforms to other examples of Harlngton*s hand as exemplified In the Arundel Harlngton Manuscript,

In B.M. Add. MS. 18920 ("Orlando Furloso"), and in

B.M. Add. MS. *6368 ("Metamorphosis of Ajax").

The A MS. Is not a first draft but Is the first copy made from the foul papers, as there are a number of places In the manuscript where Harlngton mistakenly repeated parts of sentences and then crossed them out or in some cases missed his repetitions and let them stand (see A, pp. 19.13. 31.13* ^ . 6 , among others).

In Its relation to the other texts, A is the earliest substantive text; It Is the text from which all sub­ sequent ones are descended, as the collation indicates, and as will be explained In subsequent dlsousslon below.

The falr-copy manusorlpt, designated here as

PC, now in the Royal Manusorlpt Collection In the

British Museum, Is In Sir John's Italic hand and Is the last text of the Supplle made during his lifetime.

It is B.M. Royal MS. 17 B XXII and Is dated "18.

February 1607" by Harlngton on p. 178. The manuscript 76 was bound up with a copy of the first edition of Francis

Godwin's A Catalogue of the Bishops of England (1601),

STC 11937* and was presented to Henry* Prlnoe of Vales* son of King Janes X* soaetlae after February 1607/8*

It Immediately became a part of Henry's excellent library* and then was taken Into the Royal Library on Henry's death (see A. S. Newton* MA Royal Book

Collector," The Greatest Book in the World and Other

Papers [Boston, 1 9 2 5 ], pp. 167-193). It was kept in the Royal Library and oaae to the British Museum when the Library was turned over to that Institution In the eighteenth century*

The following information on the binding of FC was proTlded by Mr. Nixon. It is "now bound In half brown morocco (done In 1 9 6 6 ). It was originally bound

In brown calf for Henry Prlnoe of Vales* the portion of the binding containing the arms of the Prlnoe being preserved on the flyleaf at the beginning. This binding was evidently replaced many years before 1 966 ."

The manusorlpt Is a quarto In eights* 7 3/** x 5 3/**

Inches, collating [a-d], [a]-m®, with only the first leaf in each of the gatherings B-M signed. It Is erratically paged 1-A5, [**6-6 6 ], 1-7* 6-1 1 1 * 11**-187,

[188 -1 9 0 ], and folio numbers have been added In a later hand* numbering 280-b0 7* consecutively with 7?

Godwin's Catalogue. Contents are as follows: pp. 1-44, topical index to Godwin's Catalogue. arranged by bishoprics; 45* blank; £46-66], "A Table Alphabetloall annexed to the Books of the Catalogue of Bishops"t l-[l79], "A Supplle or AddleIon to the Catalogue of

Bishops, to the Years 1608," and on p. 178 the date of the work appears, "18. February 1607" in Harlngton's hand; 180-187* "The occasion why the fomer works was taken in hand"; [188-190], blank. Thus the nanusorlpt consists of two parts: (1) the two Indexes to Godwin's

Catalogue. In Harlngton's secretary hand, and (2) the text of the Supplle In his Italic hand. The handwriting is identical to that of the autograph nanusorlpt of his Bplgrans In the Folger Shakespeare Library (Fo.

MS. 4455), which has been accepted as being In

Harlngton*s own hand. The bulk of the text Is in the

Italic script, while titles, special quotes, and Latin phrases are In Ronan script. The falr-copy nanusorlpt is a beautifully prepared nanusorlpt book, showing extrenely careful copying and fine calligraphy, identical with those sane qualities In Fo. MS. 4455,

The collation of A and £C show that PC was copied fron the A MS. In FC. p. 165*14-15, Harlngton, in oopylng, slipped orer a single line of £ (p. 115.10) and onltted It fron ££• Autograph corrections of 70 the text In A are consistently incorporated in FC. and readings that are clearly errors In A are corrected

In FC. There are 276 substantive variants between the two Manuscripts, but none of then Is extensive; nost reflect the fact that In preparing the fair copy, Harlngton took the opportunity to polish up the text as he copied. This evidence substantiates

Professor Hughey's statement that "any variants between the two manuscripts are trivial” (Library.

XV, ser. 4 [l93*]» *02).

The accidental variants, however, are signifi­ cant, and collation reveals that the entire matter of spelling and punctuation was distinctively important to Harlngton. Elizabeth Donno, in the Introduction to her edition of the Metamorphosis of Ajax (New

York, 1 9 6 2 ), p. 4 5 , states that In the autograph manuscript of the Metamorphosis. "Harlngton's spelling, capitalization, punctuation, and paragraphing tend to be both haphazard and Inconsistent." Such a state­ ment could well desorlbe the practices of any number of writers of the period, and, Incidentally, what has been assumed to be the general attitude of the age toward matters of spelling and punotuatlon. The two manuscripts, both In the author's hand, give us a rare opportunity to see what the praetloes of one TABLE 1: SOME CHANGES OP ACCIDENTALS IN A AND FC

Kinds of changes Number Percent Spelling 24-0? Change to older spelling 787 32.7 Change to modern spelling 1620 67.3 Punctuation 3476 Addition of punctuation 2316 66.6 Deletion of punctuation 1160 33.4 "he" to "hee" 16 8*42 "hee to "he" 174 91.58 "it" to "yt" 13 18.05 "yt" to "it" 69 81.95 "thertf1 to "thear" 18 13.43 "thear" to "there" 116 86.57 "bene" to "been" 0 0 "been" to "bene" 100 100.00 "soe" to "so" 3 3.09 "so" to "soe" 94 96.91 Internal u to t 23 13.85 Internal t to u 143 86.15 Initial u to ▼ 87 100.00 initial r to u 0 0 "-ious" to "-lows" 0 0 "-lows" to "-ious" 69 100.00 "you" to "yow" 5 10.97 "yow" to "you" 41 89.13 80 author of the period were, and the results are lmforma- tire. Between the two manuscripts there are a total of

6955 accidental variants. The spelling and punctuation.

I.e., the accidentals, of A, do fit one of Miss Donno•s characterisations; they are "antiquated" or rather they are farther removed from modern-day practices than are the accidentals of PC. The table above can best show what changes oocur between the two texts (see Table

1# P. 79). The findings enumerated In the table must be qualified. First of all, not all categories of variants are given; I have selected what I consider representative categories. Secondly, the table only

Indicates the character of the changes, not the entire character of the accidentals In PC; however, the generali­ zation still holds. PC Is, In its totality, more modern In accidentals than A, and the table shows that A was revised to a great extent to bring this quality Into the work. The general pattern of PC is much more uniform than A, for one thing, and the punctua­ tion system, though heavier In PC, is more meaningful and more consistent. Some notable changes are, first of all, the tendency toward modern spellings. Of the spelling changes, for example, over two-thirds are changes to more modern forms. Some of the specific 81

changes reflect this as well. In over ninety peroent

of the changest Harlngton revised "hee*1 to "he,*1 in

better than eighty percent Hyt" was changed to It."

The use of the initial "v," and the internal "u" was

made wore consistent throughout. These are only a

few of the wore striking examples presented in the

ohart. There are naturally some exceptions. Harlngton

preferred "bene" over "been," and "soe" over "so";

however, even in these cases the preferred spelling was nore "modern" in 1608, than the spelling which

now prevails.

What was the motivation behind these changes?

They probably were two-fold. First, Harlngton was

trying to bring some uniformity into the final copy, and In doing so he used a more consistent system of accidentals in A than in FC. Secondly, he may have been considering his audience, Henry was a boy of

thirteen in 1608, of another generation, more familiar

with the spelling and punctuation habits of his time

than with those of the latter of the sixteenth century, and Harlngton may have been taking account of this

fact in preparing the fair copy. The changes show

that at least he did not consider accidentals to be an arbitrary matter; rather their use was a distinctive

part of the effeot of the whole work; and spelling punctuation, capitalization, eto., were selected with 82

consistency, uniformity, and the nature of the audience

as criteria.

How extensirely can one generalize for the

writers of the period from this one instance? It is difficult to say. Harington has a reputation for being particular about his texts, but at least his example should tell us not to assume too frequently that sixteenth-century writers were haphazard in their

spelling and punctuation praotices.

The PC MS. is textually unique, since it is an autograph fair-copy manuscript, representing the author's final considered Intentions before he presented

it to his audience, Prlnoe Henry. None of the texts

that follow can rival its authority.

Printed Editions

^ e Supplle was not published until forty-one years after Harlngton's death. The first edition, here designated as C, was brought out by his grandson

John Chetwind, or Chetwynd. For a fuller discussion of the publication of this edition, see the Introduc­ tion, pp. 11-14-. The copy described here is in the

Bare Book Library of the Ohio State University.

£*11 the following within a single rule frame] f A J

BRIEFS VIEW I OF THE j State of the Church j of ENGLAND. | 83

As It stood in £• m m m m Sk i and JAMES his Relgne.j to the Yeere 1608. | Being a Character and History of f the BISHOPS of those times. And | aay serve as an

Addltlonall Supply j to Doctor GOODWINS | Catalogue of

Bishops. | [rule] [ WHITTEN f Por the private use of

Prlnoe Henry, upon [ occasion of that Proverb,f

Henry the eighth pull'd down and | their Cells.|

Henry the ninth should pull down Bishops.| and their

Bells.| Bz Sir JOHN HARINGTON. | of Kelston neer Bath.

Knight. | [rule]j LONDON. [ Printed for Jos. Klrton at the Kings Aras J In Pauls Churchyard, 1653*

12ao» A5 B-K12, 113 leaves, pp. [l-x], 1-81, 80-81,

84-85, 84-85, 8 8 -8 9 , 88 -8 9 , 92-93, 92-93, 96-103,

102- 1 0 3, 106-1 0 7, 106-1 0 7, 110-1 1 1 , 110-1 1 1 , 114-115,

114-115, 118-119, 118-211, [212-214], All erroneous pagination occurs In gatherings E and F. Gathering

E comprises pp. 73-96; gathering P comprises pp. 97-118.

[E3 ] missigned D^, Contents: [l], title; [ll], blank;

[lll-x], "Epistle Dedicatory to Lady Jane Pile" from

John Chetwlnde, dated 1 Hay 1652; 1-211, text [lnolud- lng erroneous pagination]; [212], blank; [213-214], alphabetical table of bishops. Wing 3TC H770.

The text of this edition lacks the last ten

lines of the conclusion and the "Occasion why the

former worke was taken In hand." Por a discussion of the reason for the omission, see the Introduotlon, p. 18. 84

This edition Is descended textually from A; however. It Is doubtful that A served as settins copy for this edition, since It does not contain printer's marks of any kind. It is more plausible to assume that C was set from a transcript of A, made by Chetwlnd or at his request.

Although C is more closely related to A, it contains thirty-seven substantive readings from FC In the latter five sections of the Supplle. These are minor and are largely corrections of errors in A. How­ ever, two common readings In PC and C seem to Indicate that at least the latter part of C may have been collated In a superficial way with PC. At two places

In A, blanks exist In the MS. (64.24-25, 70.7)* which are perfected In FC (114.20, 119.19). The perfected readings are followed by C, and this evidence, taken with the other readings. Indicate that Chetwlnd may have referred to PC In some Instances. As a clergyman of some rank in the church and a person of stature, he probably would have been able to gain access to

FC and may have done so, though no external evidence exists to substantiate it. Another distinct possibility

Is that Chetwlnd may have possessed the foul papers and could have taken readings from them. Two extensive readings In C have no source In either manuscript. At

the beginning of the account of of Winchester, 85 p. , C reads "He was born of a worshlpfull house, and in the Dlooess of Winchester, and beoame after Warden of Winchester, thence for his great learning and vertuous life prefer'd to the Blshoprlok of Lincoln, and after upon the death of Stephen Gaydper aade Bishop of Winchesteri wherefore of hi* 1 nay say and so would all nan say (how contrary soever to hin In religion . . ♦ Por the sane beginning A and FC both agree, reading slnplyt 'Of hln 1 nay say . . . ." In the account of Lancelot Andrewes, p, 220, the blank space existing In both A and PC is perfected with the Insertion, "born in London, and trained up In the School of that famous Muloaster." On the other hand, the readings nay have been Inserted by Chetwlnd hlnself. Collation also reveals that In other ways Chetwlnd took liberties with the text of A. Stylistic changes are nade, sone readings are nodernlzed, and generally Chetwlnd nade "Improvements" In the text. Of all the printed editions, C is the one most responsible for substantive textual changes, since It Introduces readings that become perpetuated In the Henry Harlngton editions of 1769 and 1779 and the second Issue of the latter edition In 1792. Some errors were oorreoted In 86

the two edition* (1 7 6 9 , 1 7 7 9 )* but man? wore not

changed until Thoaa* Park1* edition of 1804*

The evldenoe of the collation show* without

doubt that C Is descended fron i, though It also

rereals sane readings that exist only In FC and C.

In 1 7 6 9 , the first volume of the first edition

°f th® Nugae Antlauae was published by Henry Harlngton,

the son of Dr. Henry Harlngton of Bath. This edition

is referred to hereafter as HI, It contains only the

section on Bath and Wells, published In the fora of a letter fron Sir John to Prlnoe Henry, which ocouples

PP* 5-27 of the first volume of that editions the

second volume was published In 1775* The copy des­

cribed here is In the Polger Shakespeare Library;

NUGAE ANTIOUABi I BEING A | MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTION | OP |

ORIGINAL PAPERS In and Verse. | Written In the

Reigns of Henry VIII, £&*£££ |VI, Mary. Elizabeth.

Janes I, Ac.| By Sir JOHN HARINGTON, [ The Translator of Ariosto, and others who lived in |those Times.{

With an original PLATE of the||gyg&££ ELIZABETH,(

Engraved 1554.j potes In Nugas dlcere plura neaa. |

Ipse ego quaa dlxl — | — novlmus esse Nlhll. Martial.| To which is added | An APPENDIX, | CONTAINING \ A

Specimen of some LETTERS from a Georgian | Merchant at Bath to his Friend In London. | LONDON: I Printed for W. Frederick. at Bath*j And Sold by J. Robinson and

in Pater- | Nos ter-Row, and J. Pods ley, in

Pall-Mall.j M DCC IX1X.

12 no: If 1, A4 , A11, B-Rl2 Px3 G-H12 1*3 k8 [Muelc

leaf folded after F^; harmonic diagram leaf eewn In after I7 ; Its oonjugate stab appear# after I5 ,3 ,

122 leaves. pp. [l-wlll], OJ-13*. [A-b 3, 135-206,

[C-D], 207-210, [211-232]. Contents* [l], blanks

[ll], engraving of Kllsabeth; [ill], title; [lr],

blank; [v-vil, 1-23, table of contents; 3-^, "To

the Reader"; 5-210, text; [211-2323, appendix of additional letters.

Since the section on Bath and Veil# 1# Biasing

fron A, it Is likely that Hi, was set directly fron

leares fron the nanusorlpt, which were then destroyed

Henry Harlngton, the editor, was a boy of fourteen

when this volume appeared, and, as Professor Hughey

has pointed out, nay have destroyed a number of manu­

scripts In preparing this edition (see n. 2). With­

out the leaves fron A, it Is Impossible to say. HI

follows faithfully the readings In C and nay have

seen set from C, and the leaves may have disappeared

In some other fashion. However, knowing what we do

about young Henry Harlngton's use of the Arundel

Harlngton MS., there Is good reason to suppose that 88

the section on Bath and Wells fro* A disappeared In

the printing shop, along with leaves fron other manu­

scripts as well. In any case. Hi has no textual re­

lationship to FC.

The next edition of the Nugae Antlauae appeared

In 1779* also edited by Henry Harlngton, In three volumes; It contains the full text of the Supplle In

Vol. I, pp. l-2*f6. This text Is hereafter cited as

H2. The copy of the first volume described here Is

in the Folger Shakespeare Library.

NUGAE ANTIQUAE: | BEING A | MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTION | OF|

OBIGINAL PAPERS | In Prose and Verse: | Written In the

Reigns of Henry VIII, Queen | fljgX* Kln®

James. Ac. 1 By Sir JOHN HARINGTON, I The Translator of SSSSBI^S 1 g g m m m m m J 8Lnd others who | lived In those times. | [rule] |

Selected from £gtheg£ic | By the Bjg. Heg.

Harlngton. A. |l. | Of Queen's Cgiiegg, Ojog. | And Minor

Canon of the Cathedral Church of | Nojyj^S^l* | [rule] J

A new, corrected and enlarged Edition, in 3 vols. |

[rule] | VOL. I. j [rule]| Non Potes in Nugas dloere plura neas | lose ego Quam dlxl — J — Novlmus esse

Nlhll. Hartiai*| [double rule] | LONDON: | Printed

for J. DODSLEY, Pall-Mall. | And T. Shrimpton. Bath.[

M. DCC. LXXIX.

12mo: It1, *a6, *b5# x3, a, B-Z, Aa-Bb6 Cc3 [x3 89 tipped In after xg], 168 leaves, pp. [a -b ], [l]-

[xxxvlii], El]-296. Contents: [A], title; £b ], blank; [l]-xl, "Some Account of Sir John Harlngton"; xll-xlli, aneodote by Harlngton about repairing the

Church at Bath, 1609; (]xiv3-xxi, the "Poem"; jfxxll], blank; [xxill-xxvii] Dedication by Henry Harlngton to

Blehop of Bath, dated 2 Sept 1778; [xxvlll], blank; £xxixj, title page for Catalogue of Blahooet fxxx], blank;

£xxxi-xxxvii], Chetwlnd1 s dedication to Lady Jane

Pile; Cxxxrlilj, blank; £l]-246, text of the Catalogue;

2if7-249, "Alphabetical Table of Blahops"; 250-276,

MA Dlaoowrse Shewing that £lyaa must personally coae, before the Day of Judgement"; 276-2 9 6 , “Psalmes

Translated by the Countess of Pembroke."

Thle edition contains the second complete printed text, and collation shows that It was set from a copy of C. In addition to containing the errors of C, It Introduces new readings and new errors, so that of the three printed editions It Is the least authoritative.

What has generally been thought to have been a new edition of the Nugae Antlauae appeared In 1792, also In three volumes, but a preliminary bibliographical examination of the first volume of the Folger

Shakespeare Library copy of this issue and a comparison of it with a copy of the 1779 edition Indicate that it

is a new issue, not a new edition, made up of remainder

sheets of the 1779 edition with oancel title-pages.

The collation of the first volume of the 1792 edition

is as follows: 12mo: T f 1 , *a*> *b5, * 6 , B - Z ^ ,

Aa-Bb^ Cc3 £x^ tipped in after 1 2D* 168 leaves,

PP. [A-H], [l]-[xxxii], £l3-296. Contents: [A], title; £b ], blank; [C-G], dedication to the Bishop of Bath, by Henry Harlngton, dated 2 September 1778*

[H], blank; £l]-xi, “Some Account of Sir John Harlngton” xil-xlli, "Sir J. Harlngton'* anecdote about repairing the Church of Bath"; xlv-xxi, "The Poem”; [xxli], blank; [xxili], title-page of Catalogue of Bishops;

[xxiv], blank; [xxv-xxi], dedication to Lady Jane

Pile, by John Chetwinde; [xxxli], blank; £l]-246, text of the Catalogue of Bishops: 247-21*9, alphabetical table of bishops; 250-276, "A Discourse shewing that

Elyas must personally come before the Daye of Judgment";

277-296, "Psalmes translated by the Countess of

Pembroke." The preliminaries of the first volume of the 1792 issue have been rearranged as follows: In the 1779* the gatherings are arranged *a6 *b5, x3, while In the 1792 edition they are arranged x^.

**6 *t>5. The net effect of this arrangement is to put the dedication to the Bishop of Bath before the 91 ao count of Sir John Harlngton* the anecdote on the repairing of the church, and the short poem. A aaohlne collation of random pages of Inner and outer foras of all gatherings of this volume Indicates that the sheets of both copies are from the saae setting of type, and a comparison of the watermarks on all sheets shows the same watermark in both the 1779 *nd

1792 copies, so that the 1792 publication in this case is a new issue, made up of remainder sheets from the 1779 edition, with cancel title pages. It is blbllographloally Identical to the 1779 edition, and therefore has no new bearing on the text of the gupplle.

The most recent edition of the Nugae Antlauae appeared in 1804 in two volumes, edited by Thomas

Parks it contains the entire Supplle in Vol. II, pp. 1-278. This edition is hereafter cited as P.

The copy of Vol. II described here is in the Ohio

State University Library.

NUGAE ANTIQUAEt | BEING A | MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTION j OP |

ORIGINAL PAPERS. | IN PROSE AND VERSE;| WRITTEN | DURING

THE REIGNS OP HENRY VIII. EDWARD VI. QUEEN MARY, |

ELIZABETH, AND KING JAMBS: \ BY | SJg JOHN HARINGTON, lUfT,

A&£ by others £22 lived ifl those Times. | [double-taper rule] | SELECTED FROM AUTHENTIC REMAINS | BY THE LATE 92 HENRY HARINGTON, H.A. | AND NEWLY ARRANGED, j WITH ILLUSTRATIVE NOTES. | By J THOMAS PARK, P.S.A. | [double- taper rule] | VOL. II. j [double rule, top rule bold] j

We ought to judge of the editions of books as we judge

of men; -— none are | perfect, and the best are good

only by comparison. Church. | [double rule, bottom

rule bold] j LONDONj | Printed by J. Wright. Denmark- Court. Strand. | FOR VERMOR AND HOOD, POULTRY, AND

OUTSELL AND | MARTIN, MIDDUS ROW, HOLBORN. | [rule,

3/4"] | 1804. | [Colophon, p. 399] Printed by J.

WRIGHT, Denmark-Court, Strand.

8t o : -if1*, A-Z, Aa-Cc®, 212 leaves, pp. [i]-vlil,

[l]-4l6. Contents! [l] half-title; [li], blank;

[ill], title; [iv], blank; [t]-t111, table of con­ tents; [l], title page for the Supplle: [2], blank;

[3]-12. "The Occasion why this works was taken in hand"; [l3]-2?8, text of the Supplle; [279]-304, "A

Discourse shewing that Elyas must personally come before the Day of Judgment"; [30^)-319# "Sketch of the character of John, Lord Harlngton, Baron of Exton";

[320], blank; [32l]-4l6, "Poems by various authors."

Park's edition Is unique In that, as he states. Vol. I, pp. xx-xxl, his edition was set from

FC and is the only printed edition to date to use the falr-oopy manuscript as its oopy-text. As a 93 result It is superior to and much more authoritative than all previous printed editions.

Park's editorial principles, however, were not consistent. In regard to the accidentals of the text.

Park abandoned completely Harlngton1s practice and substituted his own, a system which is less consistent, more complicated, and less clear than the author's.

Notations by Harlngton are taken over by Park and used as editorial footnotes to the text. Throughout both manuscripts there are blank spaces left in the text which Harlngton intended to fill but never did, spaces which usually were meant to contain Latin quotes or factual information that Harlngton never supplied.

In A they occur at the following points: 64.24-25,

71.10, 72.19-30, 116.19, 121.19-30. In PC, they occur at the following points: 5.5-6, 7.27, 61.20-22, 64.25,

91.6, 119.8. 122.4-5, 137.17, 166.22-23. In some places. It is clear from the handwriting that a blank space was filled in at a later date (see FC, pp. 8.26,

16.3-5. 18.10-11, 21.24-25, 24.26). To fill these blanks in his edition. Park resorted to C for his readings, since A apparently was not available to

3Miss Donno finds the same practice in B.M. Add. MS. 46368, The Metamorphosis of Ajax, where Harlngton left blank spaces for the number of a Psalm, together with a blank space for a line of Latin. See her edition, pp. 4-5. 94 him* At times Park Indicates material taken from C

by placing it in brackets* but he does not consistently

do so. And many times Park simply ignores the blank

spaces and closes up lines* even though the resulting

readings are meaningless* Since Park did not hare A

to refer to* he was forced to rely on the earliest

extant text* C* in spite of its inaccuracies. At other times Park chooses from C readings that are not for any reason preferable to those in FC, and these emendations are made silently. However, in comparison to the editions that preceded, Park's is superior*

A historical collation of substantive variants in all texts is provided. Appendix C, p., 355 , to point up all specific differences of a substantive nature among the texts. For a census of substantive variants and chart of textual relationships* see

Tables 2 and 3* PP. 100-101* The chart shows clearly the close relationship between two "families*1 of texts* all deriving from A; on the one hand* the family of printed editions* beginning with C and

including HI and H2, and on the other hand the manuscript £C and its printed version P. One should note, however* that all but two of the texts are in­ complete in varying ways* and so there are certain to be disparities in the proportion of variants 95 between any two texts. Any conclusions as to descent of texts nust rest on a study of the nature of the speeiflc rar1ants. In general, howeverP the census shows that the texts of C and H2, both oomplete except for the "Occasion why the former work was taken In hand," are the least authoritative and least accurate of all texts, while P, In regard to substantive read­ ings, Is the most reliable of the printed editions to date.

Editorial PrlnolPles £$r the Preset Text

I. Contents of this edition:

The present edition Is composed of selected sections of the entire Suppllc. It contains about three-fourths of the text of the whole Supplle. and

I have attempted to choose from the Supplle those sections which seemed most significant. The follow­ ing sections have been omitted: Ely, Lincoln, Coventry and Lichfield, Exeter, Norwich, Worcester, ,

Bristol, Durham, Carlyle, and Chester,

II, Cholee of copy-text:

This edition uses as Its copy-text FC, the holograph fair-copy manuscript of A Supplle or

Addle Ion £o T|ie Catalogue o£ Bjshggt, is i&£ Yea^e l606. B.M. Royal MS. 17 B XXII. Since It Is desoended 96 fron A and is a holograph fair-copy manusorlpt presented by Harington to Prince Henry, it represents, in regard both to aocidentals and substantives, the author's final intentalons. The printed editions have no bear­ ing on the text, since they were all published post­ humously, except to show the editorial alterations that occurred in the text through three printed editions. This edition, then, attempts to give a faithful and accurate rendering of the text of FC.

Ill, Emendations of the copy-text:

A, F||*nfletAany of accidentals. — In all in­ stances, all manuscript abbreviations hare been expanded silently. Words in Boman script in FC appear under­ lined in this edition. In places where material appears in quotation marks in FC, I have chosen to put quota­ tion marks at the beginning and end of the quote, rather than at the beginning of each line of the quote. The manuscript contains few indentions to indicate paragraphs; instead Harington used the technique of beginning a new paragraph at the left margin of the page without completing the preceding line of text. I have substituted indentions to indicate these paragraph divisions.

Harington's punctuation system is clear and con­ sistent throughout and conforms generally to the 97 rhetorical system of his day rather than the logico-

grammatlcal system of our own day* Pull stops are

indicated in the manuscript by a period followed by

a virgule, thus,/ In this edition all virgules have

been omitted. Next in emphasis is the colon, then

the semloolon, which is not frequently used. Peculiarly,

Harington sometimes employs the period as a mark of

punctuation that falls between the colon and the comma,

that is, the period without the following word's be­ ginning with a capital letter. 1 hare attempted not

to tamper with this practice, but where necessary to avoid confusion in the text, 1 have emended these periods to commas. All these emendations, however, as well as all other emendations of accidentals, are listed in Appendix B, Emendations of Accidentals,

PP« 350-35^* so that there are no silent changes in

the text, other than those previously indicated.

B. Substantive emendations. — It has not been necessary to make many substantive changes in the

text, and those which have been made are listed in

Appendix A, Substantive Emendations, pp. 3^*7-3^9*

together with an explanation for each emendation. They are in general of two kinds* (1) corrections of obvious

errors in the copy-text, and (2) restoration of textual 98 natter to blank spaces left in the oopy-text. The corrections sere very few, and where possible hare been

taken froa A. The blank spaces also hare been per­ fected, where possible, from readings In A. Though

these may not hare been Harington*s final intentions,

they are the last readings araliable that carry any authority. Where blanks exist in both A and FC, I hare restored the readings from C but hare placed them in brackets within the text to indicate that they do not oarry the authority of a reading in

Harington*s own hand. There axe no silent emendations of a substantire nature.

Notes to the text are prorlded, pp. 283-3^5.

It is hoped that these will be of real use to the reader in helping him better understand Harington*s account of the history of the bishops of his time. I hare taken the liberty of prorldlng somewhat literal translations for the Latin quotations. Some of the controrersles and erents discussed in the Notes are far too extenslre to be handled completely, and in

these oases, I hare prorlded references to works in which the reader will find them handled in detail. 99

TABLE 2

CENSUS OF SUBSTANTIVE VARIANTS

Variants between FC and A^ ------——— --- — - 276

" " FC and Cb ------660

•1 " FC and Hlc ------101

" " FC and H2d ------717

«i » FC and P ------69

Variants between A and C — — ----- 237

" " C and HI ------9

" " HI and H2 ------k

» •’ C and H2 ------13

a The text of A, as has been stated in the Textual Note, lacks the sections on Canterbury, London, Bath and Wells, the conclusion, and the "Occasion,"

b C lacks part of the conclusion and the "Occasion,11

CH1 includes only the section on Bath and Wells,

dH2 lacks part of the conclusion and the "Occasion.11 100

TABLE 3

TEXTUAL GENEALOGY

A {date unknown)

v [transcript]

FC (1608)

C (1653)

H2 (1779 and 1792 Issues)

P (1804) A SUPPLIE OH ADDICION TO THE CATALOGUE

OF BISHOPS, TO THE YEARE 1608

By

Sir John Harington

101 A SUPPLIB OH ADDICION TO THE CATALOGUE OP BISHOPS,

TO THE YEAHE 1608

fCanterbury!

And flrat of Dr. Parker

When I consider with my selfe the hard beginning, 5 though more prosperous success, of the reformed Church of England, nee thinks It may be compared to a battalle fought, In which some Captayns and souldlers that gaue the first oharge, either dyed In the felld, or came bleeding home, but such as followed, putting their 10 enemies to flight remayned quiet and victorious. Or

I may more fitly (without offence) liken yt to the suecesse of them of the Primltlue Church, wherein the Apostles and their Inmedlat successors, were one while honoured and magnified by their followers 15 the Christians, as Saint Peeter, at whose feete the beeleevers layd all their goods, and Saint Paule, who was receaued as an Angell of Gods another while tormented and persecuted by lewes and Heathen, as the same Apostles, whipped by lews, hanged and headed 20 by the Romanes: Sometime, 1 say, a Centurion, a

102 Dleutennant, a Prooonsull favouring then, straight a

Priest, a Sorlbe, and a Lawyer pronootlng against then; a few of Caesars houshold wishing well m t o then and beleeuing then, but the Caesars thenselus for 300 yearns, (ezoept a verle few) detesting and suppressing then. For in such sort Cranner. Bldley. Latlner.

Hooper. Bogars. Coverdall and nany others, lndurlng great conflicts, in those variable tynes of Henry the eight. King Edward, and Queene Mary, suffering by fyre, by Inprlsonnent, banlshnent, losse and deprivation, with nany fights, nany flights and nanle frights for their conscience sake; thels that dyed, had the gloria of valiant soldiers, and worthle Martlrs, such as survlued, haue since in a longe and happle peace, enloyed the oonfort of the , and are like still to hold yt, if sons nutlnous souldlers of their own Canpe do not by disturbing the peace at heme, glue hart to the eneny abroade. Among the Survivors of thelse first leaders, that past so nany pykes, the first in tyne, and the highest in place was Doctor

Mathew Parker, who as by this Author is noted, haulng lost all his lyvlngs for his naryadge, now being wade Archbishop of Canterbury, dissembled not his aarladge as Cranner in king Henry the eight his tyne was forced to do whloh because sone haue taken 104 oocasion to note with too black ynke, to exclude him from the reputacion of a rubricated Martir, And haue cyted the testimony of hia eonna widow yet lyvlng, that ahe waa oaryed in a trunks, and by nlafortune almost atyfled, by beins oat by an Ignorant porter 5 with her head downward, which talke goes very currant among Papists, I oan truly affirms, that thia la a near fiction, for I haue examined the gentlewoman her aelf (being of kin to ny wife and a Rogers by name) and ahe hath aworne to me ahe never reported, 10 nor ever her aelf heard of anle such misfortune.

But now though this Archbishop Parker dissembled not his marladge, yet Queene Elizabeth would not dissemble her dislike of yt. For wheareaa It pleasd her often to come to hla house in reapeot of her 15 favour to him (that had bene her mothers Chaplayn) being once aboue the rest greatlle feasted, at her parting from thence, the archbishop and hla wife being toglther, she gaue hla very apeolall thanks, with gratlous and honorable tearma, and then looking 20 on his wife, and you (aaith shei) Madam, 1 may not oall you, and Mistrla I am ashamed to oall you, so as I know not how to oall you but yet I do thanke you.

Yt is true she mlsllked marrladge in Bishops, and was not very forward to alow yt In some of the 25

Laylty, for 1 knew one of good plaoe about her that haulng contracted himself to a rltche widow, yet would not adventure to marry her, till he had gotten the Queene to wryte for that, which he had

obtayned before, to the Intent that the Queene reputing It, as her benefltt, might not dislike with her owne act. But for Cleargle men, Caeterls paribus.

(and somtime lmparlbus too, she preferred the single man afore the marled.

Of Archbishop Edmond Gryndall

Of Mr, Edmond Grlndhall, whereas my Author wrytes he was blynde, I haue heard by those that knew somwhat In those dayes, that he kept his house vpon a straunge occasion, the secret whereof, Is known to few, and the certainty Is not easle to flnde out. But thus I was told yt.

There was an Italian Doctor (as I take yt of phlslcke) that haulng a known wife alyue, yet bearing himself on the countenance of some great Lord, did marry another gentlewoman (which to doe now, is by his Maiesties most godly lawes made fellony). This good archbishop (not winking at so publlque a scandall) convented him for yt, and proceeded by eccleslasticall censures against him. Letters were presently written from this great lord to the archbishop to stay the proceeding, to tolerate, to dlspenoe or to altigat the censure, but the bishop reaayned still vnaoved and vnaoueable. When no subleots intreaty could be found to prevails, they lntreat the Sovereign to write in the Doctors behalfe( but this loha Baptist, not only persisted in his fblank space in PC] Mon licet habere ean. but also in a reverent fashion, requyred an account of her

Malestles faith, in that she would seene to wryte in a natter that if she were truly lnforned, was expressly against the word of god. The Queene In a gratlous disposition was purposed to haue yellded an account in wryting, but the great lord not only diswaded her fron yt, (as to great an lndlgnltle,) but Incensed her exceedingly against hln, wherevpon he was privately conaaunded to keepe his house, where, byoause he was sontlae troubled with sore eyes, his frends gaue out he was blynde; But if he were blynde yt was like to the Southsayer Tlreslas that foresaw and foretold Penthews rewin as Ovid srytes,

Bt venlet. (nec enln dlanabere nunen honore)

BS&HS. •£& hi* a i D l m Tldlsse guererls.

For that Lord, that so persecuted this Prelate about his Phisltlans two wyues, dying twenty yeares 107 since, left two wyues behing hla, that can hardly be yet agreed, which was hie lawfull wife. And so much for Arohblshop Grindall.

WOtftr WhlUglT*

Vpon the decease of Archbishop Grindall, the 5

State desirous to haue a learned and discreet person

In so eminent a place, and the Queene resolued to admit none but a single man, choyce was made of

Doctor Whltegift then Bishop of Worster, amen in many respects very happy, and in the best Iudgements 10 very worthie. Re was noted for a man of great learning in Cambridge, and he was grown to his full rlpenes of reading and Iudgement even then, when those that they oalled Puritans, (and some merely define to be

Protestants skard out of their wltts), did begin by 15 the plott of Some great ones, but by the pen of Mr,

Cartwright to defend their new discipline. Their endevor (as was pretended) was to reduce all. In show at least to the purity, but Indeed to the poverty of the prlmltiue Church. Thels bookes of Mr. Cartwright 20 not mlearnedly written, were more learnedly answeared by Doctor Whltegift. Both had their reward.

For Mr. Cartwright was by private favour plaoed about

Coventry where he grew rich, and had great maintenance 108 to H u e on, and honord aa a Patriarke by manle of that profession. Doctor Whltegift was aade , and theare haulng a great good report of houskeeplng and governing the Marches of Walls he was as my author hath told oalld t o to Canterbury. 5

While he was bishop of Worcester, though the Berenew of It bee not verie great, yet his custom was to come to the Parliament, very well attended, which was a fashion the Queene liked exceeding well.

Yt happend one day. Bishop Elmer of London 10 meeting this Bishop, with such an orderly troope of

Tawny coats, demaunded of him how he could keepe so many men, he answeared, yt was by reason he kept so few women.

Being made Arohblshop of Canterbury and of the 15 pryvie Councell, he oarled himself in that mylde and charitable course, that he was not only greatly approued by all the Cleargle of England, but even by some of those, idiom with his penn he might seeme to haue wounded. I meane the Puritans of whom he 20 wan dyrers by sweete perswasions to conformltle.

In the Starre Chamber he rsed to delluer his sentence in a good fashion, ever leaning to the mylder Censure as best became his calling. He was a great stay in Court and Councell to all oppressions 25 of the Churehv though that current was sontine so

▼lolent as one nans force oould not stop It.

He founded an Hospltall in or ny Croyden and

placed poore men therein in his own life tyne, and being growne to a full age that he night say with

Saint Paule Bonun certamen certarl. oursun oonfeol etc, he was so happle, as to glue to his Soreraigne and preferror, the last splrltuall comfort she tooke in this world (1 hope to her eternall comfort). And after that he not only loyned with the ether Lords for the proclaiming of king lanes, but on Saint lames day following did set the Crowne on his head, A anoynted him with the holy oyle. And so haulng first seene the Church setled rnder a religious king and the Crowne establlsht in a hopefull succession, he fell Into a Palsle, to which he had bene formerly sublect, and with no long or paynfull Sicknes he yelldeth to nature, deserrlng well this Epitaph written by a younge soholler of Oxford that was with me at the wryting thereof.

Candida Dgas m i wftltfilf* m il asasn s i soin Candldlora tj^s fiaasia a ? 1 2 &S&H* V0M9n hab^s allfifl w m »rgo laplllo Agt stola 21S. abrltls reddltur alba tuls. 110

Doctor Richard Bancroft

Vpon the death of archbishop Whitgift dyvers worthie men were named In the vacancy. His maiestie not after the manner of some princes seeking to keepe

It vacant, but rather hasting to fill yt. The Bishops 5 of Durham and Winchester were as It were voce popull made Competitors with the Bishop of London, rather by their eminencycf merit and learning then by any known desyre or endevor of them or their friends.

Wherein me thinks by the way envy it selfe cannot 10 but gratulate the Church of England that is so furnished with learned Bishops; that if choyce had bene to be made not by a Iudicious prince but by the fortune of a lott, among theis three and many more beside. It could not haue falne amlsse. 15

But his Maiestie had long since vnderstandlng of his wrytlng against the Genevlsing and Scotlslng ministers, and though some ymagined he had therein gluen the king some distaste, yet finding him in the dlsputaclons at Hampton Court both learned and stowt, 20 hee did more and more increase his lyking to him.

So, that although in the common rumour, Thoby Mathew then was lykest to haue caryed yt, so learned a man, and so assiduous a Preacher, 1X1 q u I in oonclonlbus donlnatur. as his Eaulous and

eneale wrat of hla: Yet his Maiestie In his learning

knowing and In his wlsedoae waying that this saae

fstrict charge pasce ores Meosl feed ay Sheepe, requyres as well a pastora11 courage of dryrlng In 5

the stray sheep, and dryrlng out the Infectious; as of feeding the sounds, aade speclall choyse of the bishop of London, as a nan aore exercised In affayres of the state, 1 will add also mine own oonlecture out of soae of his Malestles own speeches, 10 that In respect he was a single aan, he supposed hla the fitter according to Queene Elizabeths principles of state, rpon whose wise foundacions his Maiestie doth daylle erect aore glorious buildings.

But 1 loose labour to repeat those things, to 15 your hlghnes better known then to ay self, I should only speake of the foraer tyaes.

Of his beginning therefore and rysing I will boldly say that, which I would 1 alght as trewly of all that follow In this Treatise, riz* that he caae 20 to all his preferaents rery clearly without preludlce or spoyle of his Churches, He was tutor In Cambridge to the Lord Croawell, who had cause to wish, and as 1 haue heard hath wlsht he had stayd with hla longer, though he were sharpe and austere. My Lord 25 112

Chauncellor Hatton made speclall choyse of him to be his examiner.

Est allquld de tot Gralorum mllllbus vnum

A Diomede legj.

By his means Queene Elizabeth came to take knowledge of 5 his wisedome and sufficiency. He both wrate, as I touched before, and labourd earnestly by all good means for the suppressing of the fantastlcall

Novelists after the straunge and frantike Attempt of

Hacket and his fellows. Which practice though the 10 braunches thereof were easily cut of, yet was it thought to haue a more daungerous and secret roote.

But for thels his travails as the Queene and state favord him, so thels seditious sectaries (to vse Iudge Pophams word that would not haue them 15 called Puritans) they, I say, no less maligned him, in lybells and rymes (for they were voyd of reasons) laying the imputacion of Papistry vnto him; and some of thels were punisht in the Starchamber, namely one

Darling, the last Starre chamber day in Queenes 20

Elizabeths tyme was sharply censured. And It is no wonder if they lou'd him not, for Indeed he had stowtly opposed their chiefest Dearlings.

As for the Imputacion of Paplstrie, which they 113 lay on all men that crosse their designs, he la ao

free from yt, that I can truly affirme the greateat

blow the Paplata reeeaued In all Queene Elizabeths

tyne eaae fron hla hand, or at leaat fron hla head.

For haulng wlaely obaerued the enulaolon and anbltlon 5

and envy that lurked In the nlnda of their secular

prleata and the Iesults, one agalnat another, he found

the means, by the aaae polllole and with the like

sperlt that Saint Paule aet the Pharlaea agalnat the

Sadducea, to 8et the Prleata agalnat the Ieaulta, 10

Wateon agalnat Parsona (Inner congressus) but yet

thereby he ao derided their languagea aa akantly

they can rnderstand one another aa yet.

Thela thinge acted before the king your fathera

happle entry I thought good to touoh though wore 15

eparlngly, then my particular affection and hla luat

deaerta to dlue me ocoaalon. Of hla late ymploymenta,

of hla great oare In aettlng forward, and aettlng

forth all hla Maleatlea godly prooeedlngat though I

know much, yet If I should aay all I know, perhape It 20

la leaa then your hlghnea knows, therefore I will conclude with that, whloh the truth rather then my

klndenea enforoeth me to say, that no Bishop since I

oan remember hath bene counted more vigilant In looking

to hla Chardge. Me quid Eocleala detrlmentl caplet. 25 Of the Bishops of London, and

first of Bishop Kima-r

My purpose in this worke fro* the beginning end my premise to your hlghnes being, to edd to this

Author e supplle of sone natters (that he purposely 5 omitted, wryting in the latter yeares of Queen

Elisabeth,) and my resolution being to wryte playnly without feere of favor of those I do write; I will proceed© confidently as I haue begun. In whloh I persuade my self 1 haue sone adrauntage of the Author 10 himself, for freedom of speaoh, both in the tyme, and many other olreumstanoes. For he was no foole that gaue that rule.

. . . HingfUtt fors e±t

Bewnorun sub Bege noro. Lucan. 1$

Again© I being a lay man am not so obnoxious to their reprehensions, that may be offended with that 1 shall say, as he was, being a Church man. Thirdly I llvd

In the place where 1 night know many things without enquyrle, whloh had bene skaroe safe for him In that 20 tyne to enquyre after, lastly he wrytes to the world

114 publlquely and I bat prIrately to your hlghnes.

There-fore I will proceed®t quoad solan poteroque.

The first bishop Is Nr. Iohn Elner, of whoa ay Author

hath spoken too little, and I perhaps shall seeae to

say too auch. Yet once 1 thought to haue sayd

soawhat of Bonner, because X aay reaeaber hla lyrlng

In the late Queens tyne mblahopped, and went sonetlne abroad®, but 1 was so younge then as I could ludge nothing, and he was so hated, that erery 111 farord

fat fellow, that sent in the Streets, they would say

It was Bonner, But ae thinks now by that 1 haue heard

of hla I could lyken hla to Dlonlslus the tyrant of

Syracuse, who being crewlll and perenptory In prosperltle was both paclent and pleasant in adrersltle,

Por ezaaple, that Tyrant being expelled his Bealne,

and lyrlng » poore Pedant, was one day with aen of neane sort drinking In a Tarern, Soae Diogenes espying

hla caae to hla with reverence, opening and shaking

his rpper garaent (for so they rsed In those days

that case into the kings ohaaber to show they had no weopons) Dlonlslus percelulng the seorne, was nothing

troubled, but bad hla coae and drlnke with hla, and

shake his oloths at the going out, that his Host eight

see he oaryed nothing with hla. So Bonner, haulng

twice lost his blshopprlek walking with his tippet in 116 the street, one begd It of hla in seoffe to lyne a

Coate, no sayth he but thou shalt haue a fooles head to lyne thy Cap. And to another that bad hla good aorrow bishop auondaa. he straight replyed, farewell knave seaper. 1 haue bene told also that one shewed 5 hla his own picture in the booke of Hartlrs in the first ediclon, of purpose to hla, at which he laught, saying a vengeance of the foole, how could he get ay picture drawne so right, and when one askt hla if he were not ashaaed to whip a nan with a beard, he 10 laught and told hla his beard was grown since, but saith he, if thou haddst bene in his case, thou wouldst haue thought it a good oonnutaolon of pennanoe, to haue thy buaae beaten to saue thy bodle froa burning, but this is too nuoh of this sloven, I coae 15 now to Bishop Elmer, whoa in mine own pertlouler I loued rery well, and yet performing truly the taske I haue vndertaken, I shall shew perhaps no great slgne of it.

He was a man but neane of stature, yet in his 20 youth verie valient, whloh he forgat not in his age.

When he first became a Preacher, following the popular phrase and fashion of the younger Devynes of those tymes, whloh was to envay against the superfluities of Churchmen, he Is remembred namely 25 to haue reed thelee words in a Seraon before a great

Auditory. Wherefore away with your thousandes you bishops, and cone downe to your hundreds, etc. but this was but a heat of the spirit, of whloh not long after by reading and conferenee he was thorowly cured.

In so auch as being asked by one of his own ranke, after he was bishop of London, what he aeant to preach of that braynslok fashion, he answeared with the words of Saint Pawle. Cun essea parrulus loguebar vt paryulus. sapiebaa yt parrulus.

But certalne It Is no bishop was aore persecuted and taunted by the Puritans of all sorts then he was, by Lybells by scoffs, by open rayllng and prlTle backbytlng.

Yt Is rulgar, yet a passage not mworthy reaeabrlng, that past betweene one Malster Madox and hint for when the bishop had reproued hla, about sone natter concerning purltanlsn, and he had answeared the bishop soawhat mtowardly, and orerthwartly. The bishop (as he was Ingenious euer) said rnto hla, thy rery naae expresseth thy nature, for Madox Is thy naae and thou art as nad a beast, as erer I talked with. The other not long to seeke of an Answer, by your faror Sir said he, your deedes answer your naae righter then nyne, for your naae le Elaar and you haue 118 aard all the Elms In Pulhaa by lopping then. He

▼sed for recreation to bovle In a garden, and Martin

Marprelat thence takes this taunting scoffe, that the bishop would ory rub, rub, rub to his bowle, and when

It was gone too far, say the Deulll goe with yt, and 5 then (sayth he) the bishop would follow. Thus they rubd one the other, till they were all galld soatlaes, and the bishop was so weary of the place, that he would gladly haue reaoued to Ely, and wade great suite for yt, and was put in soae hope of it. 1 haue seene 10 a letter or two of his to his frend subscribed, thus yours In loue, but not m London. Yet would he not take yt with those hard conditions that were proposed, least Mr. Madocks and his like night call hla Eeleaar.

So as It was noted as an ill fortune of his, to haue 15 dyed bishop of l

of, they would seeee so oarefull and attentiue. When

there was talke of daungers, and rumors of war, and

invasions, then he was commonly chosen to preach in

the Court, and he would doe yt in so ohearfull a

fashion, as not only showd he had courage, but would put courage into other. Here is nuoh doubt saith he of Malum ab acullone. and our Coleprophets haue prophesied that Ig era1taplone lunae. Leo Iungetur

leaenae. The Astronomers tell of a watry Trlgon. that great lnrndaclons of waters forshow lnsurrexlons of people, and dounfal of princes: But as long as

Virgo is the ascendant with rs, we need feare of nothing. Deus noblscum auls contra nos, and for this,

the Queene would much commend him, yet would she not remoue him. But though he were stoute, and wise, and rich, yet had he, beside his conflicts with the

Puritans, also some domestlcall crosses. He had a

daughter, a modest gentlewoman and rery well brought

rp, whom he gaue in marriadge to one Mr. Adam Squyre, a Minister, and preacher, and learnd; but a rery

fantasticall nan, as appeared partly the first day, for as I hare herd he would needes preach at his own marrladge, rpon this text. It is not good for Adam

to be alone. This text he so pursewd after he had

bene some yearss married, that though hla wife were

away, yet M a s would not be alone; This course bred,

Ielosy Iarrs, and complaints, and the bishop (as he

had good cause) reprehended his sonne in law. He

thinking to defend, or at least revenge himself by reorlminaolon; accused her to haue receaued a loue

letter from a knight (but the Squyre himself had

lndyted yt) and this was so cunningly handled by him, and with suoh probablllity, that her fault was as suspitlous, as his was manifest, fallshood will out at last; the bishop that fear'd near a knight nor

Lord In England sends for the knight, (contrary to

the Squyres expeotacion) bowlts out the whole matter, finds there were treacherous tricks put on his

daughter, but no meretrlx; and being too wise to

publish his own disgrace, and too stowt to indure yt,

1 haue credibly heard, and beleeue yt to be trew, that with a good waster he so mortified this old Adam,

of his sonne in law Squyre, that he needed no other

pennanoe, but this, which was according to the old

Cannon, Per dlsolpllnam at verbera. In his sonns he was more fortunate then many bishops in England have

been thought to haue bene; his eldest being a eluill 121 gentlemen and well left; another an excellent

Preacher that hath preached oft before the king, &

namely once of this text, out of the 2. of the

Canticles, v: 15. Take vs the foxes, the little

foxes that dlstroy our vines. for our vines haue small 5 grapes. Which sermon so pleased his Malestie, that besides other approbations of yt, he sayd to me, that

if Mr. Elmer had not had his fathers collections, and

notes, against Puritans; he could neuer haue made so good a sermon. And so much of bishop Elmer. 10

Of Bishop Fletcher

There succeeded in lesse the one years vacation

(as hath bene allready told) Mr. Richard Fletcher, a comly and courtly Prelate, but I may say (as Tully

said when he had commended king Delotarus to Caesar 15

by the name of Rex frugl a frugall or thriftie prince.

He straight addeth this parenthesis, Quamquam reges

hoc verbo laudarl non solent.

Although (salth he) kings are not accustomed to

bee praised with this word thryfty. So I might say, 20

that comly, and courtly, are no fitt epithetons for

the trew praise of a Prelat. I remembred before, how

Ely had bene long vacant almost 20 yeare, and Brlstoll and Oxenford though both new erected bishopprioks

(aaued as it were out of the Bewlns and ashes of the

Abbeys,) were thought In some daunger agalne to be

lost. For Bristoll was held In Coaendam and Oxford

not auoh to be commended: wherefore about the yeare

88, that some Mlrabllls annus. Some of the zealous courtiers, whose devotion did serue them more to pray on the Church, then in the Church, harkend out for fit supplies to theis places, and sent their agents to flnde out some men, that had great minds, and small means, or meritts, that would be glad to laaue a small

Deanry to make a poore Bishopprick, by new leasing out lands that were now almost out of lease, but to free him from the guilt of yt, the poore Bishop must haue no part of the fine. There was then a Deane, whom I may not name, but to glue the storle more life, I will name his place for name sake of

Coventrie, a man of great learning, but of no great lyving. To him was sent one of theis foxes The little foxes that dlstrov our Vines and make small grapes, with this favourable message, that his honorable lord, had sent him to him to let him know, how much he respected his good gulfts, (in which word also there might be some equivocation), and though it was hard. In those tymes, to pleasure men of his worth according to their Merit, yet my Lord in

favour of hia hath bethought hin of this course, that

whereas Salisbury was then like to be voyd by a

reaoue, yf this Deane would for the present take the

bishopprick of Oxford, which was then in a long

vacation also, and make Leases etc: as aforesaid, he

should the next yeare be reaoued to Salsbury. The

honest Deane that in his soule detested such sacrHedge,

made this mannerly and Ingenuous answer. Sir, I

beseech you commend my humble service to his

honorable Lordship, but I pray you tell his lordship,

that in ay conscience Oxford is not my right way from

Coventrle to Salisbury. What became of Oxford I shall

touoh, (and but touch) hereafter; I come now to bishop

Fletcher, that made not so much scruple to take

Bristoll In his way from Peterborow to Worcester, though

it were wide of the right way vpon the sinister or bow

hand many myles, as the Carde of a good conscience

will playnly dlscouer, I fortuned to be one day at

the Savoy with Nr, Secretary Walslngham, where Nr.

Fletcher was then vpon his dispatch for Bristow. A familiar frend of his meeting him there, bad God glue him loy my Lord Eleot of Bristoll, which he

taking kyndely and Courtlle vpon him, answeared,

that it had pleased indeed the higher powers so to dispose of him; but said his frend In his ears: do you not leasse out tot ot tot, to such or such, He clapping his hand on his hart. In a good graosfull fashion, replyed with the words of Naaan the Syrian.

Haraln the lord bo aorolfull to mo; but thoro was not an Sllzous to bid him goo In poaoo. What shall 1 say for him? Non orat hoc honlnls vltlum sod tomoorls?

I cannot say so: for your Hlghnos knows I hauo written otherwise in a booke of mine I gaue you. lib: 3* Num. 80.

Alass a fault confest were half amended

but sin Is doubled that Is thus defended

I know a right wlseman says and beleeus.

Where no reoeavers are would be no theeus.

Wherefore, at the most, I can but say Dlrldatur he was a well spoken man, and one that the Queene gaue good oountenance to, and dlscorered her favour to him, even In her reprehensions, as Horace saith of

Meoenas.

Herum tutela noarum.

9m 2 t pravg ISfitaa stomacherls ob vnguen. for she found fault with him once for cutting his beard too short, whereas good Lady, (yf she had known yt) she should haue found fault with him for cutting his blshopprlck so short. He could preaoh well, and 125 would speake boldly, and jet keepe Decorum, he knew what would please the Queene, and would adventure on that, though It offended others. Onoe I remember there had bene two Councellers sworne within oompaaae of one yeare, and neither of them had a gray hayre 5 at that tyme, wherevpon he glaunet In his sermon at yt with a sentenee of Seneoa agaynst Iurenlle oonslllum privatum oomodum Investurn odium. Which Mr. Danyell

(rpon a better occasion) did put Into English vearse.

In this sort.

That we may truly say. theis spoyld the state, 10

Young oounoell, prirate galne, and parcial hate.

The Queene (as X said) found no fault with his llberall speaoh; but the frends of theis Counoellors taxing him for yt, I haue heard he had this pretty shift, to tell the frends of either of them, he meant It by 15 the other.

Being bishop of London, and a Widdower, he marled a gallant lady, and wlddow Sister to Sir Georg Gifford the Penoloner, which the Queen seead to be extreamly dlspleasd at, not for the blgamle of a bishop, (for 20 she was free of any such superstition), but out of her generall dislike of Cleargle mens mariadge, this being a narrladge, that was talkt of at least nine dayes. Yet In a while he found means to paelfle her so well, as she promlst to oome, and I thlnke came 25 126 to a house he had at Chelsey, for there was a eta/re and a doore aade of purpose for her in a bay window; of which, pleasant wltts descanted diverslie, some said. It was for loy to shew he would (as the proTerb

Is) oast the house out of the window, for her wellcoae. 5

Some more bytlngly oalled yt the Empreyse, or eablem, of his entry Into his first blshopprlck, viz. not at the dore but at the window. But certalne it is, that the Queene being pacified, and he In great lolllty with his fayr lady, and her carpetts and 10 qulshlons In his bedohaaber, dyed sodalnly, taking tobacco In his ohayre, saying to his wan that stood by hla whoa he lord rery well. Oh

Wherevpon aanle bowlts were rored after hla, and soae spltefullle featherd. Which both for charltle sake, 15 as well as brerltle I will oaltt, but this blunt one, not knowing out of whose quitter It first caae, but fitting a gray goose wing; I will produce as his aost vulgar Epitaph.

Heere lyes the first Prelate aade Chrlstendow see 20

a bishop a husband m t o a Ladye

The cause of his death was secret and hid,

he cryed out 1 dy, and er'n so he did.

Be was burled In the Church, the Deane and Chapter of Powls, not being so scrupulous, as they of Yorke were the 9$** of Henry the first. Who byoeuse their

Archbishop dyed sodalnly, burled hi* without their

Church porehe, notwithstanding he had bene their great

Benefaotor.

BjehoE Vaghan

Mr, Blohard Vaghan is the next that I haue to

speake of, being the last nan naaed in ay Authors booke and of hla he hath but two lynes, only declaring hla to haue bene then . Vpon the reaore of ay lord of Canterbury that now is; he

sucoeeded hla in London as is not mknown to your hlghnes. His beginning of prefement was ruder ay

Lord Keeper Puckering being his Exaainer of such as

sewed for the Benefioes in ay Lords gulft. In which,

though soae eowplaynd he was too precise, yet for ay part I ascribe to yt one of his greatest prayses.

Por this I know that a Preacher, being a Noblenans

Chaplayn, and thereby qualified for two benefioes, caae to hia recoaaended in good sort, and brought with hla a gentleman of both their aoqualntaunoe that soatlne had bene an mlTersltle nan, to speake for hia approbation, Malster Vaghan exaalned hla 128 of no wery deepe poynts, and found hla but shallow, and not very ready In the Honan tongue, his frend hawing bene fayn to help hia wp in two or three fowle stumbles both of language and natter. Wherewpon he dlsnlst hln without all hope of the beneflee, and 5 after told the gentlenan seriously, that If he would haue yt hlnself he would allow hln sufficient, but the Sutor by no neans. He was in those dayes very pronpt and ready in speache and wlthall facetious. He was an eneny to all supposed miracles in so much 10 as one arguing with hln in the Closet at Greenwich in defence of then and alleadglng the Queens healing of the Eewll, for an lnstanoe, asking hln what he could say aginst It, he answeared that he was loth to answer arguments, taken from the Toolk P l a c e of 15 the Cloth of estate, but if they would wrge him to answer, he sayd his opinion was she did yt by wertew of some pretlous stone, in possession of the Crowns of England that had such a naturall quality. But had Queene Elisabeth bene told, that he ascribed more 20

▼ertew to her lews11s (though she lord then well) then to her person, she would newer haue made hln bishop of Chester.

He grew heawie and corpulent of a sudden, not so much with too much ease, as with too little exercise. 25 Corpus quod oerruapltur aggrayat anlaaa. Soon® after hit remove to London, he fell Into that drawsle disease, of which he after dyed, growing thereby vnflt for that plaee that requyres a Vljcllanolue and not a Dorml tan tins. He waa held a wild® man, and was well spoken of in the Cltty which soatlae happeneth not to thea that deserve It best. To conclude being taken with an Spoplexy he aay be properly said to haue slept with his forfathers.

Doctor Sai l *

Within a few aonths there succeeded hla Doctor

Baris bishop of Glocester, who Is not foraerly nentloned In this books, bycause Mr. Gollsborow his predecessor In Glocester was then lyrlng. His preferment to Glocester nakes ae reaeaber a Story that soae record of Selplo who being aade generall of the Boaan Aral® was to naae his Quostor or Treasorer for the warrs, whoa he thought fltt, being a place In those dayes as it Is in thease, of great laportannce.

One that tooke hlaself to haue a speaolall Interest in Sciplos favour, was an earnest sutor for It, but by the delay alstrustlng he should haue a denyall, he laportuned hla one day for an Answer. Thinks not mklndnes In ae (said Selplo) that 1 delay you thus. 130 for I haue bene ae earnest with a frend of aine to take yt, and cannot yet prevaile with him. Noting hereby that offloes of charge and conscience are fittest for such as shunne then modestly rather then soche as seek then greedsly. And eren so did ay 5

Lords of the Counoell deale with Mr. Haris, who being then Deane of Christchurch, which lightly Is not helid but by soae ehoyce aan of the mlrersltle, being a place of good ralew and reputaclon, was requested by thea to take this blshopprlck, when 10 many that sewd to haue yt, were put by. But as he was not willing to goe thither, so they of Glocester were more mwilllng he should goe thence, he wan In a short space so great good lyklng of all sorts. In so nueh as soae that can scant well brooke the naae 15 of a Bishop, yet can be content to glue hia a good report,

For ay part I haue observed a great chaunge In

Glocester froa that It seead to ae nine yeares since about the Earle of Essex gone Into Ireland, for at 20 that tyae neither their Bishop seeaed to care for thea, lying at a Prebend in Worcester which ae thought was very moonvanlent, nor they seead to care auch of theaselus, all their buildings both publique and private looking old and ruinous; Whereas of late 25 yeaures their bishop keeping hie houae neere then, and

being daylie with then, they haue built then a new

narket place and are now building a fayr Hall for

Iustioe: which connendable and confortable dlepoaltion

of people there and elswhere, though It be principally

aacrlbed to the loy and oonfort that all well affected

peraona tooke of hla Maleatlea happle entrance and

peaceable governnent, and of the aucceaalon eatabllahed

in his hopefull ysaew, yet la not leaat to be lsputed

to the discretion and dllligenoe of the Pastors that

waken and stir vp their chairltie, and nake then nore

senclble of Gods good blessings bestowed on then.

And the rather by this good bishops neans, the Lord

of Shrewsbury hath rerle noblle and like hinself,

contributed to this so great and neceasaury worke,

glrlng a large Portion of tinber towards yt. Now as I sayd It hath pleasd his Maleatie to place hln in

London. Kaglatratur lndloablt rlrun. This publlque place (for I count the other was alnost private to this) will shew what Is In the nan. I neede not prognosticate but I can wish and hope, that as he

is for his person conparable to Hr. Fletcher, so he nay equall Doctor Elner in courage. Doctor

Bancroft In carefullnea, and Doctor Vaghan in his 132 mylde demeanor to win the lone of the peoplet end

thus mueh be eejrd concerning the blahope of London* QL the Bishops of Winchester

Having past Canterbury and London, both neighbors

to the Court, and within the Verge, I thought the greatest part of ay taske passed over, howbeit

Winohester I finds also will afford soae varietie of 5 matter, and as it hath bene a place that hath had learned aen, and bred aany learned, both Devynes, and

Philosophers, and Poets, so 1 shall take occasion in speaking of soae of theis that ensew, to produce some Poeas, both latten and english, some aade at 10

Winohester, soae of Winchester, soae against Winchester, not digressing herein auoh from the aethod and manner of ay author, who (as your hlghnes may see) produceth good old ryalng verses of fryers both in prayse and dispraise of soae of the bishops. For, ay 15 purpose froa the beginning, though it were chiefly to enforae your knowledge, with a falthfull report of soae things passed in Queene Elizabeths tyae, overpassed by ay author, yet was it also, to sawce it in such sort, with some varietie of matter not 20 impertinent, to cheere your spirit, least a dull

133 13^ relation of the acts of graue graybeards to a young prince night grow fastidious.

First therefore of the first bishop Wickham whose life ay Author hath set out so amply and orderly as 1 neede ad nothing thereto* only byoause a nan 5 that hath nade so nany good Sehollers, deserve a better vearse then that of his tonbe.

Willslima dlctus Wlckhan lacet hlc nece vlctus.

Iuglter oretls. tunulun qulcunoue vldetls.

And suoh like stuffe, which a Winchester Scholler 10 now would be scourged yf he make no better. I. haulng this pretty poen of his whole life made by

Dootor Johnson, thought I could never do yt or hln nore honor, then to present yt to your princly view, for as Sir Phillip 31dney curseth all dlsplsers of 15

Poetry with this poetlcall Anathema; First that they nay bee In loue, and loose their loue for lacke of a Sonnett. Next that when they dy their nenory nay dy for want of an Epitaph, so I would wish such as wrongs good Poets, no worse punishment then to 20 haue some vile vearse written of hln, whose reading

(as Martlall salth) night make a nans phlslck works the better with hln, such as for the nost part those lazle friers were wont to wryte, for ny part, though

Wlckhaas epitaph bee but seaven or eight lynes and 25 135 this. 20 tynes seam, jet I nust confess jt were less tedious to ae at this present to reade the seavenscore then the seaven. And hoping yt nay seeae so to you 1 haue here annexed thea.

Qua oaplt australes ooaltatu Haaptona Brltannos 5

Wlckhanla est ricus, neo nisi parvus ager.

Vlxlt Johannes 1111c cognoaine Longus

Cul fult In castl parte Slbllla tori.

Hanc habult patrlaa Gullelaus, et hosce parentes

Wickhaaus, augurlo nec taaen absque bono 10

Naaque loci vt noaen, sic via aatrlsque patrlsque

Haud duble In vltaa transtullt 111© suaa

Longus enla vt longo duraret teapore. oaute

Vt bene prospiceret ouncta, Slbllla dedlt.

Ergo sub Edvardo natus regnante seoundo. 15

June rblter soeptrl sexta oucurrit hieas,

Viglnti prlaos Studies et aoribus annos

Vlckhaalae (patrls cura ea suaaa) dedlt.

Neo taaen hlc onaes, nan partem teaporls hulus

Vanta et Edlngdonl praesulls aula tulit. 20

Protlnus Edvardl translatus tertlj In aulaa

Non fieri nullo. caepit et esse loeo,

Naaque bis ooto annls recte et fallclter actIs,

Bea fidel plenaa oonsilljque sublt;

Wlndesora fult pagus celeberrlaus, 1111c 25

Bex statult oastrl aaenla aagna suit Wickhamus hule operl praeponltur, lnde probatu eat

Ingenlo quantum pollult, arte, fide

Brgo fit Bdrardo, eharus, Cuatosque Sigllll.

Non lta poat multos lnoiplt eaae dies.

Neo taaen optatl neta haeo fult vltina honoris, 5

Crerit adhuo regl, charlor raque auo,

Vaque adeo rt aezto ait factus Eplseopus anno,

Iussus rentana pasoere in rrbe gregem.

Hie nihi raniloqui alnuenda eat fabula rulgi,

Fabula de tanto non bene fiota Tiro, 10

Naaque nee Sataeonaa petljt fallaoiter vnguaa,

Sed tulit auratua Hege aeiente pedua,

Neo fuit indootua, dootoa faeturua, rt illua

Paaa refert regl rerba dediaae auo,

Conaule quae in tantl geaait nolimine regni, 15

Prudentea dioea palladiuaque virus,

Conaule quae in aaeri soribuntur oaloe atatuti.

An faoeret dootoa, addubltaaae aoiea,

Adde quod (hiatorioi ai pagina rera Proaarti eat)

Rex Interoeaaor praeaul rt eaaet erat, 20

Kiaaa igitur vulgl faciaaua verba prophani,

Quaerat et exaotaa noatra Thalia fidea;

Wlokhanua ad auaaoa erectus praeaul honorea,

Bdrardo lnque dies charlor inque dies,

Iaa patriae luaen, lam oanoellariua idea 25

Suaaua erat, regl prealdlumque auo. 137 C m aublto (ale magna ruunt aummlaque negatur eat

Stare diu) ex tanto deeldlt ille gradu;

Naaque per lnrldlaa regl dllatus ab lllo,

Pellltur e patria, alseua et exul, huao

Hoc factum est potlus regem atlmulante Senatu, 5

Quaa quod erat culpa consclus llle maiae.

An tamen exlret Regno, non conrenlt, et sunt Qui paenae stuunam displiculaae putant.

Interea morltur Rex hlc Edvardus, et elua

Opportune nepos aceptra Richardue habet, 10

Hlc lubet exlllo rerooetur praesul ablato,

Vtque locui rursue quern tullt ante ferat.

Quin etlam ceneua oorsales reddlt ad annos

Tree mlnuB exlllj quod puto teapus erat,

Hla oplbua dlres, menteaque per omnia veraana 15

Non aale quo serret, tarn bene parta nodo

Sed quid agat rlrtute aua, quid preaule dlgnum

Quldre deo, tantaa cul referebat opes

Post alia OxonlJ (quod longum duret In aerum)

Poaalt et a memorl poaterltate coll, 20

Conatltult pulchros atudija Phaeboque penates

Atque aacraa muala aedlfloare doaua.

Septlma orerlt hlema poat fundaaenta locate

Ingredltur Cuatoa, et aua turba, larem

Turba (nec hla pueroa, famuloaque, decemque 25

mlnlatroa Infero) quae oapiat, terquo quaterque deoea

His dedlt et fundun curstoresque pararlt

Otis dlsoentua, qul bene seaper slant.

Magna qaldea sunt haeo, taaen haeo tsa aagna

plsoere

Leotor, sdhuc tanto, non potuore Tiro.

Naaque opere exaoto, hoc, rli proxlas flnxerst

aestas

Quran parat alterlas, teots looare doaus

Quae prope rentanae bene oapta palacla sedls

Crevlt et In Sexto, rere, parata stetlt.

Ergo 1111c totldea studlosos esse lubebat

Quels et rectores, pedonoaosque dedlt.

Qul slaulao prlaos ooaplerlnt fortlter annos

Musarua In studies rhetorlolsque tropls

Altlus Inque novas, deducts colonla terras

Oxonlua seaper leota Inventus eat

Haeo duo Plerljs collegia oondlta alstls

Sunt In tutela diva Marla tua,

Idolroo nova dicta puto quod nulla vetustas

Nulla dies aorsus, tendat in 111a suos.

Hlo potult oredl, flnea feolsse struendl

Vlohaaus et suaptus laa tenulsse suos

Non tenult, divi naa quloquld In aede Swlthlnl

Nolari ooolduaa spectat ab aroe plagaa.

Conolo qua festls oelebratur saora dlebus 139

Quaque suo In tumulo conditus Ipse lacet

Totum hoc, tam vastam molem, tantasque columnas

Impensis struxlt restitultque suls.

Hegls opes dicet proplus qul spectat, et idem

Vix regum tantas esse putablt opes. 5

Forsltan et Gallis (nam sic est fama) monastls

Quos rex a regno iussit ablre suo,

Beddidit aequall preclo quaecunque receplt

Parisijs fundos, Parisljsque lares,

Nec tamen hoc sumptu, minor esse domestlca caeplt 10

Cura viro, famulos pavlt vt ante suos

Pavlt et illius testatur sorlpta sepulchro

LIterra, gustavlt, dives Inopsque clbum,

Huic lta vluenti quum lam longaeua senectus

Corporis effetl debllitasset onus: 15

Grata qules venlt, vitae non discolor actae

Vltlma curarum linea, grata qules.

Annus erat vitae decles octavus, et 1111s

Henrlcl quarti, sceptra dlebus erant lam testamentum quaeris si fecerlt vllum? 20

Fecit; si fuerat quod daret ille? fult.

Quid fuerlt factis reliquam tot sumptlbus? ohe.

Invenlet nullam pagina nostra fldem.

Et tamen hoc dicam, regales vlncere gazas

Quae dedlt in scriptis, vltlma dona suls 25

Extat opus, Craesumque putes scripsisse vel Ilium 140

Cuius facta haerea Boma superbe fult

Vel culua dlgltls mutatum fertur In aurua

Quicquld In aurifluas contlglt Ire manua

Nec tamen IgnaToa bona tanta reliqult in t i u s ,

Succesausque bonus, proposltumque fult. 5

Naaque diocesln ditarlt templa per omnem,

Multaque cognatla, pauperibuaque dedlt,

Hulta quoque et regl fldla non pauca mlnistrls

Sed neque gimnasijs munera pauca aula.

Haec aunt ergo virl, aonumenta perennla tantl, 10

Cuius dum vlilt, gloria tanta fult,

Nec dublto, qul sic rlzit, ale mortuua lde eat

Quin alt apud superoa, nobllls rabra deoa

Sltque precor, nam al caellatla claudltur aula

Tot meritls, nobla ilia patere queat? 15

Haotenua Ire libet; tu, aalor laudlbus 1stla,

Susclpe oonatus Vflchaae dire meoa,

And hereby your hlghnes may obserue, how vayn that foolliah tradition la, which my Author dlaoreetly omitted, aa not beleeTing It, yet some will still 20 maintains, that Wickham was tolearned and only a

Surrayor of buildings, and by a klnde of frawd deeeared king Edward 3. (no likely prince to be so deeeared) begging the Parsonage of Eastmean, to which by like authorltie they will haue the Blsshopprlok of 25 1*1

Winchester annexed as mseperablle, as the Earldom of

Arunde11 to Ar unde 11 Castle. For vho oould think that such a king as Edward 3* would make a Sir John lacklaten first his Secreturie, then prlrle seale, then

Master of the Words and Threasorer of Fraunce, and 5 lastlle Prelat of the garter, and Chaunoellor of

England.

And so much of the first Wickham.

Of Stephen Gardiner

Because I will not alwayss be prayslng, but 10 somtlmes (where lust cause Is gluen) reprehend mens

Demerits, as well as magnlfle their merltte; 1 will take occasion to speake somwhat of Stephen Gardiner, twice bishop of Winchester, and therefore may challenge to be twice remembred, though for some 15 things of him yt were to be wlsht they were euer forgotten. My Author directs his Beader to Mr.

Foxes booke of Martlrs for a more full relation of his doings but that ys so full (though I doubt not, rerle faithfull) that I feare your hlghnes will flnde 20

It orer tedious to reads. My purpose is therefore, but to note some Important obserratIons out of his story, and after (as I did of Wickham In laten) so to add some engllsh poetry written of him and to him, which Is not to be founds In Mr. Fox, though some of 25 Ik 2

It helps to conflrae southing concerning him, affirmed by Mr. Pox, and celled in question by others.

Mr. Fox therefore greatly praiseth his naturall gulfts of mynde, his sharp wltt, his exoellent memorle, which is Indeed the Storehouse of all learning and 5 knowledge, for Tantun sclmus quantum menlnlmus.

But to thelse he said he had great Tices, as pride, enry and Creweltie, flattering to his Prince, summlsse to his superiors, envious to his squalls (namely to

Cromwell) and haughtle to his inferiors; thease or 10 the like are Mr. Poxes words. It seemes furder in relation of his life and death, he was, a Cathollque

Protestant, or a protesting Cathollcke. For (as he shews at lardge, out of his bookes and Sermons,) though he receaved the authorltle in Queene 15

Maries tyme, yet his opinion was, (as his wrytings before declared, and as the wyser sort I thinks do still hold of it) that it is but a temporall constitution of men, and agreement of Princes to allow the same, whloh vpon lust occasions, they may restrayne, or 20 exclude, as they shall finds cause. But yet I obserue this, that although yt was necessary for

Queene Mary in respect of her birth to admit of the

Popes authorltle, as the contrary was as necessary for her sister; yet this so Cathollque Queene, and 25 1*3

this so Popish Prelate, oould keeps out the Popes

Legate out of England by her royall prerogalue, when he would haue sent a Legate hither not to her

lyklng. Agalne he was earnest against marrying of

Ministers, yet he oonfesseth, frankly, that a 5 maryed aan sale be a Minister. He defended the

Reall presence, yet he allowd the Communion vnder both kyndes, he wrate in defence of Images, yet he publlkely approved their pulling down, where they were superstlolously abused. Finally, he said at his 10 death, that It would mar all to teach the people that they are freely lustIfled by the blood of Christ; and yet, even then when he could not dissemble he con­ fessed It to be trew doctrine.

Lo how far this stowt Prelat Cedere nesclus 15 as Mr. Fox salth of him, did yelld In those mayne poynts of Popery. 1. The Supremaole. 2. the marrladge of some ministers. 3. the Sacrament in both klndea.

*• removing vmages. 5. and IustlfteatIon.

But now for his sharp persecuting, or rather 20 revenging himself, on Cranmer and Hidley, that had

In king Edwards dayes deprived hln, his too great orueltle cannot be excused. Lastly the plotts he layd to entrap the lady Elizabeth, his terrible hard vsage of all her followers I cannot yet skarce thlnke 25

of with charltle, nor wryte of with patience. My father, only for carrying of a letter to the

Ladle Elizabeth, and professing to wish her well, he kept him in the Tower twelue months and aade him spend a thousand pownd, ere he aould be free of that trouble.

My mother, that then aervd the said Lady Elizabeth, 5 he caused to be sequestred from her as an Heretique, in so much that her own father durst not take her

Into his house, but she was glad to aolourne with one Mr. Topollfe, so as I may say In some sort, this bishop persecuted me before I was borne. 10

Yet that I speake not all out of passion I must confess 1 haue heard some as parclally praise his clemencle, and good conscience, and namely that he was cause of restoring manle honorable howses overthrown by king Henry the eight; and In king 15

Edwards minority: The Duke of Norfolke, (though Mr.

Pox say that Gardener made him stay long for his dinner one day) yet, both he, and those dlscended of him, were beholding to him; with the house of

Stanhop, and Arundell of Warder, and 1 haue heard 20 old Sir Mathew Arundell say that Bonner was more faultle then he, and that Gardener would rate him for yt, and call him Asse for following poore men so bloudlly, and when I would maintains the contrary, he would say that my father was worthie to haue layn 25 a yeare longer In prlaon for the sawole Sonnet he

wrat to him from out of the tower, which sonnet both

bycause It was written In defence of Queene Elizabeth,

and because (If 1 bee not partlall) it is no 111

vearse for those vnrefyned tymes, and toucheth the matter 1 enforce, I do here sett downe. Presupposing

that In the eleven months before, hee had sent him many letters and petitions full of reason (that oould not prevails) for his liberty, the distressed

Prisoner wryteth this Ryme.

1, At least withdraw your crewelty

Or force the tyme to worke your will

It Is too much extreamltle

To keepe me pent In prison still

Free from all fault voyde of all cause.

Without all right, against all lawes,

How oan you do more crewell splght

then proffer wrong and promise right,

nor can accuse, nor will acquits.

2• Elev'n months past and longer space

I haue abid your devellsh drifts.

While you haue sought both man and place,

and set your snares with all your shifts.

The faultles foots to wrap in wyle.

With anle guilt, by any guyle. 146

And now you sea It will not bee,

how can you thus for shame agree

to keepe him bounde you ought set free?

3. Your chaunoe was or.se as mine Is now

to keepe this hold against your will, 5

And then you aware, you know well how,

though now you swarre, I know how ill

But thus the world his course doth passe

the priest forgetts that Clark he was.

And you that then cried lustlce Still 10

And now haue lustlce at your will

wrest lustlce wronge against all skill.

4. But why do I thus ooldlle playne

as though It were my cause alone

When cause doth each man so contraine 15

as England through hath cause to none

To see your bloodle search of Such

as all the earth can no way tuch

And better t*were, that all your klnde

like hownds In hell with shame were shryn*d 20

then you had might vnto your mlnde.

5 . But as the stone that strikes the wall

somtlmes rebounds on hurlers head

Soe your fowle fetch to your fowle fall 14 7

maj turn«, and noy the breast It bred.

And then suoh measure as you gaue,

of right and lustlce, looks to haue,

Yf good or 111, If short or long.

If false or trew, If right or wrong, 5

and thus till then I end my song.

But to shew a patterne what partiallitle can paynt In his prayse and what 111 will can pervert to reproche I mill ad an Elegle In English also written by one Mr. Prldlaux In commendaclon, and 10 the same answeared In execration of the same bishop. [in Praise of the Bishop]

The Saints in heav'n reioyce

this earth and we may wayle

Sith they haue wonn and we haue lost

the guide of our Avayle

Though death haue loosed life

Yet death could not deface

His worthie works, his stayed state

Nor yet his gulfts of grace.

As gardner was his name

so gardned he his life

With lustice and with mercie both

to stay the Weedes of Strife.

A Steven in religion stout

a bishop by his acts

A faithfull man most free from frawd

as witnes bee his facts.

A Iudge most lust in Iudgement seat

of parties no regard

An eye to see, an eare to heare

a hand that shund reward. The same answeared rears© for

Vearse by an lllwlller of the

said Bishop.

The Derllls In hell do daunoe

this Realne and we nay loy

Since they haue got and we forgon

the cause of our annoy.

Though death hath wlpt out life

Yet death cannot outraoe

His wicked works, rsurped state

Nor faults of his deface.

A Gardner such he was

as spoyled so our plants

That lustlce wlthre'd, neroy dyde,

and we wrung© by their wants.

A Steeren In name, a fox In facte

a bishop but In Weedes

A faithless nan, full fraught with frawds

as deene hln by his deeds

A partlall ludge In Iudgenent seat

of parties great respect

A blynded eye, a closed eare

a hand with bribe Infect. [in Praia* of the Bishop]

A hart to help and not to harae

his irlll was wlsedons lav

A minde that anilice could not novo

such was of god hia aw*

A faith in frendship firm© and fast

a mount the right to raise

A splrlte not pal'd with slaunderous brutes

not puft with pride by praise.

Not light of credit to reports

rewenge he neuer sought

But would forget and did forglue

the wrongs that were him wrought.

A truths so trlde In trust

as tongue could newer gaynt

Nor earst was heard in guilefull wise

a ly with llpps to paint.

Though natures chllde by birth

yet wertues heire in right

Which held his height so modestly

as measure malstred might*

Ambitions olymlng ollffe

could newer moue his minde

Nor fortune with her fawning oheere

his heart did newer blynde. £ln Dispraise of the Bishop]

A hart to harae and not to help

his last was laid for lav

A ainde with aallloe orerwhelad

of sod nor aan no aw.

A fayned fickle frend and false

that right could neuer bjde

A courage ev'rle storae cast down

and praise puft rp with pride

Of fowle reports and sclaunderous brutes

hee nourlsht rp the brood

His wrongs to pardon or to passe

revenge and withstood.

A trlde vntruthe In trust

as tongues well tryde haue told

A south that breathd Bore odious Ijes

then I t'rpbraid aw bold.

Scant natures chllde by birth

sure Satans sonne in right

Which rule aalntalnd with sword and fire

and neasurd all by Bight

ABbltlons clyalng cllffe

had rarlsht so his aynde

As he was sotted drunke therein

and fortune aade hla blynde. fin Praise of the Bishop]

Nor mlserie which most he felt

or prison night him p&lle

But bare his minde In lerell, so,

as ohaunge could be no fall

In all theIs turns of loy and woe

he turned to the best

And held him to the tryed truthe

which now hath won him rest

From foes deface and enryes bell

his end hath made him free

And pluckt him from this wicked world

too wmrthy here to bee.

Who can glue teares enough to playne

the losse and lack we haue

So rare a man so soone bereft

When most we did him crave

When age and yeares had made him ripe

and suretie had him set

To know himself and welld the world

and right with meroie met

And when of enrie and of hate

the conquest he had wonne

And falshood forst to file his Port

and right his race to runne. [[in Dispraise of the Bishop]

The snell of prisons alserle felt

his pride did greatly pall

He bare his staffs so staggrlngly

as eaoh change seemd a fall.

In all theis turnes of loy and woe

he turned with the best

And neuer left the surer side

till breath did leare his breast

Proa widows ourse and orphans ory

his end hla cannot saue

Though it haue rid hla of his raigne

▼nworthle rule to haue.

Who oan glue thanks and loy enough

that we haue scapt this syre

This monstrous nan, this bloudle beast

When most we did desyre,

When yeares had fram'd hla fltt for hell

and pryde so high had sett

As god nor man* nor self, he knew,

and alght with alsehelf met.

And when the envle and the hate

he wan of er'rle wight

And falshood flourlsht In his fort

and wronge had wrung out right. £ln Praise of the Bishop]

And when of glorie and of graoe

he wan the palae and prise

And conquerd all affections force

with wlsedoas good advise.

And in the office that he bare

and service of his queene

So ohoyce a wan to serue her call

scarce anle where was seene.

Then death that fatall foe

the lyne of life did lose

And in the belly of the earth

as earth she did hla olose.

The prince aay plaine his death

the Realme his lack nay rew

All aen aale sale o Winchester

aost worth is wight adew.

The poore aay playne and pyne

Whose lacks he did releeve

His servants aay laaent their lord

Which lordlie did then giue.

The bishops aaie behold

a bishop then bereft

A perfect priest, a sheiId of faith

a airror of thea left. [in Dispraise of the Bishop]

And when he gloried most In poape

In honor and In health

And by affeotlon conquerd all

and wallowd all in wealth.

And In the office that he bare

to rule aboue the Queene

So crewell and so wordless

Scarce erer wan was seene.

Then God that aost lust Iudge

llfes lyne to part was pleasd

The earth his carrion Corps hath caught

the Deri11 his soule hath seasd.

The Prince his death aay please

this Realae his life doth rew

All aen aay well his birth day ban

this oursed wretch that knew.

The poore male plalne and pyne

for none he would relelue

His aen aale loy his death was such

his good was his to glue.

Good bishops aale beware

this Hav'ner thea bereft

This Popish priest, this shelld of wrong

a warning for thea left. £ln Praise of the BishopJ

His foes, If any were

that first did wish hla gone

In length of tine, and lacke of like

too late his loss will none,

0 Pastor past this Pilgrims payne

in earth thine aots do H u e

In skies thy rertues written are

all pens thee praise shall glue

Which after all thelse heaps of haps

a happle life hast lead

And in the happiest hap of all

in fame and loue art dead. £ln Dispraise of the Bishop]

2k His frends if anle were

that wlsht hla longer ralgne

With length of tiae, alght cause haue caught

too late his rule to playne

25 0 thou deTourer of the good

thy wrongs In earth do dwell

thj orewell thirst of gulltles blood

now aust thou quench In Hell.

26 Which In the world of deadly hurts

most hurtfull life hast leadd

And now with Englands coamon loy

In shaae and hate art dead.

finis

Which of thels wrat trewest I will not take vpon ne to ludge least I should be thought partlall, but

that saying appeares trew. Scrlblt In aaraore

laesus: Therefore I will conclude against all

partlall Poets with two rearses of Horace.

Falsus honor jurat et aendaz lnfaala terret

auea? nisi mendosua et aendacea? 158

Doctor Iohn Whyte

Of him I may say that his fame mought haue aunsweared his name, saving for one black sermon that he made. Yet for the coullor it may be said he kept decorum, because it was a funerall sermon 5 of a great Queene both by birth and marrladge I mean Queene Marie. But the offence taken against him was this. His text was out of the 4 Eccles. 2.

Laudavl nortuos nagls quam vlventes et faellclorem vtroque ludloavl qul nec dum natus est. And speaking 10 of Queene Marie, her high parentage, her bountlfull disposition, her great gravltie, her rare devotion

(praying so much as he affirmed that her knees were hard with kneeling) her lustlce and clemency In restoring noble Houses to her own private losse and 15 hlnderance, and lastlle her grelvous yet paclent death, he fell Into such an vnfeyned weeping that for a long space he could not speake. Then recovering himself, he said she had left a sister to succeede her, a lady of great worth also, whom they were now 20 bound to obay, for salth he Mellor est canls vlvus

Leone mortuo■ and 1 hope she shall ralgne well and prosperously over vs, but I must say still with my text Laudavl mortuos maals auam vlventes. for certaine

It Is Marla outImam partem elegit, thus hee, at 25 159 which Queene Elizabeth taking lust Indignation put

hla In prison, yet would proceeds no further then to

his deprivation, though some could haue made It a

more haynous matter.

He was a nan of austere life and much more 5

mortified to the world then his Predecessor Gardiner,

who was noted for ambitious, but yet to his prince

very obsequious. But If Doctor Whyte had had a

trew prophetlcall spirit he might haue vrged the

second part of his text. Sed faellolorem vtroque 10

ludlcavl qul nec dum natus est. for that may seeme

verefied Indeed In the kings Nalestle that now Is

who was then vnborne, and hath since so happllle

vnlted theis kingdoms, yet, least that which I would make In him a prophesle, others will take in me 15

for a flattery I will proceede to the next, or

rather I should say to another, for of the two next

I neede ad nothing my Author having testified by

both their Epitaphs, that they lived and dyed well.

Doctor Thomas Cooper 20

I entend therefore to speake next of Doctor

Cooper, byoause of bishop Horne and bishop Watson I cannot ad any thing vpon sure ground: for of the former times I haue other bookes of stories or relacIon of my father that lyvd In those dayes, but of theIs that lyred In the first twenty yeare of the Queenes ralgne when I was at schoole or at the mluersltle I could heare little, yet at my first coaming to the Court 1 heard this pretty tale, that a bishop of Winchester one day in pleasant talke, comparing his Revenew with the Arohblshops of

Canterburle, should say your Graces will shew better in the raoke, but mine wilbe found more in the aaunger; Vpon which a courtier of good place said it might be so In dlebus 1111s, But salth he the rack stands so hlghe in sight, that it is fltt to keepe it full, but it may be since that tyme, some haue with a Prorldeatur, swept some prorander out of the Maunger; and bycause this metaphor comes from the stable, I suspect It was meant by the Master of the Horse. To come then to blshoppe Cooper, of him 1 can say much, and I should do him great wronge if I should say nothing. For he was Indeed a reverent nan, very well learned, exceeding industrious, and (whloh was in those dayes acoompted a great prayse to him, and a chiefe oause of his preferment,) Hee wrate that great Dictionary that yet beares his name: his life in Oxford was very commendable, and in some sort salntlyke, for yf it be saintlike to liue vnreproueable. 161

to beare a crosse patlentlle, to forglue great lnlurles

freely, this mans example Is sampleless In this age.

He aaryed a wife In Oxford for that epeoiall

lust oauee (I had alaoat eaid only oauee) why

Cleargle aen should marry, rlz^ for avoydlng of 5 slnne, Melius est enla nubere ouaa rrl. let was it his verie hard hap that she proved too light for his gravltle, many grayns. At the first he winkt at yt with a sooratloall and Phllosophloall paclenoe, taking or rather mistaking the equivocating councell 10 of Erasaus his Eccho.

Quid si alhl venlat vsu. quod his qul

lncldunt l£ vxores. parurn pudloaa.

fruglferas? Ferae. Atqul cu£

tallsbus aorte durlor est vita. Vita. 15

Wherein I obserue In the two eoohoes, how In the first Feras signifies either the Verbe Suffer or the nown, Wilde beasts, or Shrows In the latter, vita slgnlfleth the nowne life, or the verbe Shunne or esohew so he good man oonsterd Feras vita. Suffer 20 during life, and I should take yt. Vita feras. Shun

Shrows. But this fera. whoa his feras made feraa. committed wlokednes even with greedlnes, more then was In powre of flesh and bloud to beare. Wherewith being auoh afflicted, having warned his brother 25 privately, and borne with hla perhaps 70 tlaes seaven 162

tines; In the end taking hln both in a plaoe and

fashion (not fitt to be named) that would haue

angerd a Saint, hee drare him thence, not muoh mlIke

as Thobias drare away the spirit Asmodius for that

was done with a rost, and this with a spltt. Yt 5

was high time now to follow the oouneell Dio ecoleslae.

So (as all Oxford knows) her Paramour was bound from

her in a bond of a hundred pownd, but they should rather be bolts of a hunderd pownd.

The whole miuersitle in reverence of the man, 10 and indignitle of the matter, offerd him to seperate

his wife from him by publlke author1tie, and so to

set hla free being the lnnooent partie; But he would by no means agree there to, alleadging he knew his owne lnflrmltle that he might not Hue maarried, and 15

to divorce and marrie agalne he would not charge his conscience with such a skandall. After he was bishop,

Nad Marten, or Marprelate wrate his booke or rather

Lybell against bishops, which some playing with Martin at his own weopon answeared pleasantly both in rymes 20 and prose, as perhaps your hlghnes hath seene, or I wish you should se, for they are short and sharp. But this bishop with authorltie, and gravltle, confuted him soundlle; wherevpon Martin Madcap (for I thlnke his cap and head had like portion of wltt) replying 25 anabaptlsed his bastard books by the nans of Works

for the Cooper.

And had not the wlsedome of the state prevented

hla, I thlnke he and his favourers would haue made works for the tinker: and so much of bishop Cooper,

though 1 oould add a report that a great lord dying

In his tyne, bequeathd him a great legacle, but bloause I haue not seene his last testament, I cannot preciselie affirms yt,

William Wickham

This bishop my author professes to reverence for

his names sake and his predecessors sake, and I much more for his own sake, and his vertues sake. About

the yeare 1570 he was Viceprovost of Baton; and (as

the manner was In the schools malsters absence) would teache the Schoole himself, and dyrect the

boyes for their exercises; of which my self was one,

of idiom he shewd as fatherly a care, as if he had bene a second tutor to me. He was reputed there a verle mllde and good naturd man, and esteemed a verie good preacher, and free from that which Saint

Pauls oalleth Idolatrle, I mean oovetousnes; so that

one may sale probablle, that as the first William

Wickham was one of the richest Prelates that had bene 164

In Winchester in long tine, and bestowed It wall, ao this waa one of tha pooreat and indurd It wall. He praaohad before tha Queene at Parlament. I thinks tha last time that ever he praaohad before her, and indeed it waa Clgnea vox, a Swans song, awaetaat 5 being nearest hla end; which if 1 oould set down aa he delluered, were well worth the remembrlng. But the effect was this, that the temporalities of bishopprlcks, and lands of Colledgea, and such like, were froa their beginning for the most part the graces 10 and gulfta and alee of princes, her Maleatlea progenitors, that for some excesses and abuses of some of them, they had bene and lawfully might be some quite taken away, some altered, some diminished, and that acoordlnglie they were now reduced to a good 15 medloorltie. For though there were some far greater blshopprlcks in Fraunce, and Spayne, and Germanle, yet there were some also lease, and meaner, even in

Italy. But yet he most humblle besought her Halestle to make stay of them at least In this mediocrity for 20

If they should decay so fast in 30 years to oome, as they had for 30 years past, there would hardlle be a Cathedrall church found in good repare within

England; which Inconvenience (he said) wold soone spred from the Cleargie to the temporallltle, that would 25 haue cause with Hipocrates Twins, to laugh and weepe 165 togither, This as he spake zealouslle, so the Queen gaue oare to it gratlouslle, and some good effect was supposed to follow of it, for which they both now feele their reward, and thus auoh of Wlokhaa,

WUlla* £££ 5

It was said that a pleasant Courtier and Servitor of Henry the eight, to whoa the king had proalst sone good turne, caae and prayd the king to bestow a lyvlng on hla that he had found out, worth 100 1 by the yeare aore then enough; why salth the king we 10 haue none such in England; Yes Sir said his aan, the

Provostshlp of Eaton; for (said he) he is allowed his diet, his lodging, his horseneat, his Servants wages, his rydlng charge, his apparrell, even to the poynts of his hose at the C o H e d g e charge and 100 t 15 by the yeare beside: How trew this Is X know not;

But this I know, that Mr, Day haring both this and the Deanrle of Windsor, was perswaded to leaue them both to succeeds hla (that had bene once his

Vioeprorost of Eaton) In the Church of Winchester. 20

He was a aan of good nature, affable, and ourteous, and at his table and other conversation pleasant, yet allwayes sufficiently retaynlng his gravltle. 166

When he was first Deane of Vlnsor, there was a singing aan In the quyre one Wulner, a pleasant fellow, but faaous for his eating rather then his singing; and

for the swallow of his throat rather then the sweetness of his note. Hr. Deane sent a aan to hla to reproue 5 hla for not singing with his fellows, the messenger thought all weare worshlpfull at least, that wore white

Surplyses, and told him, Mr. Deane would pray his worship to sing; thanke Mr. Deane (quoth Vfolner,) and tell him 1 am as merry as they that sing; which 10 answer (though It would haue offended soae man) yet hearing him to be such as I haue dlsorlbed, he was soone pacified. He brake his leg with a fall from a horse that started mder him, wherevpon soae waggish sohollers, of which I thlnke my selfe was In the 15

Quorum, would say It was a lust punishment, because the horse was giuen hym by a gentleman to place his sonne in Eaton, which at that tyme we thought had bene a klnde of sacrlledge, but I may say too, Gum eraa parrulus saplebaa rt parvulus. 20

He had In those dayes, a good and familiar fashion of preaching, not mlnslng the word as some doe with three words to feede 3000. people, that goe away all somtlmes as emptle as they oame; nor as other that are Nodosl. drawing their Audltorle with 25 167 them Into deepe questions, and daungerous passages, that howsoever thej suppose they come of themselus much admired, they leaue their Auditors many times more than half myred. but his was a good plaine fashion, apt to edlfle, and easle to remember. I 5 will repeat one lesson of many that I remember out of Sermons of his, which 1 can ymagln yet I heare him pronouncing, and yt was concerning prayer.

Yt Is not (smith he) a praying to god, but a tempting of God, to beg his blessings without doing 10 also our own endevor; shall a scholler pray to god to make him learnd, and never goe to his booke? shall a husbandman pray for a good harvest and let his plow stand still? the Pagans and heathen people would laughe at such devotions. In their fabulous 15

Legends they haue a tale of Hercules, whom for his strength they counted a God; how a Carter (for sooth) had overthrowne his Cart, and sate downe In the way, crying, Helpe Hercules, helpe Hercules; at last

Heroules (or one in his llkenes) came to hla, and 20 swadeled him thriftily with a good Cudgell; and said thou varay lazie fellow (so he vsed to pronounce) callest thou to me for help and lost nothing thy self? Arise, set to thy shoulder, and heave thy part, and then pray me to help thee, and I will 25 168 do the rest. And thus much of our good old Provost, who being made a new bishop, and of a Register of the garter becoming now Prelat of the Garter, enloylng this dignity a very short tine turned his day into night, though no night can oppresse then that dy In 5 th© lord. By the way I thinks this worth the noting that whereas in the yeare of our lord 1**8 6 , being the first of king Henry the seaventh yt was found that three bishops successluely held this bishopprlck, six score yeares saue one, nanely Wickham Bewfort 10 and Walnfleet. Now in Queene Elizabeths raigne there had bene seaven bishops In forty yeare, 5 in

1 7. yeare, and three in fowr yeare.

Doctor Thonas Bllaon

My author following his own resolution of 15 forbearing to speake of nen how lyving or but latelie dead, and I holding my purpose to speak frankly and truly, as far as ny vnderstandlng will serue me, both of dead and lyving I am now come to speake of the present bishop of Winchester, of whom I fynde 20 in this booke but fowr lynes, and if 1 should glue him his dew in proportion to the rest I should spend fowr leaves. Not that I neede make him better known to your highnes, being (as on lust ocoaslon I noted 169 before) one of the most eminent of his rank©, and a man that carres Prelature In his verie aspect. His ryslng was nearly by his learning, as trew Prelate should rise. Non modo labe mall sed suspicions oarentes not only free from the spot, but from the 5 speaoh of corruption. He ascended by all degrees of Sohools. first wherein to win knowledge himself. next whereby to Impart it to others, haulng somtlme taught the schoole that doth lustily bost of the name of Winchester, where (If I mistake It not) he 10 succeeded that excellent Scholler and Sohoolemalster

Doctor Iohnaon that wrate that fore recyted Poem of Wickham, who having praised all his Predecessors

In pretty dlstlcks. he wrat this as the last In modestle of himself. 15

Vltlnus hlc ego sum, sed cuam bene auam male nolo.

Dloere de me oul ludloet alter erlt.

And accordlnglle his successor gaue this Judgement

Vltlnus es rations loci re primus Ionson.

Sed auls. aul de te ludlcet aptus erlt? 20

Tam bene cuam nullus aul te preoesserlt ante

Tam male posterltas vt tua pelus agat.

Wherein Mr. Iohnaon became trulle fortunate aocordlng 170 to the saying Laudarl a laudato vlro laus est maxima.

Him fame doth rais®; whos® praiser morltts praise.

From Schoolmalster of Winchester he became warden, and hauing bene infinitely studious and industrious, in poetrle, in Philosophic, in phlslck and lastly, which 5 his Genius chieflie calld him to) in devinitle, he became so compleat, for skill in languages, for readlnes In th® fathers, for Iudgement to make vse of his readings, that he was found fit to be no longer a souldier but a Commaunder in Chiefe in our 10 spirituall warfare, being first made bishop of

Worcester, and after of Winchester. In the mean® season a Crew of mutinous souldlers (a forlorn® hope) vndertooke to surprise one of the twelue fortresses of our faith, I meane one of the twelue Articles of our 15

Creede, and ere men were aware, they had enterd by a

Posterne, corrupted a watchman or two, thrown downe a battlement and set vp their coullors of white and blacke, (black and blew had bene fitter for them) publishing a booke in print, that Christ discended 20 not into hell. The Alarum was taken by manle falthfull Servitors of the mlllltant church, but manle were not found fit for this enterprise, for it was whlsperd nay rather publisht in the enemies camp®, that some cowardly soldiers of our side had 25 171 made a motion to haue this fort, or part thereof razed, bycause there was thought to be perlll In defending of It; for so Campion wrytes confidently that Cheynew had affirmed to him how it had bene moved In a Convocation at London. 5

Quern admodum sine tumultu penltus exlmatur de slmbolo how with out manle words it might be taken out of the Creede wholly: But I leaue Erasmus eccho to answer it 0 lye. Trew it is there was a hott shott, one Mr. Broughton, no Cannonler, for he 10 loves no Canons, but one that could skill of such fireworks as might seeme to put out hell fire, this hot brayne, hauing with a Petard or two broken open some old dore, tooke vpon him with like powder, out of some Basallske as I thlnke to shoote (Hades) 15 quite beyond sonne and moone, such a powder worke against all Devinitie and philosophic, as was never heard of (allways excepting the Powder ).

Then, this learned bishop like a worthy leader

(that I male proceeds in this metaphor) with a 20 reasolute troupe not of loose shott, but gravis armaturae, armed to proofs, out of Chrlstes armory the Old and , fathers. Doctors,

Schoolemen, linguists inoounters thelse Lancepezzados, cast down thlr coullors, repayrs vp the ruins, 25 172 bewtifies the batlements, rams vp the mynes, and makes such Ravelins and Counterskarfs about this fort that now none of the twelue may seeme more Impregnable.

Their great Inglner before mentioned vpon griefe of this repulse, la gone as I heare to teach the Iewes 5

Hebrew, God send him to skape Hades in the end of his Iournle.

Yet In the heat of thels skirmishes, there happened an accident worthle to be remembred, and I think by the verie devise of the Devill. This 10

Bishop preaching at Pauls crosse vpon this article of the creede, and there proving by authoritle irrefragable that Hell Is a place, prepared for the

Devill and his Angells that it Is beneath in Corde terrae. and that Christ discended Into yt; Sathan, 15 that knew all this to be trew, and was sorle to remember it, and wisht that none of the auditory would beleeue yt, raised a sodalne and causeles feare by the frawd or folly of some one Auditor.

This feare so incredlblie possest not only the whole 20 multitude, but the Lord Mayor and other Lords present, that they verllle beleeued that Pauls

Church was at that Instant falling downe: whereby such a tulmult was raised as not only disturbed their Devotion and attention, but did indeed put 25 173 some of the gravest wisest and noblest of that assemblle

Into evident hazard of their lyves, as I haue heard of some of their own Mouths, The bishop not so dlsaald himself as simpathyslng In plttle rather then feare of their oauseles dismay; after the tumult 5 was a lytle pacyfyed fynlshed his sermon. Vpon whloh accident some favourers of that opinion make themselus merry with this story that at least that whloh they could not confute they might seeme to contemne. in Of Sallsburle

Of how great aooompt this blshopprloke had ben©

In foraer tines, two things do specially declare, one

that ever since the Conquest Ordlnale secundua vsun

sarua was receaued orer all England, another that 5

the Clergle of Sallsburle were able of their own ohardge to erect such a goodlle Church and stone steeple as that which now stands, which at this day a subsIdle were skant able to perforne, To oalt how both Sherborne Castle and the were both 10 built by one bishop of Sallsburle, And In this state It continued rntlll the yeare 1539* What tine

Doctor Capon was translated fron Bangor thither, a nan for learning and witt worthle to be of Apollos crew, but for his spoyle and havock he is said to 15 haue made of this Church land, more worthle to be

Appollyons crew, for he Is noted to be one of the first that nade a Capon of his bishopprick, and so guelded it, that it will never be able to build either Church or Castle againe. 20

174 The place being in thia sort much lmpoverisht

Bishop Iewell was preferd m t o it, the first yeare

of Queene Elizabeth, a Iewell Indeed as in name.

Be ftwa fuit, nomine ff*«fa fult. He, though he

could not malntalne the port his predecessors did,

fyndlng his houses deoayd, and lands all leased out,

yet kept rerle good hospltalltie, and gaue himself

withall much to wryting bookes, of which dyvers are

extant and in manle mens hands, viz. his Apologle

of the Church of England, his Challenge, answeared

by Harding, his Heplle to the said answer, all in

English, and all in such estimation even till this

day; that as Saint Osmond in William the Conquerors

time gaue the patterne for forme of Service to all

the Churches of England, so all Mr. Iewells wrytings

are a klnde of rule to all the reformed Churches of

England. And hardlie is there anie controrersie of

Importance handled at this day, of which in his

workds is not to be founde some learned and probable

resolution. One thing I will specially commend him

for, though I shall not be commended for it myself

by some, and that is that whereas he defended the marrladge of Priests, no man better, yet he would

nerer marry himself, saying Chrlste did not councell

in vayne Qul potest capere capjat. He had a verle reverent regard of the aunolent fathers wrytlngs, and 176 espetlallie Saint Augustin, out of whose bookes, he found many authorities against sose superstitions orept Into the Roman ohurch. Why he had such a alnde to ly by Bishop Wlrlll 1 cannot guesse, except that perhaps of his naae he had taken a caveat to keepe 5 himself without a wife. For the whole course of his life froa his childhood, of his towardllness from the beginning, and how he was vrged to subscribe

In Queen Harles tine, and did so being requyred to wryte his name, saying they should see he could 10 write, whloh shewd It was not (ex anlmo) Doctor

Humfrey hath written a severall treatise.

Doctor Iohn Coldwell

doctor of phlslck

Though Doctor Guest succeeded bishop Iewell 15 and my author makes him a good wryter, yet he shall not be my guest In this discourse, hauing nothing to entertalne him with, or rather to entertalne your hlghnes with In reading of him. But how his suocessor

Doctor Coldwell of a Phlsltlon became a bishop I haue 20 heard by more then a good manle (as they say) and I will brieflie handle yt, and as tenderlie as I can bearing myself equall betweene the lyvlng and the dead. I touched before how this Church had surfeited of a Capon, which lying hearie in her stoaacke, yt maie be thought ©he had some need© of a Phisition.

But this man prored no good Churoh phlsition* Bad

It bene sioke of a plurisie, too much abounding with blood as in ages past, then such bleeding phislok perhaps might have done it no harme. Now enclyning rather to a Consumption, to let it bleed© afresh at so large a rayne wasse almost ynough to draw out the rerie life blood. (Your highnes will pardon my phisick metaphors because I haue latelie lookt over my Schola Salerni) I protest I am far from anie desire to deface the dead vndeserredly, and as far from anie fancie to Insult on the misfortunes of the lyving mclrilly, and in my particular the dead man

1 speake of nerer hurt me, and the lyring man I shall speak of hath done me some kindenes. Yet the manifest iudgments of God on both of them I may not pass over with scilenoe. And to speake first of the knight that caryed the Spolia opima of this Bishoppriok haring gotten Sherborne castle Parke and Parsonage; he was in those dayes in so great farour with the

Queene, as I may boldly say, that with less suite then he was faine to make to her, ere he could perfect this his purchase, and with less© money then he bestowed in Sherborne in building and buying out Leases, and In drawing the Bluer through roccks into

his garden, he nought haue rerie lustly and without

offence of Church or state hsue compassed a much better purchase.

Also If I haue bene trewlle Informed, he had a presage before he first attempted yt, that did foreshow yt would turne to his rewln, and might haue kept him from medllng with It (31 mens non laera fulsset) For as he was rydlng post betweene Plymouth and the Court as many times he did rpon no small ymployments, this Castle being right In the way, he oast such an eye rpon It as Achab did rpon Naboths vyneyard, and once abore the rest being talking of

It, of the commodlousnes of the place, of the strength of the seate, and how easllle it might be got from the

Blshopprlok, sodalnly over and over came his horse, that his rery face, which was then thought a rerle good face plowd vp the earth where he fell. This fall was omlnows, I make no question, as the like was obserred In the Lord Hastings and before him in others, and himself was apt ynough to construe It so, but his brother Adrian would needes haue him Interpret yt not as a Courtier but as a Conqueror, that It presaged the quiet possession of yt. And accordingly for the present It fell out, he gat It with much labour, and travail©, and cost, and envy, and

obloquie; to him and his heyres habendum et tenendum*

but ere it came fully to gaudendun. see what became

of him. In the publiqu© loy and Iublle of the whole

Realme, when favour and peace and pardon was offerd

to offenders, he that In wltt and wealth In courage

was Inferior to few fell sodalnly I cannot tell how

Into such a downfall of dlspayre, as his greatest

enemle could not haue wlsht him so much harme as he

would haue done himselfe. Can anie man be so wlllfull blynd as not to see and to say. Digitus del est hie.

that yt Gods doing and his Iudgement which appears yet also more playn by the Sequell. For by Saint

Augustins rule when adversity breedes amendement then It Is a slgne It Is of Gods sending, who would not haue our correction turne to our confusion. 3o happend It to this lcnlght being condemnd to dye.

Yet God (in whose hand is the hart of the king) put

Into hJs merclfull mlnde against mans expectation to saue his life; and since by the suite of his faithfull wife bothe to preserve his estate and to ease his restraint in such sort, as many that are at llbertie tast not greater comforts then he doth In prison, being not bard of those companions (I meane bookes) that he may and perhaps doth take more trew comfort of then ever he tooke of his courtly companions

In his chlefest bravery. Neither Is he without hope that vpon his true repentance God may yet add further to enclyne his Maiestle (ear 2 tymes goe over his head) to restore him to a full llbertle. Now to returne to the Bishop that was the second partle delinquent In this petty Larceny or rather playn sacrHedge. What was his purpose? to make himself rltch by making his see poore. Attaynd he his purpose herein? nothing lesse. No bishop of Sarum since the conquest dying so notorlouslle In debt, his frends glad to bury him suddenly and secretly Sine lux sine crux sine Clenco. as the old byword is, being for hast belike, clapt Into Bishop Wyvllls graue, that even at the resurrection, he may be redy to accuse him and say, I recoverd Sherborne from a king when It had bene wrongfully detayned 200. yeare, and thou didst betray it to a knight after it had bene quietly possest other 20G. yeare. Some might lmagln this a presage that Sherborne may one day revart agalne to the bishoppriok. But there Is a slgne In Hydromanty against It. For In digging the graue for all the hast was made, so great a spring brake into yt as fllld yt all with water and quite washt away the presage, so as the dead bishop was drownd before he 181

could be burled, end according to his name laid In

a Coldwell before he was coverd with the cold earth.

Doctor

This Blshopprick being now reduced to a mediocrity

more worthle of pittle then envy, her Maiestle as I 5

haue heard made a speclall choyse of this her Chaplen

being a gentleman of a worshlpfull house and her

godsonn when she was lady Elizabeth, Where vpon it

Is reported that she said, that she had blest many

of her godsonns, but now this godsonne should blesse 10

her; whether she were the better for his blessing I

know not, but I am sure he was the better for hers.

The common voyce was Sir Walter Raulelgh got the best blessing of him, (though as I said before 1 rather count It a Curse) to haue his estate in 15

Sherborne to be confirmed that before was questionable.

But It was his wisest way rather then to haue a potent enemle and a tedious suite. He maryed very younge, for I was told some yeares since he had 19

Children by one woman, which Is no ordinary blessing, 20 and most of them sonns. A man that had three sonnes or more among the auncient Homans enloyed thereby no

small privlledges, though the latter Romans make It 182 not a merit in a Bishop. His wiues name was Patience, the qualltle of which I haue heard In few wiues, the name in none. He hath one sonn blynde (1 know not if by birth or accident) but though his eyes be blynde, he hath an vnderstanding so illuminate as he 5 is like to proue the best scholler of all his brethren.

One speciall commendedon I may not omit, how by this good Bishops means and the assistance of the learned Deane of Sarum Doctor Gourden, a Semlnarle called Mr. Carpenter a good scholler, and in degree 10 a Baoheler of Dlrlnitle, was converted, and testified his own conversion publlkly in a Sermon vpon this text, 9 Acts 18 verse. There fell as it weare scalls from his eves Saying that three scales had bleared his sight: Antlqultle, Vnluersalitle and consent, but 15 now the Scales being falne away, he saw plainly their antiquity was novelty, theyr vniversalltie a babllonlcall tyranny and their consent a Consplraole.

And thus much be said of my Godbrother, and (be it said without presumption your hlghnes godbrother) 20

Doctor Henry Cotton. Of the Bishops of Bathe and

Wells and first of Doctor

Oliver King

Concerning Bathe I haue such plentle of matter to entertalne jour hlghnes with (I mean rarletle of 5 discourse) as I studle rather how to abbreviate jt then how to aapllfle jt. I should haue begun at

Bishop Barlow, but I respect so much the rerj name of king as 1 could not let him passe without some homage, and because the chief Bath of which the 10 towne hath the name Is calld the Kings Bath, I shall ad somwhat also either omitted or but slelghtlj touched In the precedent booke bj mine author, but somewhat more largely handled In the laten Treatise mentioned by him pagi 307 In the life of Stllllngton, 15 out of which 1 will cyte a passage or two as occasion shall serue.

First therefore for the Cittie of Bathe, to omit all the antiquities noted by Mr. Cambden and other good authors, as also seene by my selfe, 1 obserue 20

183 this that among all our old traditions and legends thereof, yt seeme that It were purposely left In suspence, and not yet fully determined, whether the

Crowne or the Myter haue more clayme to the vertue that all men see and say to be In thelse waters.

Some afflrme that king Bladude a learned king brought vp at Athens long before Chrlstes tyme, either by his cunning in Magique did frame yt, or rather by his search did flnde yt, or at least with his cost did flnde yt, or at least with his cost did first found yt. Others beleeue that king Arthurs Vncle

Saint David a Blshopp of Wales, that lyv'd longer with leekes then we doe now with larks and quayles, by his prayr procured this Vertue to thels springs.

But this Is manifest by most credible Histories, that king Offa king of Merela built a goodly Abbey there, where before had bene a temple of Mynerva and Hercules whom they fayned to be presidents of hot bathes;

This Monastery bullded by Offa 77 5 . was distroyd by the

Danes, being then no Christians about the yeare 900.

Then It was reedifled by Elphegus a bishop of

Canterbury anno 1010. and contlnewd in great estimation for a place of holy and strict life, but had not yet the tytle of a Blshopprlck, till Iohn de Villula a frenchman borne, and a phlsltion by profession, being 185 made bishop of Wells, whloh was In laten De fontlbus, admiring the vertues of thels bathes and the Cures they wrought, for which It had bene long before by the

Saxons surnamed Aleman Chester, that is slckmans towne.

This ViHula thinking this place De fontlbus, more 5 honorable then the other cold wells, bought this

Cltty of king William Rufus and translated his seat hither. And fyndlng that both the towne and Abbey had bene late before defaced with fyre he new built both about the yeare 1122. and was the first bishop that 10 was buryed there. Then was It againe burned in the yeare

1137. and repayred againe by Bishop Robert, and remayned still the Bishops seate and inheritance, till that Bankerout bishop Savarlcus, for covetousness of

Glastenbury In mercedem hulus vnlonls (to vse my 15 authors worde) for recompence of this vnion of

Glastenbury to Wells gaue Bathe againe to king

Richard the first, and yet notwithstanding thels two huge Revenews he spent so prodigally and vnprovidently

In his many Journeys to the Emperor, that It Is 20 written he had a legion of Creditors, and for his wandrlng humor he had this written for an Epitaph though not set to his tombe at Bathe,

Hospes eras mundo per mundum semper eundo

Sic supreme dies fit tlbl prlma cules. 25 Thus Bathe againe after 100. yeare became the kings and ever may it be soe. But the Church was not so sufficiently repayred as it ought, in so much that in Henry ?. his tyme yt was ready to fall, what tyrne this worthy Olyyer King about 100 yeare since built

It againe with so goodly a fabrick, as the stone worke stands yet flrme notwithstanding the inlurles of men and tyme and tempests ypon yt. Here I may by no means omitt, yet I can skant tell how to relate, the pretty tales that are told of this bishop King, by what ylslons and predlcclons he was both incouraged and discouraged in the building of this Churche, whether some cunning woman had fortold him of the spoyle that followd, as Paulus Iovlus wrytes how a witch deceayd his next successor Hadryan bishop of

Bathe, or whether his own mynde running of yt gaue him occasion sleeping to dreame of that he thought waking, but this goes for currant, and confirmd with pretty probabillities. That lying at Bathe and musing or meditating one might late, after his deyocions, and prayers for the prosperity of Henry

7th and his children (who were then all or most part lyvlng) to which king he was Secretary, and by him preferred to his bishopprlck he saw or supposed he saw a vision of the holy trynytie with Angells ascending and dlscendlng by a ladder, neer to the foote of which there was a fayre oliue tree supporting a Crowne, and a voyce that said let an

Oliue establish the Crowne and let a king restore the

Church. Of this dreame or vision he tooke exceeding great comfort, and told yt divers of his frends, applying it to the king his Master In parte, and some part to himself. To his Master because the Olyue being the Emblem or Hlerogllfick of peace and plentie seemed to him to allude to King Henry VII, who was worthely counted the wisest and most peaceable king

In all Europe of that age. To himself (for the wisest will flatter themselus somtlme) because he was not only a chiefe Councellor to this king, and had bene his Ambassador to conclude the most honorable peace with Charls the 8 . who paid king Henry (as

Hollinshed wryteth) 74$. thousand ducketts beside a yearly tribute of 2$00 Crowns, but also because he caryed both the Olyue and King In his own name, and therefore thought he was specially designed for this

Churchworke to the advauncement of which he had an extraordinary inclynatlon. Thus though (as Saint

Thomas of Aquln well noteth) all dreames, be they never so senclble, wllbe found to hault In some apart of their coherence, and so perhapps may this, yet 188 most certain© It Is he was so transported with his dreame for the tyme, that he presently set In hand with this Church (the rewlns whereof I rew to behold even in wrytlng thels lynes) and at the West end thereof he caused a representaclon to be graven of 5 this his vision of the Trlnitie the Angells the ladder had on the northside the Oliue and Crown, with certalne french wordes (which I could not reade) but in English is this vearse taken out of the booke of Iudges the 9 th Chapter, 10

Trees going to chuse their king

Said be to vs the Oliue king

All which Is so curiously cut and carved as In the west part of England Is no better worke then in the west end of this poore Church, and to make the credit 15 of all this more authentlque he added this worde to yt De sursum est, Yt is from on hye. Thus much the stones and walls (though dumbe wltnes, yet credible) do playnly testlfle. But In midst of all this

Iollltle having made so fair a beginning to his own 20 great content and no lesse to the kings, who came

Into this Contrle at that tyme and lay at the Deane of Wells his house nine dayes, I say in all this loy and comfort yt happend the kings prlmogenltus the noble prince Arthur, having lately before maryed a great Infanta of Spayne, to depart this life. This so daunted the hart and hopes of this good bishop that he doubted now his vision would proue but an

Illusion, that his Oliva would be but Oleaster.

Which melancholy thoughts were lncreast In him by the prediceIons as I touched before of some wysards

(to which kynde of men that age was much affected) concerning the new prince who was after Henry 8. of his lnfortunate marrladges, of the decay of his ofsprlng that he should pull down what kings had bullded, which no nervalle If the bishop being by slrname king mistrusted to pertalne also to his buildings. I heard by one Plowre of Phillips Norton who said he saw Henry 7th in this Contrle, that this bishop wold wlshe he paid aboue the price of It so

It might by him haue bene finlsht, for If he ended

It not yt would be pulld down ere it were perfected.

As for the latter predixions or rather postfictions

(since this bishops death) I willingly omit, concerning the successors of this bishop as things worthier to be contemned then condemned written by Coal-prophets vpon whyted walls, whloh the

Italian calls the paper of fooles, Muro bianco charta dl matto, of which sort many haue bene made as well by our own oontrimen as others, but the best I remember was this written by an english gentleman since the 4-3 yeare of Queone Elizabeth, on the Church wall with a Charcoale

0 Church I walle thy wofull plight

Whom king nor Card*nall, Clerke nor knight

Haue yet restord to aunclent right

Subscribed Ignoto

Whereto a Captaine of another oontrle wrate this for the comfort of this Church and I wish him to proue a true prophet (though perhaps he dyed rather a Martlr).

Be bly fair Kerk, when hempe ys past

Thyne Olyue that ill wynds did blast

Shall flourish green for ay to last.

Subscribed Cassadore

But to proceede in this sad story and leaue this pleasant poetrle, to pursew truths and eschew fictions, to embrace reason and refuse ryme, yt is most apparant that after the death of this Olyver King his successors Cardlnall Adrian Cardlnall Wolsey, Bishop

Clerke and bishop Knight all succeeded in 35 ysare. of which the first two were supposed to poyson themselues, 191 the third, to be poysond by others the last survlued to see the death or at least the deadly wounde of this Church, for while the builders were readle to haue finish yt, the destroyers came to demolish yt.

Yet to glue the Devill his right as the Proverb Is, 5 yt Is said that the Commissioners In reverence and compassion of the place, did so farre strayne their

Commission, that they offerd to sell the whole Church to the towne vnder 500 Marks. But the townsmen fearing they might be thought to cosen the king If 10 they bought It so oheape, or that It might after (as many thing* ware) be found conceald, vtterly refused yt. Vherevpon certaine merchants bought all the glass Iron, bells and leadd of which leadd alone was acoompted for, as I haue credlblle heard 4*80 tunne 15 worth at this day 4800 L. But what became of thels spoyles and spoylers.

Dealt In hac mlhl parte fldes neque credlte factum

Aut si oredltls factl auooue credlte panam.

For I may well say. Non possum aulnr exolamem. But 20

In a word, aone after the sellers lost their heads, the buyers lost their goods, being laid vp in the groat treasorle of Antlohrlat, 1 mean drownd In the sea, from whence as some wryte by the Devllls power he 192 shall recover all losttreasures for the malntaynlng of his vnmeaaurable gulfts.

Thus speedily It was pulId down, but how slow it hath rysen againe I may blush to wryte, Collections haue bene made over all England, with which the 5

Chaunoell Is ooverd with blew slate, and an Alms house built ex abundantla. but the whole body of the Church stands bare ex humllltate. The rest of the money never conning to the Townsmens hands is layd vp as I suppose with the money collected for 10

Pauls steeple, which I leaue to a Melius Inquirendum.

And thus the Church lyes still like the poore traveller menclond in the 10, of Lyke spoyled and wounded by theeues. The priest goes by the Levitea go by but doe noe thing. Only a good Samaritan honest Mr, 15

Billet (worthy to be billeted in the new lerusalem) hath powrd some oyle in the wounds and malntaind yt in life, Inso much as a welthle Clttizen of

London hath adventured to set his Tombe there, whom X commend more worthily then the Senate of Rome did 20 thank Varro at his returns from Cannaa. quod de salute relpublloae non deaoeraaaet. for it aeemes thla honeat Clttizen Cbl*nk lh A and PC] did * not dispaire of the reedifylng thia Church, that gaue order to be richly entombed therein. And thua 25 193 much be said of the first founder of this last Church of Bathe.

Bishop Barlow

The next I a* to wryte of is bishop Barlow of whoa ay author in this booke salth little, in the 5 laten tretiso there is soawhat more and 1 will ad a word to bothj Bathe as I haue noted before is but a tytle in this Blshopprick, so as for many yeares

Bathe had the name but Wells had the game, but yet that one may know they be sisters, your highnes shall 10

▼nderstand that this game 1 speake of which was one of the fairest of England, by certains play between a Protector and a bishop (I suppose yt was at Tick-take) was like to haue bene lost with a why not. And to vse rather another mans words then mine 15 own to expound this Riddle, thus saith the laten relaclon of him. "He was a man no less godly then learned, but not so markable in any thing as in his fortunate ofspring, for which Nlobe and Latona might enry him, happie in his own children, aore happle in 20 their aathohes (to let passe his sonns of idiom one is now Prebend in Wells, and esteemed most worthle of such a father) he had flue daughters whoa he bestowed 19*

This was In of flu© moat worthl© men, of which 1592 but now al fyve had three are bishops at this howre, the been bishops 1608. other for their merit are In mens expectation designed to the like dlgnltle hereafter.

Howbelt (salth he) In one thing this Prelate Is to

bee deemd infortunate, that while he was bishop his

See reoeavd so great a blow loosing at one clap all

the rents and revenews belonging to It." Thus he,

and soone after, he tells, that for his marladge he

was deprived; and lyvd as a man banished In Germanle. 10

Here ys his praise, here Is his dispraise. Yf he

were deprived for a lawfull act no mervalle If he

be depraved for an vnlawfull. Slth them ay Author

compares his fellcltle with that of Nlobe. 1 will

also compare his misfortune with Peleus. making 15 Ovids vearse to serue my turne in changing but a

word© or two

Faellx et natls faellx et Conluge. Barlo

Et cui, si demas spollatl orlmlna temp11

Omnia oontlgerant. hoc tanto crlalne sontem

Aoceplt profugum patrls Gemanloa Telllus.

But God would not suffer this morsell to be quite

swallowed, but that it choked the feeders, to say nothing In this place but how the Protector was 195 foretold by a Poet that he should loose his head.

Aestatls sedes. qul sacras dlruls aedes.

Pro certo credes quod Cephas perdere debes.

I #peake now only of the spoyle made vnder this bishop. Scarce were flue yeares past after Bathes $ ruins, but as fast went the axes and hammers to worke at Wells. The goodly hall coverd with leadd (because the roofe might seeme to low for so large a roome) was vncovered and now this roofe reaches to the Sky.

The Chappel of our lady late repayred by 10

Stillington a place of great reverence and antlqultle was likewise defaced, and such was their thirst after leadd (I would they had drunke yt skalding) that they tooke the dead bodies of bishops out of their leaden coffins and cast abroad the Carkasses skarce throughly 15 putrlfled. The Statues of brasse and all the auncient monuments of kings, benefactors to that goodly cathedrall Church went all the same way sold as my author wrytes to an Alderman of London, who being then rich, and by this great bargains thinking 20 to haue increast It found it like Aurum Tholoaamim. for he so decayd after, no man knew how, that he brake In his Mayoraltle. The statues of kings were shipt from Bristow, but desdaynlng to be banlsht out 196

of their own contrle, chose rather to ly In Saint

George his Channel, where the ship was drownd, let

Atheist laughe at such losses and call them

mlschaunced, but all that trulle feare god will

count them terrible ludgements, 5

Thels things were, I will not say done, I will

say at least suffered by this bishop: but I doubt

not but he repented hereof and did pennance also in

his banishment in Sacco et cinere.

But some will say to me why did he not sue to be 10 restored to this bishopprick at his returae finding

yt vacant, but rather accepted of Chichester, I haue asked this question, and I haue receaud this answer,

by which I am halfe perswaded that Veils also had

their prophecies as well as Bathe and that this 15

bishop was premonstrated (that I may not say

predestinate) to glue this great wounde to this

Bishopprick,

There remayne yet in the bodle of Wells Church,

about 30 foote high, two eminent ymages of stone 20

set there (as is thought) by bishop Burnell, that

built the great Hall in the reigne of Edward I, but most certainly, long before the raigne of Henry 8.

One of thels ymages is of a king crowned, the other

is of a bishop myterd. This king in all proportions 25 197 resembling Henry 8, holdeth in his hand a Chllde falling, the Bishop hath a woman and children about him, Now the old men of Wells had a Tradlclon that when there should be such a king, and such a bishop, then the Church should be In daunger of Rewin. This 5 falling chllde they said was king Edward, the frultfull bishop, they affirmed was Doctor Barlow the first maryed bishop of Wells and perhaps of England. This talke being rife In Wells, In Queene Maryes time, made him rather affect Chichester at his returne then 10

Wells, where not only the things that were rewind, but those that remaynd servd for records and remembrances of his Sacrlledge.

Of bishop Thomas Goddwln

Of bishop Gilbert Bowrne I can ad nothing and of 15 the other Gilbert but a worde, that he was a good

Iustlcer, as salth the same Author. (Nisi quatenus homo viorlus conlugls lmportunltate lmpulsus a veri ac recti tranlte aberravlt.) saving that somtlmes being ruled by his wife, by her lmportunltle, he 20 swarved from the rule of Iustlce and sinceritle, espetlally In persecuting the kindred of Bowrne his predecessor. The fame went that he dyed verle rich, but the same importunate woman caryed it all away that neither Church nor the poore were the better for it.

But for Doctor Godwin of whom I am to speake must with my authors leaue ad a word of mine own knowledge. He came to the place as well qualified for a Bishop as mought be, vnreproueably without

Symonie, given to good hospltallity, quyet, kynde, affable, a widower and in the Queenes very good opinion. Non minor est vlrtus quam querere parta tueri, jrf he had held on as cleere as he enterd I should haue as highly extold him; but see his misfortune, that first lost him the Queenes favor and after forst him to another mischelf. Being as I said aged and diseased and lame of the gowt, he aaryed (as some thought for opinion of wealth) a widow of London. A chief favorite of that tyme

(whom I am sory to haue occasion to name againe in this kynde) had labord to get the Mannor of Banwell from this bishopprick, and disdayning the repulse, now hearing of this Imtempestlue mariadge tooke advantage thereof, causd it to be told to the Queene

(knowing how much she mlslyked such matches) and instantly pursewd the bishop with letters and

Mandates for the Mannor of Banwell for 100 yeares. The good bishop not expecting such a suddalne tempest

was greatly preplext, yet a while he held out and

lndured many sharp messages from the Queene of which

my selfe caryed him one, deliverd me by my lord of

Leicester, who seemd to favor the bishop, and mlsllke

with the knight for molesting him, but they were

soone agreed, like Pilate and Herod to condemne

Christ, Never was harmlesse man so traduced to his

Soveraigne, that he had maryed a girle of 20 yeare old, with a great portion, that he had convayd halfe

the bishopprick to her, that (because he had the gowt)

he oould not stand to his marriadge, with such scoffs

to make him ridiculous to the vulgar and odious to

the Queene, The good Earle of Bedford happening to be present when thelse tales were told and wel knowing the Londoners widow that the bishop had maryed, said merily to the Queene after his dry manner. Madam, I know not how much the woman is aboue twenty but I know a sonne of hers is but little vnder forty. But this rather mard then mended the matter, one said malus peccatum habet. Another told of three sorts of marriadge, of Gods making, of mans making, and of the Devills making; of Gods making as when Adam and Eue two younge folke were coupled, of mans making when one is old and the other younge as Iosephs marriadge, and of the Devills

making when two old folks mary, not for comfort but

for covetousnes, and such they said was this. The

conclusion to the premisses was this, that to pacefie

his persecutors, and to saue Banwell, he was falne

to part with Wilscombe for 99 yeares (I would it had bene 100.) and so purchased his peace. Thus the bishopprick as well as the bishop were punished, who wished in his hart, he had never taken this preferment, to soyle himself in his decrepit age, with that stayne that all his life he had abhorred, and to be made an Instrument of another mans sacriledge, and vsed like an leaden Gonduite pipe to convay water to others, and drinke nothing but the dreggs and drosse and rust it self. Wherefore right honestly and modestly and no less learnedly writes his own sonne of him in the forenamed Treastls, 0 ilium faellcem si faellx manere malulsset. quaa reglmlnls eoleaiastlcl labores ausolpere. cum labor1bus lmpar. fractus aenlo neoessum 1111 fuerlt allorum vtl auxlllo. et cet« O happle he, if he would rather haue remayned happy (where he was) then to vndergoe the labors of eoclesiastlcall government, when he grew vnable to travell broken with age constrained to vse the help of others, who though their dutle required a care of ao good naturd an old man, yet they proving as moat doe negligent of others good, and too greedle of their own, overthrew both.

For my part though I lovd him well, and some of his, yet in this case I can make no other Apologia for him, nor vse no other plea in his defence but such as ill debtors doe, that when they are sewd vpon lust obligations plead (per minas) or rather to liken him to a husbandman that dwelling neer a ludge, that was a great builder, and commlng one day amongst dluers other neighbors with carladges some of stone, some of timber: The Steward as the manner of the contrie was provided two tables for their dinners; for those that came vpon request, powderd beefe a fysh and perhaps venson, for those that came for hyre, pore-Iohn and Apple pyes; and having invyted them to sit down In his lords name telling them one bord was for them that came for loue, the other for those that came for money, this husbandman, and his hynde sat not down at either.

Which the Steward Imputing to slmpllcltle repeated his former words againe, praying them to sit down accordingly. But he answeared (for there is oraft In the Clowted shooe) he saw no table for him for he came neither for loue nor money, but for verle feare; And even so I dare answer for this bishop he neither gaue Willscombe for love, nor sold yt for money, but left yt for feare. How straungly he was Intrapt In that vnflt marriadge I know not, yf It male be calld a marriadge

Non hlmeneus adest 1111 non gratia lecto.

Himself protested to me with teares In his eyes, he tooke her but for a guide of his house, and for the rest (they were his own words) he lyvd with her as losephe did with Mary our lady. Setting this one disgrace of his aside, he was a man very well estemmd in the Contrie, beloved of all men for his great houskeeplng of the better sort for his kinde entertainment and pleasing discourse at his table.

His reading had bene much, his Iudgement and doctrine sownd his goverment mylde and not violent, his mynde charitable and therefore I doubt not but when he lost this life he wonne heaven according to his word, Win god Win all. This I say truly of him which his sonne was not so fitt to say for feare perhaps of that foollish saying (yet wise ynoughe if it be well vnderstood. Nemo laudat patrem nisi lmprobus flllus. 203

Doctor Iohn Still

But what style shall I vse to set forth this

Still? whom welny 30 yeare since my reverent tutor in

Cambridge (D. Fleming) styled by this name Devine

Still, who when myselfe came to him to sew for my 5 grace to be Bacheler first examlnd me strictly, and after answerd me kyndely, that the grace he graunted me was not of grace but of merit, who was often content to grace my young exercises with his venerable presence, who from that time to this hath giuen me 10 some helps, more hopes, all incouragements in my best studies. To whom I neuer came but I grew more religious. From whom I never went but I parted better Instructed. Of him therefore, my acquaintance, my frend, my Instructor and lastly my Deoceasan. Yf 15

I speake much it were not to be mervailed, if I speake franklle it Is not to be blamed, and though

I speake partlallle It were to be pardoned. Yet to keepe within my proportion, custome, and promise in al thels, I must sale this much of him, his breeding 20 was from his childhood in good litterature, and partly

In Muslque which was counted In those dayes a preparatiue to devinitie, neither could any be admitted to Primam tonsuram. except he could first bene le, bene oon. bene can, (as they call yt,) which

Is, to reade well, to conster well, and to sing well,

In which last he hath good Iudgement, and I haue heard good musloque of voyoes In his house. In his full time, more full of learning he became Bachelor

Devlnltle, and after Doctor, and so famous for a

Preacher and speaclally a dlsputer that the learnedst were eren affeard to dispute with him, and he finding his own strength would not sticks to warne them in their arguments to take heede to their answers, like a perfect fencer that will tell aforehand in which button he will glue the Venew, or like a cunning

Chestplayer that will appoint aforehand with which pawn and in what place he will give the mate. And not to insist long in a matter so notorious, yt may suffice that about 20 yeare since when the great

Dyet or meeting should haue bene in Germanie, for composing matters in religion. Doctor Still was chosen for Cambridge, and Doctor Humphery for Oxford, to oppose all commers for defence of the English

Church. For this his known sufficiencie he was not long rnfurnisht of double honor (2 benefices). The

Puritans in Cambridge woed him, and would fayne haue wonne him to their part, and seing they could not, they forbare not In the Pulpit, after their fasion to glaunce at him among others, with their equivocations, and epigrams. There was one Mr. Key that offended them, and one said in a Sermon, that of all complexions the worst were such, as were key cold, and in the same sermon and like vayne, he said that some could not be contented with a lyving worth 100 L a yeare, another worth six score but. Still, will haue more. But howsoever they snarld, this Still was counted well worthy of more, so as in the yeare 1592, being the 3**. of the late Queene he was preferrd to this see, after it had bene vacant welny 3 yeare. During the vacancy

I can well remember, there was great enquyring who should haue yt, and as if all bishops should now be sworne to follow, Vsurn Sarum, every man made reckoning that the Mannor house and parke of Banwell, should be made a reward of some Courtier. It increast also this suspition that Sir Thomas Henneage, an old

Courtier, and zealous Puritan was said to haue an oare in the matter, whose conscience, if it were such in the Cleargle, as it was found in the Duchy, might well haue disgested a better booty then Banwell. But when it was notified once who was named to yt I had better conceyt, and straight I wrate to him as of old Cambridge acquaintance, and in such rusty laten as

I had left gaue him warning of this rumor, which he 206 took© exceeding kyndly at my hands, though some other fround on me for it many months after. So that for his entry to yt I may boldly say, that I said before of his predecessor, that he came clearly to yt without any touch or skandall, that he brought a good report 5 from the places where he had lyvd, shewd hlmselfe well natured and courteous to the kindred of his predecessor, had a farre greater fame of learning and merit, and which the Queene lyked best of all was single and a widower. Nay I male compare them yet furder, he 10 marryed also soone after he was setled, and the Queene was nothing well pleased with his marriadge. Howbeit in all indifferent censures this marriadge was much more iustiflable then the other, for age, for vse, for end, he being not too old nor she too young, being 15 daughter to a worshipfull knight of the same contry

(Sir lohn Horner) and a great houskeeper, and drawing with her kynde of dHyance with Iudge Popham, that swayd all the temporall gouerment of the Contrie.

Thels respects though I will not striue greatly to 20 praise In a Bishop yet the common sort will allow no doubt for wise and provident, So as the Queenes displeasure (the tymes being somwhat more propioious and favourable to Blshopprlcks, since Bishop Wickhams sermon) was the easier pacified without so costly 25 207 sacrifice as a whole mannor, and she contented her self only to breake a least, vpon the name of the

Bishops wyfe, saying to Sir Henry Barkley, yt was a daungerous name for a Bishop to match, with a Horner,

Since which tyme he hath preached before her more 5 then once, and hath receavd good testimonies of her good opinion, and God hath also blest him many wayes very greatly, to see his children well brought vp, well bestowed, and to haue an vnexpected revenew out of the entrails of the earth (I mean the leadd Mynes 10 of Mendip) greater then his predecessor had aboue grounde so as this bishop seemes to be blest with

Genesis ^9* losephs blessing, Benedlctlonlbus caell vers 25, sursum benedictlonlbus ablssl lacentls neorsum benedictlonlbus vberls et vulvae. With 15 blessings from heaven aboue blessings from the deepe that lyeth beneath, blessings of the breasts and of the wombe. Which fortunate increase of lyving happening to a provident man that was euer homo frugl. yt is supposed hath brought him to a great ablllltie, 20

Insomuch that his Church of Bathe seemes to conceaue some hope that he will haue compassion of her ruins, at the least (as Sir Arthur Hopton a good knight of the Bathe was wont betweene earnest and sport to mooion vnto him) to glue toward yt but the leadd to 25 cover It which would cost him nothing, but he would replie againe, well said gentle Sir Arthur, you will coffe me as you scoffe me; which is no great token that he liketh of the mocion. Yet at his being at

Bathe he promist them very faire which they are bold to remember him of somtime by their frends. One tryfllng accident happend to his lordship there that

I haue thought since of more consequence, and I tell him that I never knew him non plus in argument but there. There was a Crafts man in Bathe, a Becusant

Puritan, who condeming our Church, our Bishops, our

Sacraments, our prayers was condemnd himself to dye at the Assises, but at my request Iudge Anderson

Reprlved him, and he was sufferd to remayn at Bathe vpon bayle. The bishop conferd with him in hope to convert him, and first my Lord alledged for the authority of the Church Saint Augustin, the Shoomaker answerd Austen was but a man, he produced for antlquitle of Bishops, the fathers of the Counoell of N i c e ------— they were also but men, and might erre. Why then said the Bishop thou art but a man and malst and dost erre. No Sir salth he, the spirit beares wltnes to my spirit I am the chyld of

God. Alass salth the bishop thy blynde spirit will leade thee to the gallows. Yf I die salth he in the lords cause, I shalbe a Martir. The Bishop turning

to me, stlrd as much to plttle as lapaclence. This man said he Is not a sheepe strayd from the fold, for

such may be brought In againe, on the Sheapheards

shoulders, but this Is like a wylde bucke broken out

of a parke, whose pale Is thrown down, that flies

the farder of the more he is hunted. Yet this man

that stope his eares like the adder to the charmes of the Bishop, was after perswaded by a lay man and grew conformable. But to draw to end, In one question, this Bishop (whom I count an Oracle for learning) would never yet glue me satisfaction, and that was when I askt him his opinion of Witches.

He salth he knows other mens opinions, both old and new wryters, but could never so digest them to make of them an opinion of his own. All I can get ys this, that the Devill is the old serpent, our enemy that we pray to be deliverd from daille; as willing to haue vs thinke he can do too much, as to haue vs perswaded he doth nothing. To conclude of this Bishop without flatterie I hold him a rare man, for preaching, for arguing, for learning, for lyvlng. I could only wish that In all thels he would make lesse vse of logique and more of Rhetorlcke. Hereford. Iohn 3cory

Of this twlse Bishop Soory, I haue heard but

little, yet it hath bene my fortune to read somthing that will not be amlsse to acquaint your highnes with, that you male see how Sathan doth sift the lyves and doings of English bishops with the quills somtime of Straungers and forreners. For whereas this our

English modest wryter, only reports how he was first bishop of Chichester, being but a Bacheler of Definltie, and deprived for no fault but that he continewed not a bacheler, Wherevpon he fled for religion (as the phrase was) till comming home in the yeare 1560, he was preferred to Hereford. The french wryter stayeth not there, but telleth how that being setled there, though he professed to be a great enemy to Idolatry, yet In another sence (according to Saint Paule he became a worshipper of ymages (not Saints, but Angells) belike he feared some future tempest, and therefore thought to provide better for himself then he had at

Chichester, so as what with pulling down houses and selling the leadd, and such loose endes, what with setting vp good husbandries, what with Leases to his tennants, with all manner of VI.JIs et modls. he heaped together a great masse of Wealth, He that hath store of mettell must need.es haue also some drosse, and no mervaile if this bishop then according to his name had much Scoria, with this treasure. A noble and honorable Councellor, and then Lord President of

Wales, hearing so frequent complaints made of him for oppressions, extorclons, symonies and the like causd a Bill to be preferd into the Starchamber against him, in which Bill was contayned such matter as was ynough not onely to disgrace him, but to degrade him if it had bene followd accordingly. His Solliciter of his causes brings him a Coppie of the Bill, and in reading it with him, seemed not a little dlsmayd in his behalfe, much like to the servant of Elisha that came trembling to his Master, and told him how they were beleagerd with a huge armle. But this Bishop, though not indewd with the spirit of a prophet, yet having a spirit that could looke well into his profit, bids his

Solliciter, (who was his kinsman perhaps his sisters brothers sonne) to be of good comfort, adding (it may be) the verie words of Elisha. For there are more of our side then against vs. But when his Gehezl (for the comparison sutes better to the man then to the

Master) could see as yet no comfortable vision. The good bishop did not open his eyes to let him see as

Elisha did the Charretts of fyre on the topps of 212 the mountayns, but he opend his own baggs and showd him some Legions or rather Chiliads of Angells, who entrlng all at once, (not into a herd of swine) but into the Hoord of a Ladle, that then was potent with him, that was Domlnus fac totum. cast such a clowd in 5 to the Starchamber that the Bill was neuer openly heard of after. This or the like, and much more to the like effect wrytes this french author of the said

Bishop of Hereford, though the Treatise it selfe was not speacially meant against the bishop, but against 10 a Temporall Lord of a higher ranke, that was not a little nettled with the same, Insomuch as many travailing gentlemen, and among other this bishops sonne was calld in question for the publishing of this booke, belike because some particularities of 15 this matter were dlsooverd that could come originallle from none but him.

But to come againe to this bishop, I hope it shalbe no lust scandall to other good bishops, trew successors of the Apostles, that this man was a 20 bishop; ludas will haue successors as well as lames, and Symon Magus as well as Symon Peter (and somtlme perhaps both in one chayre). This man indeed had bene brought vp in the age of the fryers that made much of themselues, and relinquisht their Cells, that 25 read In the , laetare et fac. but left out bonum. for so he followd the text In the new

Testament, Make ye frendes of the wicked Mammon. but left out the part that should haue brought him to

Euerlasting tabernacles. For if Gods mercie be not the greater I feare his frend and he are met In no pleasant mansion though too too durable, yf that vision of Henry Lord Hunsdon were trew, as an honest gentleman hath often reported yt. But all this notwithstanding his posterltie may doe well, for God himself forbids men to say that the fathers eat sowr grapes and the Childrens teeth be on edge, and if the worst be, the English proverb may oomfort them, which least it want reason I will cyte in Byme.

It is a saying common more then civill

The sonne Is blest whose Syre is with the Devlll.

After his decease a great and long suite was held about his dilapldacions which makes the former report to seeme the more probable.

Doctor Herbert tfestphallng

There succeeded him a learned and famous Doctor indeed, Doctor Westphaling, who after he had bene a bishop divers yeares yet to shew that good bishops do not quite discontinew their studie, but rather increase their knowledge with their dignltie, came to Oxford at her Malesties last being there, and made an eloquent and copious oration before her for conclusion of the Devinltle disputacions; among which one speciall question that bred much atentlon was this, whether it be lawfull to dissemble in cause of Religion, and one argument more witty then pythie produced by an opponent was this, yt Is lawfull to dispute of religion therefore it is lawfull to dissemble, and vrging it further he said thus, I my selfe now do that which is lawfull, but I do now dissemble. Ergo it Is lawfull to dissemble. At which her Maiestle and all the Audltorie were very merry, I could make a rehearsall of some of the bishops oracion concerning this question, how he allowd a secrecie but without disslmulacion, a polllcle but not without piety, least men taking too much of the Serpent, haue too little of the Doue, but I am sure in all his speach he allowd no equivocation. Howbeit if I should insist long hereon I might sommit the same fault to your hlghnes that the Queene at that time founde in him, which was that she thought him too tedious. For she had sent twice to him to cut short his oraclon,

because her self meant to haue made a publique speach

that evening. But he would not, or as some told her

could not, put himselfe out of a set methodlcali

speache for feare he should haue mard It all, and

perhaps confounded his memorle. Wherefore she forbare her speach that day, and more privately the next morning sending for the heads of house3 and a few others she spake to them in laten, and among other she schoold Doctor Reynalds for his preclsenes, willing him to follow her lawes and not to runn before them. But It seemd he had forgotten it when he came last to Hampton Court, so as there he receavd a better schooling. I may not forget how the Queene In the midst of her oraclon casting her eye aside, and selng the old Lord Threasorer Burleigh standing on his lame feete for want of a stoole, she calld In all hast for a stoole for him, nor would she proceede in her speache till she saw him provided of one, then fell she to yt againe as if there had bene no interruption.

Vpon which one that might be so bold with her, told her that she did it of purpose to shew that she could interrupt her speach and not be put out, although the bishop durst not adventure to do a lesse matter the dale before. But this bishop was everie way a verie sufficient man, and for such esteemd while he

was of Christchurch, Trifling accideents shew as

good proofe ofttimes of a mans spirit and courage and

constancy as the weightiest occasions. Such a one

happend this Doctor while he was of the vniversitie, as a scholler of that tyme hath told me, and yt was

this, There had bene a very sharp frost (such as

haue bene many this yeare) and a sudden rayne or

sleete falling with it from the South east, had as

it were candyed all that side of the Steeple at

Christchurch with an yce mixed with snow, which with

the warmth of the sunne, soone after ten of the clock began to resolue, and Doctor Westphaling being in the middle of his Sermon, yt fell downe alltogither vpon

the leadds of the Church, with such a noyse, as if

indeed it would haue thrown down the whole church.

The people (as in sudden terrors is vsuall) fllld all with tumult and each man hasted to be gone so fast

that they hinderd one another. He first kneelllng down and recommending himself to God (as in the apprehension of a sudaine daunger) straight rose againe, and with so cheerfull both voyce and countenance lncouraged them, as they all returned and he quletlle finished his sermon. But his chiefe praise I reserue for the last, which was this, for 217 all suoh Benefices as either were in his owne guift, or fell into his hand by lapse, which were now few, and some of great valew, he neither respected letters nor commendaclons of Lords or knights, nor wife nor frends in preferment of anie man, but only their 5 sufficlencie and their good conversation, so as to sew for a Benefice vnto him was rather ameans to mlsse it, then to attayn it.

Doctor Cfiobertl Bennet

This Bishop was preferrd to this place since my 10

Author wrate his Catalogue so as he is not therein specified yet must not I do him that wronge to omit him in this relacion. This is he (if your highnes do remember yt) of whom his Malestie said, If he were to chuse a Bishop by the aspect, he would chuse him 15 of all the men he had seene for a graue reverent and pleasing Countenance. Concurring here in a sort, though by contraries with the Iudgement of Henry the fourth Emperor, who comming from hunting one dale

(as Malmsbury wryteth) went for devocion sake into a 20

Church, where a verie ill favoured faced priest was at service. The Emperor thinking his vertues suted his visage, said to himself, how can God like of so vgly a fellows service. But it fortuned at that 218

Instant the Priests boy was mumbling of that verslcle

In the hundred psalm, Ipse nos fecit. et non lpsl nos. and because he pronounced It not plainly the priest reproued him and repeated It againe alowd. Ipse nos fecit, et non lpsl nos. Which the Emperor applying 5 to his own cogitation, thought the priest to haue some propheticall spirit, and from that tyme forward esteemd him greatly and made him a bishop.

Thus that bishop though he could not sett so good a face of yt, yet he gat perhaps as good a 10 bishopprick. But to come to our bishop, whom myself knew In Cambridge a Master of Art, and a proper actiue man and playd well at tennis, and after that when he came to be Batcheler of Devinitle, he would tosse an argument In the schooles better then a ball in 15 the tennis Court. A graue doctor yet lyylng and his auntlent, alluding to his name in their disputacion, called him Erudite benedlclte. and gaue him for his outward as well as inward ornaments great commendacion.

He became after Chaplen to the lord Threasorer 20

Burleigh, who was Yerle curious, and no less fortunate

In the choyse of his Chaplens, and they no less happie In the choyse of their Patron, as Mr. Day after Bishop of Winchester, the bishop I now speake 219 o f ------Doctor

Neale now Deane of Westminster and dyvers others. Chichester

I flnde in former ages many vnlearned and vnfit men by favour recommended to Bishoppricks, but of a man recommended by the king* &nd refused by the

Cleargle only for his want of learning* I thlnke 5 there Is but one example, and that was one Robert

Paslew In the tyme of Henry 3. which prince Is no lesse to be commended for admitting the refusall then they for refusing. But yet In speaking of learned Bishops this Churche may say their last haue 10 bene their best. Doctor Watson your highnes can remember his Malesties Almoner, he was a verie good preacher preferrd by the Queene first to the Deanry of Bristow, where he was welbeloved, and after to

Chichester, where he was more honoured if not beloved, 15 for the Course of his life and cause of his Deathe,

I might in some sort compare him to Bishop Vaghan late of London, he grew somwhat corpulent, and having bene sicke, and but newly recoverd, adventured to travaile to wayt in his place, and so by recydivation 20 he dyed,

220 221

Doctor Andros

His Maiestie having a great desire to prefer

Doctor Andros then Deane of Westminster, made speciall choyse of him to succeede him aswell in the Blshopprlck as the Amnershlp. and I suppose If Henry the third his 5

Chaplen had bene so good a scholler he had not bene refused for his learning. This Bishop your highnes knoweth so well and haue heard him so oft as it may be you thlnke yt needlesse to here more of him. But

I will be bold to say your highnes doth but halfe 10 know him for the vertues that are not seene In him are more and greater then those that are seene, I will therefore play the blabb so far that your highnes may know him better.

He was ([born in London, and trained vp In The 15

School of that famous Mulcasterl and for the speciall towardnes that was found in him In very younge yeares, he was not only favoured but had llberall exhibition giuen him by a great Councellor of those tymes, as I shall note hereafter. 20

The Course of his studle was not as most mens are In theis tymes to get a little superflciall sight in devlnlty by reading two or three of the new wryters, and straight take orders, and vp into the pulpet. Of which kynde of men a reverent bishop yet lyvlng said as properly as pleasantlie, when one told of a young man that preached twlse everle lords day beside some exercising In the weeke dayes, yt male be saith he, he doth talke so often, but I doubt he doth not preach.

And to the like effect the late Queene said to the same bishop, when she had on the fryday heard one of theis talking preachers much commended to her by somebodies and the sondaie after heard a well labourd sermon, which some disgraced as a bosom sermon that smelt of the Candle, I pray said she let me haue your bosom sermons, rather then your lip sermons, for when the preacher takes paynes the Auditor takes profit. But to come to Doctor Andros, that gathered before he did spend reading both new wryters and old wryters, not as tasting but as digesting them, and fynding according to our Saviours saying 0 'TTocA'* f

htf foUpo^ the old to be more profitable, at last his sufficiency could be no longer conceald: But as an industrious merchant that secretlie and dllligentlie follows his trade with small shew, till his wealth being grown so great it can be no longer hidden is then calld on for Subsidies and loans and publlque services, so did this mans excellency suddenly breaks forth. 223

His patron that studied proiects of pollicy as much as precepts of pletie hearing of his fame, and meaning to make vse thereof sent for him (as I haue crediblie heard) and dealt earnestlie with him to hold yp a side that was even then falling, and to 5 maintain© certayn Statepolnts of Puritanisme; But he that had too much of the oC V S OS in him to be skard with a Councellors frown, or blown aside by his breath, answeared him playnly they were not only against his learning but his conscience. The 10

Councellor seing this man would be no fryer Pynky,

(to be taught in a Closet what he should say at Pouls) dlsmist him with some disdayn for the tyme, but afterward did the more reverence his Integritle and honestie, and became no hlnderer of his ensuing 15 preferments. Of theis one was a Prebend in Powls, belonging to him they call the Confessor or

Confess loner, a place notoriouslie abused in time of

Poperie by their tyranny and superstition, but now of late, by a contrary extreame too much forgotten 20 and neglected, While he held this place, his manner was espetlallie in time to walke duly at certaine howrs in one of the yles of the Church, that if anle came to him for spirltuall advise and comfort, as some did though not many, he might impart it to 25 22k

them. This custom being agreable to the Scripture and fathers, expressed and required in a sort in the

Communion booke, not repugning the 39 Articles, and no less approued by Calvin in his Institutions, yet was quarrelld by divers (vpon occasion of some sermons 5 of his) as a poynt of Poperle,

The like scandall was taken of some, though not given by him, for his reverent speaking of the highest misterie of our faith, and heavenly foode the lords supper, which some are so stiffe in their knees or 10 rather in their harts, that they hold yt Idolatrie to receaue it kneeling. But whatsoeuer such barked at, he ever kept one tenure of life and doctrine exemplar and vnreproveable.

Two speciall things I haue observed in his 15 preaching that I may not omitt to speake of, one to raise a loynt reverence to God and the Prince, to the splrltuall and civile Magistrate, by vniting and not severing them. The other to leade to amendment of life and good works, the fruits of trew repentance. 20

Of the first kynde a Sermon he made before the

Queene long since was most famous of this text.

Thou leadest thy people like sheepe by the handes of Moses and Aron. Which Sermon (though Courtiers eares are commonly so open as it goes in at one eare 25 and out of the other) yet It left an aculeus behlnde

In manle of all sorts, and Henry Nowell, one of the

great gallants of those times sware as he was a

gentleman he never heard man speake with such a

spirit; And the like to this was his sermon before

the king of two silver trumpetts to be made of one

piece. Of the second klnde I might sale all his

sermons are, but I will mention but his last that I

heard the of the last November, which Sermon I

could wish ever to read vpon that day. When the lord

turned the captlultle of Sion etc and I never saw

his Maiestie more sweetlie affected with any sermon

then with that. But to conclude I perswade my selfe

that whensoeuer it shall please God to glue the king

means with consent of his confederate Princes, to

make that great Peace Which his blessed word Beatl

Paclflcl seemeth to promise, I meane the ending of

this great schism in the Church of God, procured as much by ambition as by superstition. This Reverent

Prelate wllbe found one of the ablest not of England only but of Europe to set the course for composing

the Controversies, which I speake not to add reputaolon to his sufficiency by my Iudgement, but rather to win credit to my Iudgement by his sufficiency. And whereas I know some, that haue not known him so long 226 as I haue, yet haue heard and beleeue no lesse of his learning then I speake, finde fault that he is not so apt to deliuer his resolution vpon everie question moved, as they could wishe, who if they be not quickly resolued of that they aske will quickly 5 resolue not to care for yt. I say this Cunctatlon is the mean between preclpitacion and procrastination and is speacially commended by the apostle Saint lames as I haue heard him alledge it. Sit omnls homo 5^>oc£i/S tts To / tardus ad 10 loguendum tardus ad lram. Of Peterborough

Doctor Thomas Dove

I should do both this worthie Prelate, and my self much wronge, If I should not commend him for manie good parts; being one, whom I haue long known to haue bene greatlie respected, and favoured, by the late Queene, and no less liked and approved in the more learned Judgement of his Malestie; Howbeit, the ground on which I would build his Cheife praise, to some of the Arlstarchl and sowr Censurers of thels dayes, requyres first an Apologie. For I remember, that even in Cambridge, about 25 yeares since (and

I am sure he remembers yt too) a question rose among the Devines, skarce fit for the Schooles, less fit for the Pulpltt, yet was it both handled and determined in the Pulpit. Whether Rhetoricall figures and tropes, and other artificiall ornaments of speach taken from prophane authors, as sentences,

Adages, and such like, might be vsed in Sermons, and not rather the playn naked truthe delivered out of the word of God. The precise sort that would haue the word and church, and all goe naked, saving for 228 some aporne (perhaps) of fig leavs, were not onlie earnest but bitter, against the vse of all such humane or as they calld them prophane helps, calling them paintings, fitter for Strumpetts, then for sober and chaste matrons. But the graver and more 5

Orthodox weare of the other opinion, and namely my learned tutor Doctor Flemming, by appointment of the heads of the Colledges, in an excellent Sermon determind the controversie, That selng now the extraordinarie guifts first of tongs next of miracles 10 was seased, and that knowledge is not now Infusa but acqulslta. we should not displse the helpe of any humane learning, as neither Saint Paule did, who vsed the sentences of Poets as well as of Prophetts, and hath manie excellent tropes, with exaggerations 15 and exclamations in his Epistles. For Chastitie doth not abhorre all ornaments, and Iudith did attire her head as curlouslie as Iesabell, etc.

About 12 yeare after this, the verle same question in the same manner was canvased at Oxford 20 and determined in the pulpet by Doctor Howse, against

Doctor Helgnalds, who had held the other opinion; but vpon occasion of this Sermon, at which my brother

(that had bene his scholler,} and my self, happend both to be present, he retracted to vs his opinion 25 229 or rather disclaymd yt, aa my Lord of Durham that now Is (but then Deane of Christchurch) doth well remember.

This opinion then being sounde, that eloquence may serue as a handmayd, and tropes and figures as 5 lewills and ornaments to this chaste matron Divinitie,

I must say (as I began) that his sermons are as well attended and adorned in this kynde, and as plentlfullie, as anie of his predecessors haue bene, or his successors are like to bej and that they were wont 10 so to be long since sufficeth this testlmonie, that her Malestie that last raignd, when she first heard him, said, she thought the holy ghost was discended againe in this Doue. Of Saint Davies and the present

Bishop Doctor Anthonie

Rudde

Of this auncient bishopprlck, or rather archbishoppricke of Saint Davis, (as the old trew 5

Brittons do call it) In laten called Menevla. and the bishop Menevensls. I was told of an old graunted by Calixtus the 2; of a verie speciall note, ascribed thereby great holines to this place vizi that two pilgrimages to Saint Davie, should be equall 10 in merit to one Pilgrimage to Rome, expressed since for brevities sake by some fryer in a ryming vearse,

Roma semel quantum, bis dat Meneula tantum;

This place hath yeilded manie excellent bishops as well for learning as good life, and for abstinence 15 miraculous, yf we beleeue stories that 33 bishops successiuely eat no flesh; I can ad little of the bishops saue of him that now lives, whom if I knew not, yet by his looke I should guesse to be a graue and austere man, even like Saint Davie himselfe, but 20

230 231 knowing him as I doe he was in more possibillltie to

haue proved like to Saint Iohn Baptist, in my opinion.

There is almost none that wayted In Queene

Elizabeths Court, and observed any thing, but can

tell, that it pleased her much to seeme, and to be 5

thought, and to be told that she looked younge. The

Maiestie and gravitie of a Scepter borne kk yeare

could not alter that nature of a woman in her. This notwithstanding, this good bishop, being appointed

to preach before her in the lent of the yeare 1596, 10

the Court lying then at Richmond, and wishing in a goddlie zeale, as well became him; that she would thinke somtime of mortalltie, being then full 63 yeares of age, he tooke this text fltt for that purpose out of the psalms, 90 psalm, the 12. 0 15 teache vs to number our dales that we may enollne our harts vnto wlsedome. Which text he handled so well, so learnedly, and so respectiuly, as I dare vndertake he thought, and so should I if I had not bene somwhat better acquainted with her humor, that it would haue 20 well pleasd her or at least no waie offended her. But when he had spoken a while of some sacred and mistlcall numbers, as 3 for the trinitie, 3 tymes 3 for the heavenly Hierarchie, 7 for the saboth, and 7 times

7 for a Iubile, and lastly (I do not deliver It so 25 handsomly as he brought It in), 7 times .9 for the graund clymaterlcall yeare; she perceaving wherto yt tended, began to be troubled with yt. The bishop discovering all was not well, for the pulpet stands there vis a vis, to the Closet, he fell to treat of more plausible numbers, as of the numbers 666, making Latlnus. with which (he said) he could proue the pope to be Antichrist, also of the fatall number of 8 8, which being so long before spoken of for a daungerous yeare, yet it had pleased god that yeare not only to preserue her, but to giue her a famous victorie against the vnited forces of Rome and Spaine.

And so he said, there was no doubt, but she should passe this yeares also and many more, if she would in her meditlations, and Sollloqulas with God, as he doubted not she often did, and would sale thus and thus. So making indeed an excellent prayer by wale of Prosopopela in her Maiesties person, acknowledging gods great graces and benefitts; and praying devoutly for the continuance of them, but withall enterlarding yt with some passages of Scripture, that touche the infirmities of age as that of the 12, Eccleciastes,

When the grinders shalbe few in number and they wax darke that looke out of the wlndowes etc. and the daughters of singing shalbe abased, and more to like 233 purpose he concluded his Sermon. The Queene (as the manner was) opened the windows, but she was so far

from giving him thanks, or good countenance, that

she said plainly, he should haue kept his Arithmetlck for himselfe, but X see (said she) the greatest Clerks 5 are not the wisest men; and so went away for the time discontented. The Lord Keeper Puckering, though reverencing the man much in his pertlculer, yet for the present to aswage the Queenes displeasure, commaunded him to keepe his house for a time, which he did. But 10 of a truthe her Maiestie shewd no ill nature in this, for within 3 dayes after she was not only displeasd at his restraint, but in my hearing rebuked a lady yet living for speaking skornfully of him and his

Sermon. Only to shew how the good Bishop was deceaved 15

In supposing she was so decayed in her 11ms and sences as himselfe perhaps and other of that age are wont to bee, she said she thankt god that neither her stomacke nor strength nor her voyce for singing, nor fingrlng for instruments, nor lastly her sight was any whit 20 decayed, and to prove the last before vs all she produced a little Iewell that had an Inscription of very small letters, and offerd it first to my Lord of

Worcester and then to Sir lames Crofts to reade, and both protested bona fide they could not, yet the 25 Queene her selfe did finde out the Poesie, and made her selfe mery with the standers by vpon It, And thus much for Saint Davis. Yet I haue bene told of a straunge stone of huge waight and blgnes that hath a prettie quallltie. Namely that with one finger you 5 male 3tir ytf yet twentie yoke of Oxen cannot remove it, but I rather thinke it is mistaken for the stone

Mr. Cambden writes of neer Pensance in your Contrie of Corwall, called Mamamber, which he wrytes, page

136, hath the verie like quallltie. 10 Of Landaf

Doctor Francis Godwin l601. It Is doubtles a wonderfull antiquitle 43. Eliz. that my Author produceth of Landaffe, that It professed Chrlstianltie and had a Church 5 for Christian Religion In the year© of our lord.

180. But alass, for a man to boast of great noblllltle and goe in ragged clothes, and a Church to be praisd for great antiquitle, and make ruynous shewes, is in mine opinion according to the vulgar proverb, a 10 great boast and a small roast. But by this Authors relacion, yt appeares this roast was not so mard by an 111 Cooke as by a worse Kitchen, for In the yeare

15^5* being the 37. of Henry 8. Doctor Kitchen being made of an ydle Abbot a busle bishop, and wading 15 through thies hazardous times that insewd till the first yeare of Queene Elizabeth, to save himself, was content to spolle his Blshopprick, Sathan having in those dayes more care to sift the Bishoppricks then the Bishops. Else how was it possible for a man of 20

235 236 that ranke to sing Cantate Domino Cant1cum novum fours times in yeare, and never sing out of tune, yf he had not lovd the kitchen better then the Church.

Howbelt though he might seeme for namesake to favour the kitchen, yet in spoyle of that See he was as little 5 frend to the Kitchen as the rest, spoyling the woodes and good provisions that should haue warmd yt, which gaue occasion to Doctor Babington now bishop of

Worcester, to call it Aph (without land) and Doctor

Morgan after to remove to Saint Asaphe from thence 10 not for names sake, but for his own namesake that is Morgalne. At what time the present bishop I now speake of, being then Subdeane of Exceter Doctor

Prauncls Godwin having that yeare newlie publlsht this worke, and the same being in great request, and 15 highlie commended to the Queene for a godlle learned and necessary worke, she gaue him presently this bishoppricke not full two months vacant, and would as willinglie haue given him a much better in her owne disposition, as may well appears in that she gaue 20

Doctor Cowper the bishoppricke of Lincolne only for making a Dictlonarie, or rather but for mending that which Sir Thomas Eliot had made before.

Of this bishop therefore I may speake sparingly yea rather spare all speache, considering that everie 25 leafe of his worthie worke is a sufficient testimonle of his vertuous mlnde, vnfatlgable Industrie and

infinite reading for even as we see commonly those gentlemen that are well discended and better bred are most carefull to preserue the true memories and pedigrews of their aunceators, which the base and

Ignorant bycause they could not conserve, will seeme to contemne. So this worthie bishop, collecting so dilligentlie and relating so falthfullie the succession and lyves of so many of our Christian most reverent bishops in former ages, dothe prove himself (more by spirituall then carnall birth) to come of those ancestors of whom it was long before prophesied by the princely prophet, "Insteede of the fathers thou shalt haue Children whom thou shalt make princes in all places." Though the lmpietie of theis latter tymes hath sought to make our fathers all but children and younger brothers (as they say) and to disinherit them of theirs or rather of christes patrimonle. He deserveth then a pen much better then mine, and equall to his own, to do that for him he hath done for other.

Before his going to Exceter I had some acquaintance with him, and haue heard him preache more then once at our Assises and elswhere. His manner was to be sharpe against the vices most abounding in the tyme, Sacriledge, Symonie, contempt of God in his ministers, and want of charitie. Amongst other of his Sermons, preaching once of Diues and Lazarus he said that

though the Scripture had not expressed plainly who

Diues was, yet by his clothes and his fare, he might be bold to affirme he was at the least a Iustice of peace, and perhaps of Oyer and Terminer to. This speach was so ill taken by some gulltle conscience, that a great matter was enforst to be made of yt, that it was a daungerous and seditious speache, and why forsooth bycause it was a deare yeare. But see how a mans enemies somtimes do him as much good as his frends. Their fond accusation, and his discreet lustification, made him both better known and more respected, by them that were able to doe him most good. Since this he hath lyved in so remote places from my occasions, First at Exceter and then beyond sea in Walls, that I am become almost a straunger to his person, but yet I am grown better acquainted with his wrytings, both in latten and englishe, and namely this his Catalogue, which haying read first with great contentment to my selfe, I haue since for your highnes pleasure pervsed againe, and presumed to ad some notes and a Table by wale of Alphabet, for the more readie finding of most memorable matters. 239

beside a Supplie of such as were in his edition

wanting, of whom finding himselfe to be one, that

comming in so worthille was not worthie to be left

out I glue him here in his due place his more due

Commendation, Which if I should fortune vpon some 5

envie to haue forborne, or vpon Iudgement to haue

omitted as a praise needles where the whole worke is

his praise, he might worthllie haue said as much of

me, as I wrate of a certalne Poetaster some yeares

past, who left me out of the bedrole of some rymlng 10

paper blotters that he calld Poetts,

Of Poets, Balbus reckning vp a rabble,

doth boast he makes their names more honorable.

And ne're vouchsafing me to name at all,

He sayes he knowes he greivd me to the gall. 15

I galled? simple soule: no thou art gulled,

to thinke I prize the praise of such a Dull head.

Whose vearse is guiltie of some bodge or blame

let them seeke testimonialls of their fame.

then learne vntaught, then learn ye envious elvs 20

no bookes are pralsd, that do not praise themselus.

And thus much be said for the and the bishops of the severall Diocess thereof. 2J+0

There followes now to sale somwhat also

of the Province of Yorke, which

I shall endeavour to accom-

pllshe with like

brevltie and

fidelity. Of the Archbishops of Yorke

and first of Doctor Thomas Younge

Concerning the Archbishops of Yorke that haue bane

In the former ages, whose lyves are pertlculerlle related by this Author, yt seemes to me a matter 5 worthie some note, that there haue bene of them for devotion and pietle as hollle, for bloud and nobillltle as hlghe, of wealths and ablllltle as huge, as anie not only of England but of Europe. Now that every age male haue his excellencie I will sale of this our age I 10 mean for some 50 yeare past In which there hath bene seaven Archbishops of Yorke, that their haue bene as excellent In courage, In learning,end eloquence. For

Doctor Nicholas Heathe whom her late Malestie founde both Archbishop and Chauncellor (though she did take 15 or rather reoeave both from him) Yet did she ever gratefullle acknowledge both his courage and fidellitie showd in her cause, and vsed no man of his religion so gratiouslie. Of Archbishop Grindall I haue spoKen before and In his due place given him his deserved 20 praise. Now I am to ad a worde or two of Archbishop

2*fl Younge that In the third year of Queene Elizabeth was made Archbishop. He was first bishop of Saint Davis, and either next or verle soone after Bishop Farrar who among other articles that were alledged against him had one that I thinke was neuer alleadged against Cleargie man or lay man before, and that was for ryding on a

Scottish saddell; But this Bishop walked more warilie then that bishop did ride, so as this came to liue in a state, where tother dyed at a stake. But how great soever his honor was in being both Archbishop and

President, he left one President that too manie are apt to follow, which was the pulling down of a goodlle hall only for gredines of the leadd that coverd it. Plumbl faeda fames. A drossie desire, and vnworthie part, with which he staind the reputation of learning and

Beligion that was before ascribed to him; and although by means of some great frend this was lesse spoken of in his life time then after it, yet if 1 haue bene rightlie informed even by that, he was made no great gayner. Trew it is he purchased great things of the

Earle of Arundell, and how his heyres thrive with it

I do not heare, but there is a perilous vearse. De male quesltls vlx gaudet tertlus haeres, pQr mine own part 1 must confess© that where I finde that same distroying and rewening spirit that in the Apocalips is named in Hebrew Abaddon, and sounds in my engllsh eare and heart a bad one, I suspect there is little trew vertue or godlines harbord in that breast. But if he vrere finely beguiled of all this leadd, by his great frend, that would be bold with him, I imagin that none that hears it will much lament it, at aventure

I will tell your highnes the tale that I heard from as good a man as I tell it of. Only because he named not the parties I cannot preciselie affirme it was this man, but I dare affirme this man was as worthie of it.

A great lord in the Court in those dayes sent to a great Prelate in the Northe to borrow 1000 £ of him.

The Prelate protested on his faith (I thinke not a

Iustlfying faith) that he was not able to doe it, but if he were he would be verle willing, acknowledging great favors of the said lord, and sending some present enough perhaps to pay for the vse of 1000 L. The nobleman that had good espiall both north and south, hearing of a certaine Ship laden with leadd belonging to this Prelate, that came to be sold at London, even as it came to Land, sends for the Prelates Agent, showes him his lords letter and protestation vnder his hand, proves the abillltie demonstrable by the leadd, and so by treatie or terror, or trechery of the Servant, made him betray his Master for 1000 £. Doctor Edwin Sands

As those that saile from Flaunders or Ireland to London or Bristow, being past the tempestuous and broken seas and now In sight of the harbor, yet even there feare to miscarry somtime by mistaking the

Channell, and are oft so perplext as one bids to set saile againe, another advises to cast ankor: so

Is it now with me, drawing toward the end of this my short and voluntarie voyage, I remember a Ship of

London once, that hauing past the Godwin sands verie safe, and sayling on this side black wall to come vp to Ratcliff, strake on the black Rocke at the poynt below Greenwich, and was almost cast away, I haue

(as your hlghnes sees) past allreadie the Godwins,

If I can as well passe over this Edwin Sands, I will goe Roomer of Greenwich Rocke, not forgetting to vaile as becomes mee in passing by, and if the spring tyde serve, come to ankor about Richmond,

For I am entring now to wryte of an Archbishop who though he dyed 20 yeares since in that Anno mlrablll of 88, yet he lives still in his ofspring, having a sonne of his name, that both speakes and wrytes admirablie, whose profession, though it be not of Religion (as his fathers was), yet never did his 245 fathers preaching shew better what to follow, then his wrytlngs shew what to shunne. Yf my pen therefore

should wronge his father, his pen no less might wronge me. I must appeale therefore, for my

lustiflcation in this poynt, to the most indifferent 5 censures, and to yours espetiallie sweet Prince, for whose sake I wryte, for if I should let passe a matter so notorious as that of this Archbishop of Yorke, and

Sir Robert Stapleton, it were so wllfull an omission as everle one might accuse me of; and if I shold 10 speake of either, partiallie and against my own conscience and knowledge, I should much more accuse my selfe. Here then is the Scilla and Charlbdis that

I sayle between, and if I faile of my right course, I shalbe driven to say as a silly Preacher did vpon an 15 vnlike occasion, and much lesse to his purpose. When he happend vnwares to haue a more learned Auditorie then he expected.

Incldl in anc111am cuplens vltare Carlbdln.

But the Storie that I make this long Introduction 20 vnto, is shortly this. About 25 yeares since there was great kyndenes and had long continewed, between

Archbishop Sands, and Sir Robert Stapleton, a knight of Yorkeshire, whom your hlghnes hath often seene; who In those dayes, for a man well spoken* properlle seene In languages, a comlie and goodlle personage, and skant an equall and (except Sir Phillip Sidney) no superior in England. For which reasons, the

Archbishop of all his neighbors and contrlmen, did make especiall account of him about the yeare 83,

Also, he was high Sherife of Yorkeshlre, and met the

Iudges with ?. score men in sutable lyveries, and being at this time likewise a Widdower, he woed and eonne, and wedded soone after, one of the best reputed widows in the west of England. In this felicitie he sailed with full sayles, but somwhat too high; and no lesse the Archbishop in like prosperitie, of wealth and frends and children, yet seeming aboue all to ioy in the frendship of this knight; who answeard in all good correspondence, not onlie of outward complement, but Inward comfort, but well said the Spanish Poet.

Nulll te facias nimls sodalem

gaudebls minus; at minus dolebls.

Too much companion make yourselfe to none

Your ioy wilbe the lesse; and lesse your mone.

Theis two, so frendlie neighbors and consorts, swimming in this calme of content, at last happend to fall fowle one of another by this occasion. The knight

in his great good fortunes, having as great designes, among other things had laid the foundaclon of a faire house or rather Palace; the modell whereof he had

brought out of Italie, which house he intended to name

Stapletons stay and for that cause envlted the

Archbishop in good kindnes to see it, and requested him for the more credit, and as It were blessing to the house, that his Grace would giue it the foresald name. But when the Archbishop had fully beheld yt, and in his Iudgement found it fitter for a lord

Treasorer of England, then for a knight of Yorkeshyre.

He said to him, would you haue me call this entended house Stapletons Stay? Nay rather let me say to you.

Stay Stapleton; For if you go forward to set vp this house, yt will pull you down. How often a man looses a frend with a least, and how greivous it is for a mans vanity to be crost In the humor. This speach of my lords, that I should thinke, entended frendly, vttered faithfully and applied even fatherly, vnto him, he tooke in so deepe disdalne, and dispite* that howsoever he smotherd it for the present from that time forward he sought a mean to revenge it. And wanting neither witt to devise, nor courage to execute his designe, he found out, or at least he supposed he had found a Strategem, not only

to wreake this skorne on the good bishop, that

mistrusted nothing, but also to make the old mans

purse pay for the finishing of the new house. He

acquaints him with an officer in my lords house, some

Malcontent, that had bene denied a lease, thels two

devise; that when my Lord should lie next at

Doncaster, where the Hostis of the house, having bene

formerlle I suppose Mrs. Sands her maide, was bold

sometimes to bring his Lordship a Cawdell to his beds

side, (for in charitie I may surmise no worse). Sir

Robert should also by chaunce come and host at the

same house. This bad wife, and her good man, are

made pertakers and parties of this Strategem, her

part but a naked part, viz: to slip into my lords

bed in her smock, mine host must suddenlie be

iealous, and sware that he holds his reputation,

though he but a poore man, more deare, then that he can indure such an indlgnitie; and therevpon calls

Sir Robert Stapletonne, brings him to the bishops chamber in his night gown, takes them in bed togither with no small exclamation. The knight that acted his part with most art, and least suspition; takes great paines to pacify the host, coniures all that were admitted, to secrecie and scilence; and sending 2^9

all to their lodgings without tumult, asketh of my

Lord how this came to passe. The bishop tells him

with great protestation, that he was betrayd by his

man and his host, little suspecting the knight to be

of the Quorum. The knight sooths him in all he said, 5

condoles the great mischaunce, is sorrowfull for the

daunger, and carefull for the honor of the bishop and

speclallie the Churche.

Proh superl quantum mortalla pectora caecae

Noctls habent? ipso scelerls mollmlne (miles) 10

Creditur esse plus.

The distressed Archbishop distrusting, no frawd in him asketh his advise in this disaster, and following his councell from time to time, glues the host a piece of money, the false officer a Farme, and the 15 knight for his travaile manie frendlie recompences.

But when he found after all this smoothing, and soothing that he grew so bold at last, to prease him beyond all good manner, for the good Mannor of

Southwell; then he founde that in soothe all was not 20 well, and was even compelld too late to that he might much better haue done much sooner, viz: to complaine to the Lords of the Councell, and to his auncient and deare frend, the Earle of Leicester, (for whose father he had almost lost his life) by whose help he gat them called to the Starrechamber ore tenus. where they were for this consplracle convicted, fyned and Imprisoned. The fame, or rather Infamie, of this matter, speciallie before their conviction, was farre and dlverslle spread according as the reporters favord or dlsfavord either; and the frends of each side had learned their tale so perfect, that many long time after held the first Impression they had receaved, notwithstanding the censure and sentence in the

Starchamber. Part whereof being, that the knight should publikelie acknowledge how he had slanderd the

Archbishop, which he did in words conceaved to that purpose accordingly, yet his frends gaue out, that all the while he caryed a long whetston hanging out of the pocket of his sleeve, so conspicuous, as men vnderstood his meaning was to giue him selfe the lye, which he would not in another matter haue taken of anie man. But thus the bishop had a Conquest which he had no great comfort of, and livd but few yeares after yt, and the knight had a foyle that he would not seeme much daunted with, and livd to haue part of his fine releast by his Maiesties clemencie, but yet he tost vp and downe all his life without anie great contentment, from Wiltshyre into Wales and thence to the Yle of Man, a While to Chelsey, but little to Yorkshyre where his chiefest stale should haue bene. So that of this Storie I could collect manie Documents both for Bishops and Knights; but that I shun prollxitie in a matter no way pleasing.

Howbelt bycause one P.R. or R.P. for he can turne his name as a Mountbanke turnes his cap; in his epistle before the Resolution (a booke much praised by Sir Edwin Sands) hath a ?coffe after his manner, at this Hostis of Doncaster. I would pray him but to pervse the life of Saint Barnard, not that of their lying Legend, but that which vnworthlly perhapps goeth among his most worthie workes written by

William Abbot in flue bookes. There he shall finde in the 3. chapter of his first booke, how that same maidenly Saint, was subiect to a like manner of scandall, first of a younge woman lying by him in naked bed halfe a night, when himself was not 30 yeare old, and yet we must beleeue he toucht her not, and next of his hostis also offrlng 3 tymes in one night to come to his bed, and he crying out each time Latrones Latrones. theeves theeves, which our

Bishop had much more cause to haue cryed, and had he but remembred it, as I doubt not but he had read yt, he mought peradventure haue dissolved the pack with it. To vtter mine own conceyt frankly, if

Parsons coniecture were trew, that by humane frailtle this Prelate had in his younger dayes bene too familiar with this woman, which is said to passe but as a Veniall sin, among those of his profession, yet was the knights practise very fowle, and the lords Censure verie iust that condemnd him. For I heard Iudge Anderson a learned and stowt ludge, condemns one, for a Rape vpon the oath of a marled woman; notwithstanding the man affirmed, and the woman denyed not, but she had often in former times yeilded herself to his lust; because, it seemd she had repented that course of life, in betaking her to a husband. So my Lord, if he had once such a fault, yet now that the fault had left him, as well as he the fault, had iust cause to complaine; and the knights practise was blameworthie, to seeke to entrap him thereby to the spoile of the Church and disgrace of his calling. And the Archbishop did much noblier to hazard this obloqule of some ydle tongues, then to haue encurred the greater skandall of betraying his

Church. To conclude therefore, I wishe all squyres, and knights, to be fuller of Reverence toward Bishops, and Archbishops; and not to oppose or contest with them. The Play of Chesse, a game (not devised for, 253 or by fooles) may teach that the Bishops due place is neerest the king, and though some knight can leape better over the Pawnes heads, yet oft times he leaps short, where the bishops powre yf you crosse it, reacheth the length of the whole province. 5

Doctor lohn Peers

Of this Doctor lohn Peirse who lyved and dyed a most reverent Prelate, I must, to giue him the greater commendacion do like those that when they will Inforce them to leape their farthest, goe backe the contrary 10 way some part of the ground, and by little and little mending their pace at last overleape the marke themselues had designed, so shall I looke backe into some part of his life, and show first how vnlikely he was to come to such hygh honour and place as he 15 dyed in. For although he was a scholler towardly enough in his youth, of good wit, and not of the meanest birth, having a gentleman of good sort to his brother, yet hasting to a competent stay of life he accepted of a small benefice in the Contrie, as I 20 take yt neere Oxford: and there was in great hazard to haue drowned all those excellent guifts that came after to be so well esteemed and rewarded in him.

There first he was inforced to keepe mean and rusticall companies that company enticed him to the Germane

fashion even then grown too common in England, to

sit whole nights in a tipling house at Ale and Cakes,

as Ennius and Cato are noted: of the former of whom

Horace saith.

Ennius ipse pater nunquam nisi potus ad arma

proallult dlcenda.

and of the latter Martiall saith.

Quod nlmlo gaudes noctem producere vino

Ignosoo. vltlum forte Catonis habes.

Howbeit this gentleman never met with such a disgrace

by such companie as the Parson of Llmmington had

(Wolsey). whom our Contriman Sir about a

drunken fray set in the stocks and yet he afterward

proved both Archbishop of Yorke and one of the

greatest Cardinalls of Christendome. Neither do I

being theis examples to lessen this fault as if I

were to leaue some aspersion hereof vpon him, my

purpose is nothing lesse. For I am rather of that

gentlemans minde, that having by fatherlle indulgence,

tollerated the humor of gaming and wenching in his

sonne, disinherited him for drinking, saying of the first, if he had witt he would not loose much by it, of the second, that In time for his own ease he would leaue it, but of the third he said he would proue the elder the vilder, and hardlle ever amend it.

Now therefore that I haue showed you how this bishop was in daunger by this fault let me also shew you how he was freed from yt. Being once against Easter preparing as well himselfe as others for receaving the holy Communion, and making choyce of a discreet

Confessor before whom he might powr out his soule

(a custom as pittifully abused in those dayes, as dlsvsed in theis) he declared to him by the way this disposition of his to companie and drinking. The

Preacher like a true spirltuall father Indeed, no lesse learnedly then zealouslie laying before him, the enormitie of such a Custome did earnestlie dehort him from yt, affirming to him that though everle perticuler excesse in that kynde did not reache to a habite or height of mortall sinne, as one Act of

Adultery murder or false witnes doth. Yet if it should grow to a habite, yt were not only an vgly skandall in that profession, but would draw also as bad sins as it selfe with yt. Behold a comfortable example, how where nature is weake grace can strengthen it. Vpon this graue admonition he left first the fice and after the companie, and following his Studie 256

at the Vnlversltie more lndustriouslie then before,

he ascended worthilie the degrees of Doctor and Deane

and Bishop and Archbishop and lyved all his life not

only continent but abstinent, of his contlnenecy my

author hath said sufficient, of his abstinencie, this 5

may be one proofe, that being sicklie toward his end

he was so fearefull to drinke though his stomacke

requyred it, that his Phisltion being a pleasant man

and loving a cup of wine himselfe very well, was wont

to sale to him somtlmes, Now if your Grace will call 10

for a cup of wine and drinke to me I warrant it will

never hurt you.

Doctor Mathew Hutton

I no sooner remember this famous and worthle

Prelate, but I thinke I see him in the Chappell at 15

Whitehall, Queene Elizabeth at the window in the

Closet, all the Lords of the Parliament Splrltuall

and temporall about them, and then after his three

Coursies that I heare him out of the Pulpit thundering

this text (Ieremy.). The klngdomes of the earth are 20 mine, and _I do glue them to whom X and I haue gluen them to Nabuchadonezer and his sonne and his

so mis sonne. Which text when he had thus produced, taking the sence rather then words of the prophet, there followed first so generall a murmur of one frend whispering to another, then such an erected countenance

In those that had none to speake to, lastlie so quiet a sc Hence and attention in expectance of some straunge doctrine where the text it selfe gaue away klngdomes and scepters, as I haue neuer obserued either before or since. But he as if he had bene a Ieremlah himself and not an expounder of him shewd how there were two speclall causes of translating of kingdoms the fullnes of time and the ripenes of slnne, that by either of theis and somtime by both god in secret and lust

Judgements transferred Scepters from kinred to kinred, from nation to nation at his good will and pleasure.

And running historicallle over the great Monarchies of the world, as the kingdome of Egipt and after of

Israeli swallowd vp by the Assirians and the golden head of Nabuchadonezer, the same head cut of by the silver breast and Arms of the Medes and Persians

Cyrus and Darius, this silver consumed, by the brazen bellle and thlghes of the Grecians and Allexander, and the brass stampd to powder by the Iron leggs of the

Romans and Caesar; Then commlng neerer home he shewd how oft our nation had bene a pray to Forreners, as first when we were all Brittons subdewd by theis Romans, then when the fullnes of time and rlpenes of our slnne required it, subdewed by the Saxons, after this a long time persecuted and spoyled by the Danes finallie conquered and reduced to perfect subiectlon by the , whose posteritle continewed in great prosperitie till the dayes of her Maiestie who for peace for plentie for glorle for continuance had exceeded them all; that had lyvd to chaunge all her

Councellors but one, all officers twice or thrice.

Some Bishops fowre times, only the vncertaintie of succession gaue hopes to forreners to attempt fresh

Invasions, and breed feares in many of her subiects, of a new conquest, the only way then said he, that is in pollicle left to quaile those hopes, and to asswage thease feares, were to establishe the succession. He noted that Nero was speciallie hated for wishing to haue no successor that even was the worse beloved for appointing an ill man to his Successor, and at last insinuating as far as he durst the neernes of blood of our present

Soveraigne, he said plainly that the expectations and presages of all wryters went northward, naming without anie circumlocution Scotland, which said he if it proue an error, it wilbe found a learned error.

When he had finished this Sermon, there was no man 259

that knew Queene Elizabeths disposition, but ymagined

that such a speach was as welcome, as salt to the eyes, or to vse her own word, to pin vp her wynding

sheete before face, so to point out her Successor, and vrge her to declare him, wherefore we all expected that 5

she would not only haue bene highlie offended, but in some present speach haue shewed her displeasure. It

is a principle not to be dispised Qul nesclt dissimulate nesclt regnare. She considered perhaps the extraordinarie auditorie, she supposed manle of them were of his 10 opinion, she might suspect some of them had perswaded him to this motion, flnallie she ascribed so much to his yeares, to his place, to his learning, that when she opend the window, we founde our selues all deceaved, for verie kyndlie and calmly without shew 15 of offence (as if she had but waked out of some sleepe) she gaue him thanks for his verie learned Sermon.

Yet when she had better considered the matter, and recollected her selfe in private, she sent two

Councellors to him with a sharpe message to which he 20 was glad to giue a patient answer. But in this time, that the Lords and knights of Parliament and others were full of this sermon, a great Peere of the Realme that was then newly recovered of an impediment in his hearing (I would he did heare no worse now) being 25 260 in great lyklng of the Archbishop for this Sermon, prayd me to proue my creditt with this grace to get a coppie thereof, and to vse his name if neede were, alledging that Impediment, which causd, though he were present, yet he caryed away little of it. I did 5 so, and withall told, how my selfe had stood so incommodiously by meanes of the great preasse, as I heard it not well, but was faine to take much of it on trust on other mens report, who varyed so as some

(I was sure) did him wronge. The Archbishop welcomd 10 me verie kyndlle, and made me sitt with him a pretty while in his lodging, but in fine told me plainly he durst glue no coppie, for that Sir lohn Portescue and Sir lohn Wolley (as I remember) had bene with him from the Queene, with such a greeting as hee skant 15 knew if he were a prisoner or a freemen, and that the speach being alreadie ill taken, the wrytlng might exasperate that which was alreadie exulcerat so denyed my sute, but in so loving a fashion, as from that time to his end I did greatly honor him, and 20 layd vp in my hart manie good lessons I learned of him, and it was not long ere the Queene was so well pacified, that he went down, with the Presidentship of Yorke in the vacancie (halfe against his will) committed to him. Till afterward the Lord Burleigh 25 261 now Earle of Exceter, of whose courage fideliltle and religious hart the Queene had great assurance, was made the Lord President, But to returne to this

Archbishop, as he was in place but second, so was he

In learning and specially in reading not second to any 5

in his time. In so much as in Cambridge long since he was one of the chosen disputers before the Queene, and a Iesuite 26. yeares since disgracing our engllsh

Studients as neglecting and not reading the fathers, excepts this Mathew Hutton and one famous Mathew more, 10 and of this Hutton he saith qul rnus in paucls versares patres dlcltur. which is one of those few that search the fathers, for matters of the world I can sale but that that is known to the world. His eldest sonne is a knight of fair lyving and now or lately Sherief 15 of , and a man of verie good reputaclon.

One other sonne he had that an ill life brought to a worse end, his name was Luke Hutton so valient that he feard not men nor laves, and for a robbery done on Saint Lukes day for names sake, he dyed as bad a 20 death, I hope with a better minde then the theife of whom Saint Luke wrytes that he bad our Saviour if he were Christ© to save himself and him. The Archbishop showd herein the constancie and severitie worthie of his place, for he would not endevor to saue him (as 25 the world thought he easilie might) deserving herein

the praise of Iustlce which Ely, wanted that was too

Indulgent of his sonnes vices, and having hereby no

blott but such as may sort him, with the great Monarch

of this last age King Phillip, with two famous warriors

of the old Romans Manlyus and Brutus, and with the

highest priest even Aron, His own death was more

happie then his life, to dy Satur annorum full of

yeares, and to see and leaue peace vpon Israeli.

Doctor Thoble Mathew

The praises of a frend are partiall or suspitious

of straungers, vncertaine and not iudicious, of

courtly persons complementall and mannerly, of learned

and wisemen more pretious, of a prince most cordiall

and comfortable, but of an Adversaria though often

daungerous, yet never vndeserved. What exceptions

then can be taken to his iust praises, whom frends

comment, straungers admire, nobles imbrace, the learned affect and imitate his soveraigns haue advaunced, and

even his enemle and emulous cannot chuse but extoll and approue. For Edmond Campion, in his Pamphlet of

the ten Reasons, which the Catholiques count an Epitome

of all their doctrine, labouring to proue that the fathers were all papists, to glue the vttermost credit to his assertion, saith that Thoby Mathew confest to him so much. Pertentavlmus (saith he) allquando familiariter. Thlbjam Matheum qul nunc in Conclonlbus domlnatur. quem propter bonas artes et vlrtutum semina dllexlmus. We did once in familar sort, sound Thoby

Mathew opinion, he that now domyniers in your Pulpitts, whoa for his good learning and seedes of Virtue we esteemed, etc. This then is the testimoniall of their

Champion, concerning his excellent gifts 27. yeares since. Yf this commendacion were then dew, as indeed except it had bene verie dew, that pen would never haue given it. What may we thinke of him now that for preaching may sale with saint Paule I haue labord more then ye all, for reading lets no booke pass, which for author matter or wltt hath any fame, who hath so happie a memorle that no occasion slips him, whether premedltat or sudden, either in publique or private to make vse of that he had not read. But it is worth the hearing which he answers to this calumnlacion as well as commendation, which answer being in a long and learned laten sermon Ad clerum I will not wronge so much to abbreviate in this place, but only for that same poynt

Qul in conclonlbus domlnatur. his sharp and modest returns I could not let passe being but a lyne. Neque enlm nostrum mlnlsterlum est domlnatlo. neque vestra mlnlsterlum. For neither is our Ministerle anie lordly authoritle, nor your lordlie cornuaunde a true mlnlstery.

But his Reading, learning, preacheing is so well knowne

to your highnes as I do but loose labour in recounting either generall or pertlculer praises thereof, I will discend now to some personall matters, which though commonly they are more captious for the wryter, yet are they withall more pleasing and acceptable to the

Reader, He was borne of honest rather then honorable parents in the Cittie of Bristow which Clttie standing in two Counties Sommerset and Glocester, might move both Contries hereafter to challenge him for their

Contriman as divers cltties of Greece did Homer. Yf somtime himself would not cleare it by saying he is a Sommersetshyre man, or to wryte it as he speaks it sportingly a Zomeretshyre man, shewing a towardllnes in his verie infancle to learning, hee was set verie younge to schoole at Wells, but overrunning his

Schoolemasters doctrine with his docillitle he went quickly to Oxford, yet ere he went he had a vervailous misfortune, for even as if Sathan had forseene that he should one dale proue some excellent Instrument, of his Service that must bruise the Serpents head, he forgat not to attempt his part Insidlari calcaneo, procuring him in a plalne easle way so terrible a 265 fall, as brake his foote and small of his legge and ankle almost all to pieces. But if the strong man procured this harme a stronger granted the remedie for he was soone after so soundly cured, as there remayned after no signe or skar no effect or defect either 5 for sight or vse of this rupture. After his comming to Oxford he tooke all his degrees so ripe in learning and so younge in age as was half a miracle. There it seemes also the Colledges strave for him, he removed so oft. [Blank in both MSS.] till he rested In that 10 for which he was ordaind a principall vessell Christs

Church. During his abode there being Deane of

Christchurch, it is hard to say whether he was more respected for his great learning, eloquence, authoritie, countenance given him by the Queene and the great ones, 15 or beloved for his sweete conversation, frendly disposition, bountie that even then showd yt selfe, and aboue all in cheerfull sharpnes of witt that so sawced all his words and behaviour, that well was he in the Vniversitie that could be in the companie of 20

Thoby Mathew, and this name grew so popular and plausible, that they thought it a derogation to their loue to ad any title of Doctor or Deane to yt, but if they spake of one of his men, as he was ever verie well attended they would sale Mr. — or Mr. — Thoble 25 Mathews man, yea even since he was bishop and Archbishop

some cannot leaue that custome yet. Among some speclall men that enioyed, and loyed most In his frendshlp and

companies In Oxford and in remembrance of It since they

were sunderd, was Doctor Eedes late Deane of Worcester,

one whose companie I lovd, as well as he lovd his

Thoby Mathew. He for their farewell vpon his remoue

to Durham, entendlng first to goe with him from Oxford but one dayes lournie, was so betrayed, by the sweetnes of his companie and their old frendshlp, that he not only brought him to Durham, but for a pleasant penance wrate their whole lournie in laten vearse. Which Poem himself gaue to me, and told me so many prety Apothems of theirs in their younger yeares, as might make a booke almost by itselfe.

And because I write only for your highnes pleasure I will hazard my Lords displeasure to repeat one or two of his of one or two hundred that Doctor

Eeds when he livd could remember. Being Vicechancellor

in Oxford some sleight matters and men comming before him, one was verie importunate to haue them stale for his Counoell, who is of your councell saith the

Vicechancellor, saith he Mr. Leasted; alas said the

Vicechancellor no man can stand you in less steede, no remedle saith the other necessltie hath no law, 267

Indeed (quoth he) no more I thlnke hath your Councellor.

In a like matter another was to be bounde in a bond verie like to be forfeited, and came in hast to offer it saying he would be bounde if he might be taken, yes saith he I thinke you will be taken, whats your 5 name. Cox saith the partie, and so prest as the maner is to come Into the Court, make him roome there said he, let Coxcome in. Such facetious passages as theis, that are as delightfull to the hearer as a fair course at tilt is to the beholders, where the 10 staffe breaks both at the poynt and Counterbuffe even to the hand, such I say, a man might collect a volume of, not at the second hand but at the first, that had bene so much in his companie and so oft at his boord as I haue bene, but that I must keepe good 15 manner remembring the greeke proverbe a* i

oirno j oy/ Odl memorem compotorem. And if your hlghnes had a fancie to here more of them, Mr. Davie

Dromond can as well relate them as my selfe, both of vs having met in his graces dishe somtimes and tasted 20 of this sawoe. Yet this kinde of pleasantnes that I repeat as one of his praises, himself will most seriouslie check in himself somtime as his fault and infirmitie, which he confesses he is inforced to vse somtime as a recreation of his wearied spiritts, after 25 268

more painfull and serious studies, and though in theis

conceyts the wit might seeme to labor as much, as in

those gravest, and had neede to as it were a

good bent to send them so smartlie, as they come

ordinarily from him. Yet me thinke it male be fitly 5

compared to a bow that will indure bending the contrary

way, and thereby come to cast the better in his right

bent, or by a more homely comparison to a trew and

toughe labourer in our contrle, that having sweat at

hard labor, all the weeke, asketh no better refreshing 10

then to sweat as fast with daunclng about the Maypole, or running at base or wrestling, vpon the holy day.

Wherefore let himself call it his fault, as I haue heard him oft, and say that he knowes such nugacitie becomes not his place, and lament that nature 15 and custome haue so fram'd him that when he ceases to be pleasant at his meate he must cease to bee. For my part I speake frankly I will loue this fault in him if it be a fault, and be glad if I can follow

it, having learnt an old rule of my mother in law. At 20 meate be glad, for sin be sad. And I will sale hereafter for my selfe.

Haud metuam si lam nequeo defendere crimen

Cum tanto commune viro. 269

or as vpon no vnlike occasion I wrate ten years since

to Doctor Eedes.

"Though Momus love mens lynes and liues to skanne

he saith he thinks me no dishonest man.

Yet one great fault of mine he oft rehearses 5

Which is I am too full of toyes and vearses

Trew Momus, trew, that is my fault I graunt

Yet when thou shalt thy greatest vertue vaunt

I know some worthy sprites one may entice

to leaue that greatest vertue for this vice." 10

But if any wilbe so stoycall as to make this confession

of my Lords grace (which is indeed of grace) to serue

them for an accusation, to giue him thereby the nickname

Nugax. givn 500 yeare past to Radulphis Archbishop

Canterbury and successor of the great Anselme as is 15

noted in the Catalogue pag: 38. I should thinke them

vniust and vndlscreet to stir vp new emulacion between

Canterbury and Yorke; but rather I might compare him

with one of his own predecessors in Dirham, Cuthbert

Tunstall pag: 532* of the same booke well worthe the 20 reading and remembrlng. In the meane time let me allay their censorious moode with this vearse.

ftul sic nugatur tractantem vt serla vlncat.

Hlc tractatus serla quantus erat. 270

But to draw to an end I will tell one act of his of double pletie done not long since; He made a lournie accompanied with a troope fit for his calling to

Bristow to see his mother, who was then lyvlng, but not able to travalle to him. After much kyndnes 5

shewed vnto her and much bountie to the cittie he went to visit his other mother of Oxford, and commlng neer the town with that troope of his retinew and frends to a water, yt came into his minde how that time bO yeare or more he past the same water as a 10 younge poore scholler going to Oxford, and remembrlng

Iacobs words. In baculo meo translvl lordanem lstum etc. With my staffe I passed over this Iourdalne, and now I passe over againe with theis troops, he was so moved therewith, that he allighted from his horse, and 15 going apart with devout tears of loy and thankfullnes, he kneeled down and vsed some like words.

Yt may seeme pittie that a man of so sweet and mllde disposition should haue anie crosse, but he that sends them, knows what is best for his. He hath had 20 one great domestlcall crosse, though he beares it wisely; not in his wife, for she is the best reported and reputed of her sort I thinke in England, and they liue togither by Saint Pauls rule. Vtentes hoc mundo tanquam non vtentes. vsing the world as yf they va*d 25 yt not. But I mean such a Crosse as David had in his sonne

Absolon, for though he gaue both consent and commission to prosecute him yet nature overcame displeasure and forced him to cry Absolon my sonne my sonne 1 would 1^ might suffer for thee, or in thy steed my sonne my sonne. For Indeed this sonne of his, whom he and his frends glue over for lost (yea worse then lost) was likely for learning, for memorle, for sharpnes of witt and sweetnes of behaviour to haue proued another

Thoby Mathew, neither is his case so desperate, but that if he wold beleeue Mathew better then Thoble I

would think yet there were hope to

reclayme him. Thus haue you, most highly esteemed and entirely beloued Prince, this vnworthie supplle of mine to the worthle worke of a more worthy man. It Is grown Into greater lengthe then I expected by reason I tooke some klnde of pleasure with the palne of wryting hereof, 5 supposing I was all the while as it were telling a

Story, in your hlghnes presence and hearing. Now if anie that favour not the persons I write of, nor the purpose I write for, happen to sport at this my fashion of wryting to your hlghnes: as Tygranes leasted 10 at Lucullus army saying that If he came as an Embassador his trayne was too great, yf as a Warryor, his troope was too small, so If they say this Treatise, for an

Epistle is too long, for a history too little; I will also hope that this, whether long Epistle or short 15 relacion, shall haue like sucoesse in your hlghnes approbaclon, as that contemptible Army had, to conquer their contemners. In the mean time my soule shall ioyne with all the good bishops I haue written of, and other good subiects spirituall or temporall, to send 20 vp our continuall and devout prayers to Almightle

272 god, that your hlghnes may increase daylie In all good gulfts and graces, and In favour with god and men; to answer the hope of those klngdomes that you are borne

to, of so many godly noble and imperiall families, as you are discended from, so magnificent an Vncle, so

excellent a mother, and so

admirable a father. The occasion why the former worke

was taken In hand

About the monthe of August last past, his Malestie

then being at Windsor, a Londoner of honest credit told me how a preacher In the Citty had with more zeale 5 then discretion, {reprehending the spoylers of the

Church, and such as gape for such spoyls) told wlthall how some lewd person had soatterd in divers places this ryme.

Henry the 8, pulld down Abbeys and Cells 10

But Henry the 9. shall pull down Bishops and bells.

This most reasonles ryme, borne away by the vulgar auditors better perhaps then any part of the text or sermon, hath bred since amongst divers men dyvers cogitations. The worst sort of Papists, that haue 15 not yet disgested the dissolution of Abbeys, (and may perhaps in a factious pollicie broach such a brulte) fill men with feare that all tends to impletle and Atheism, as though no man can serve god that is

274 not a Romane. The guiddy Puritan, that is most

suspected of the making and meaning of it, is well

pleasd when he hears yt, hoping their preshitery would

rise by the fall of Bishops, their charitie being to

quench the fyre raiad by this Schlsme, non aqua, but.

ruina, not with water but with rewln as Tully saith in

his oration pro Murepa. The Malcontent reioyces to

heare of spoyle, that he whom no chaunce can lightly

make worse, some chaunge may possiblie make the better.

But the trew Christian that fears god and honors the

king, doth neither dispise such lewd practises and

preparatiues to mischelfe, nor any whit delect his

hart and hops hope either to beleeue them or giue way

to them; but rather bestlrrs himselfe the more

couragiouslie to discouer the frawd, and resist the

mallice of the enemie. For this is no new practice

of Sathan nor the first of this kynde in theis latter

times, In which he sheweth this cunning that mising

falshood with probabilllties, and forespeaking some mlschelfs he would effect as well as foretelling some blessings he could not hinder, he getteth his disciples such credit, as Agrlppa attributes to

Astrologers, who roving somtlmes at some truthe, win fooles to giue faith to much falshood. But to shew how stale this goodly prediction is of the rewin of Bishops, though some ill Poet hath giuen it a new coate,

the old Vestiment made by Peirce Ploughman being belike

worne out of fashion, yt is well knowne to many yet

lyving how Sir Manhood a man nothing

supersititious, and concerning all soothsayers and

witches almost incredulous, yet out of some straunge

speculation, seemd to prognosticate two great matters,

the one of which being allready falsified, makes me

no lesse confident that the other shall proue as

vntrew. His first prognostication (as I call it) was

of the great civill warrs that would rise by the vncertainty of Succession immedlatlle after Queen

Elizabeths death, for which cause I haue heard he convayd his land so as no state of inheritance should remayne in any of his heyrs till $ years after the

Queenes death, which was his time lymltted for ending this great warr, which war lasted not 5 minutes, for neither man nor mouse once peeped against her indubitat heyre, and therefore, now his heyre may possess his more doubtfull inheritance. His second speculation asketh a more longer time to dlsproue, but thus it was. In his life time he made a tombe of good valew, for matter as well as workmanship, and shewing the same among others to a knight of his contry (Sir

Edward Hobby), both for witt, learning, and allyance, 2 77 of great reputacion, he was asked by the said knight, where It should stand, whether in Fouls or Westminster or Canterbury, he told him verie seriously, he had given order to set it in a mean parrish church, and being asked the reason, he answeard because forsooth he would 5 be glad to haue his bones ly quiet as long as he might, but saith hee, you see the Abby churches are allready pulld down, and our Wysards tell that

Cathedrall churches shall be next the pore parrish churches will stand longest and therefore there would 10

I ly. And there you may ly and be found a lyar in this poynt even at the day of Iudgement, and god deale then as mercifully with you and your man Luker as our late Soveralgne did, when she told you the story of

Cambyses and threattend to make you such an example 15 for some peccadillos of yours, and your peremptory wryting to the Lords of the councell,

Omnes qul sunt male agentes. semper currunt ad

potentes.

Vlvat Rex currat lex. Adew my lords. 20

After all which she forgaue all this, and sent you downe your Circulte not only with safetie but with solace. But now I returne to our new prophecies, one of which I haue here expressed (beeing afore so famous) 278

the others I will not recyte, least I may seeme to

commltt the fault I reproue, but the Prophets themselus

haue ill success, to hazard both their liberties and

lyues with their lyes. Thels trayterous and malltious

prediction of Henry the 9th (whom I whishe no longer 5

to hold the Crowne then he can be content to expect

yt) comes out of the same forge with the former, and is

now newly furbusht by some malcontent (as Sir Thomas

Chaloner when I first told him of yt did as porbably as prudently coniecture) that wishing evlll to the 10 present goverment, in his false hart, would also as far as in him lyeth poyson the hope of our children and posteritie, a treason so much more odious to all good minds, by how much the future time is euer more carefully respected then the present, every good spirit 15 being readie to vndergoe hazard travalle and cost, to leaue his posteritie in good estate when he dye3, and to dy himself in peace as Horace doth very well expresse

Senes vt in otla tuta recedant.

But when I consider with my selfe that no lease pious, 20 then wise and princly Maxim of his Malestie our

Sollomon. No Bishops, no king, to which I dare be bold to ad this. No king no noblllltle or gentry.

I conceaue with extreame detestation what a horrible 279

confusion they entend to bring vpon vs, that now

breathe out to vs theis prophecies of pulling down

Bishops. This made me bold first to recommend to the

noble Prince, with the privitie of his discreet and

vertuous tutor Mr. Newton Deane of Dirham, this well 5 approved worke of Doctor Frauncis Godwin now Bishop

of Landaffe, a worke so well esteemed by our late

Soveralgne, as in reward thereof she made himself a bishop; then with small entreatie, I vndertooke to adde this supply vnto yt of the late times, with as 10 much fidellitie and persplcuitie and as little partiallity as posslblie I could, which thoughe I thinke fitt to be seene of a few yet I wish yt may be pervsed by this hlghnes, and hope in some respects it wilbe thought not vnworthy of his reading. For in 15 reading of both he shall playnly see that Christian religion was first planted by Bishops, that it hath beene preserved and continued with Bishops and that it will fall and decay without Bishops, as in some other tretis I will god willing more speaclally prove. 20

But now if any should aske why such a man as I should busie my selfe so earnestly in a cause that concearns so manie and so learned men, all much better to defend themselus, and all more properly or at least more deeply lnteressed in the same, I answer 25 280

that the lesse I am lnteressed In yt, the better I

may be credited. As I haue observed somtime how In

a Campe, when for lack of pay or some other distresse,

the souldiers are ready to mutlne, against their

Captayns, or the generall himself; a Corporall or a 5

gentleman of a band doth prevaile more many times to

pacific their mynds then the Captaines themselus, against whom they be chieflie exasperate; so in this splrituall mutiny against Bishops, by many Inferior soldiers of

the Millltant Church, that having glutted themselus 10 with Manna murmur against Moyses and Aron, Yt may be my perswasion thoughe neither so eloquent nor vehement as some of them could vse in their own cause, may prevaile more with those of my sort and be less suspected of passion or partiallltie esteeming my self 15 for this purpose as Tully said of himself, Non electus ex multls qul maxlmo ludlclo. sed rellctus ex omnibus qul mlnlmo prelculo posslm dicere. Not as choyce man among the best, that can speak with most Iudgement, but as one left among the meanest which may discourse with less daunger, 20

In which kynde if I vse more freedome of speache then ordinary either of the dead or of the lyving, let me not be deemd either malitious or audacious, having learned of the same Author, Qul vere et libere loquitur, hunc male non loqul. A trew and free 25 281 speaker Is no evlll speaker. And If any finde fault that ay relacions fall short in many places of their merits of whom I speake, and In some poynts may seeme but vncertaine, I must be borne with therein as they that report Battells fought, at which themselus were 5 present, who though they could not from any one place see all the feats of Arms, and defeats that they wryte of, yet telling part of that he saw and felt, as

Aeneas doth quorum pars vna ful. and gathering part by the sequell, and some by other mens report, or the 10 enemies confession, is supposed to wryte a trew history.

Lastly for all such as seeme daunted and dismayd with theis fond predictions, I wlshe them be of good comfort and to assure themselus that is impossible a Prince discended of such Auncestors so vertuously 15 brought vp, so devoutly and sweetly inclyned by nature and nurture; whose father with Incomparable wisedome and pletle hath new erected 1*4- Bishoppricks decayed, and (which is an augurlum against this wicked predlcition), turned a broken Cannon in Scotland, to 20 abell; should so straungly degenerate in England, to pull down 24 Bishoppricks so long since and so firmly established, and to prophane bells, ordaynd for the 282 sounde of loy, and honour of Christian peace, to make of them Cannons the thunderers of rewlns and horror of Turkish wrarrs.

finis NOTES

In order to shorten the citations I should like to indicate the major sources of information contained in the notes following. The important primary sources for ecclesiastical matters are the following works:

John Foxe, The Acts and Monuments of John Foxe. ed. G. Townsend, 8 vols. (New York, 1965); John Strype,

Annals of the ReformatIon. 4 vols, (London, 1824),

Ecclesiastical Memorials. 7 vols. (London, 1816),

Historical Collections of the Life and Acts of the

Right Reverend Father in God. John Aylmer (Oxford,

1821), The History of the Life and Acts of the Most

Reverend Father in God. Edmund Grlndal. 2 vols. (Oxford,

1821), The Life and Acts of John Whltglft. D. D.,

3 vols. (London, 1822), The Life and Acts of Matthew

Parker, 4 vols., (Oxford, 1821), Memorials of the Most

Reverend Father In God Thomas Granmer, 2 vols., (London,

1840); Thomas Fuller, The Worthies of England, ed. John

Freeman (London, 1952), A Church History of Britain, ed. J. S. Brewer, 6 vols. (Oxford, 1845); Gilbert

Burnet, The History of the Reformation of the Church of England. 3 vols. (New York, 1843); and John LeNeve,

283 284

Fasti Eooleslae Angllcanae. comp. Joyce M. Horne,

7 vols. (London, 1963)®

The major biographical sources are the DNB.

which contains accounts of all but a few of the bishops;

Anthony a Wood, Athenae Oionleaes. 2 vols. (London,

1692); Fuller's Worthies; , Aubrey1s Brief

Lives, ed. 0. L. Dick (London, 1958); Joseph Foster,

Alumni Oxonlenses 1500-1714. Vol. I (Oxford, I89D ;

John Venn and J. S. Venn, Alumni CantabrIg1ens1s. pt.

I (Cambridge, 1922).

Modern works which have provided Information are too numerous to mention more then a few. Of

special value Is , A Bibliography of

British History. . l485-l603. 2nd ed.

(Oxford, 1959)* which contains a section on ecclesiastical history, pp. 151-212. Of great use in dealing with the personalities and events of the time, many of which have long since become buried

In print or manuscript is Ruth Hughey, The Arundel

Harlngton Manuscript of Tudor Poetry. 2 vols.

(Columbus, I96O-I96I), the second volume of which contains very informative notes on allusions to events and personalities mentioned in the poems, many of whoa are connected with the Harlngton family or with the Church. Other works are J. S. Muller,

Stephen Gardiner and the Tudor Reaction (New York, 285

1926); Philip Hughes, The Beformatlon in England,

3 vols, (London, 1953)* the numerous publications of

the ; William Pierce, An Introduction

to the Marprelate Tracts (London, 1908); W, H. Frere,

A History of the English Church in the Reigns of

Elizabeth and James 1 (London, 190*0; and James

Gairdner, The English Church In the Sixteenth Century

from the Accession of Henry VIII to the Death of

Mary (London, 190*0.

All the previously mentioned works are referred

to in the Notes in some abbreviated form, usually by

author's last name, or by author's last name and short-

title of the work referred to, thus: Strype, Grlndal.

P. 31.

103.6-7 Cranmer . . . Coverdsll. Thomas Cranmer, Nicholas

Hidley, Hugh Latimer, , John Rogers, and

Miles Coverdale, all religious martyrs of the reign

of Mary. Cranmer, Ridley, Latimer, Hooper, and Rogers

were burnt at the stake. Coverdale lived in exile in

Denmark until after Mary's death.

103.21 this Author. Francis Godwin. See his Catalogue

of Bishops (1601), p. 129.

103.22 haulng lost all his lyvlngs for his maryadge.

Parker was married 2 k June 15^7 to Margaret Harleston, 286

103*22, cont'd. daughter of a gentleman of Mattlshall,

Norfolk. Under Mary's reign he was stripped of his posts; he was allowed to resign the Mastership of

Corpus Chrlsti College In December 1553 ^ad lost his other posts in 1554-. S®« V. J. K. Brook, A Life of

Archbishop Parker (Oxford, 1962), pp. 50-51. J* B*

Mulllnger in his biography of Parker in the DNB intimates that Parker's deprivations wer not only a result of his marriage but also of his espousal of Lady Jane Grey's claim. Brook feels, however, that his marriage was the primary cause. Parker himself defended clerical marriage in A Defence of the Marriage of Priests against Thomas Martin, a reply to an attack on priest's marriages by a "Thomas

Martin," today thought to have been a pseudonym for

Stephen Gardiner. This work is not listed in STC. but there is a copy in the British Museum. See also

DNB S.V. Parker.

104.14-24 Harington's account of this incident is the primary source. Mulllnger cites it in his biography in the DNB.

104.16 her mothers Chaplayn. Parker was chaplain to

Ann Boleyn from 30 March 1535 until her death, and felt that his bond to Elizabeth was partly an extension of 287

10U-. 16» cont'd. his great feeling for her mother. See

Strype's Life of Parker. II, 121.

105.6-7 Gaeterls paribus . . . lmparlbus. Other thln^ being equal — and unequal.

IO5.9 Edmond Gryndall. Grindal, archbishop of Canter­ bury and York, a cleric of puritan sympathies, and well known as Algrind In the May eclogue of Spenser's

Shepheardes Calender. i05.ll he was blynde. The doubts that Harlngton casts on Grindal's blindness here and later are unfounded.

It Is well established that he suffered from cataracts in both eyes, which left him almost blind at his death.

IO5 .I6 There was an Italian doctor. The Incident referred to here is recounted in Strype's Life of

Grindal. II, 225-226. The lord Is the Earl of

Leicester, whose Italian physician, Dr. Borgarucis

Julio, or Julio Borgarruci, had married a woman who was supposedly already married to another man. She was prevented from residing with Julio by the Master of Soils, and the case was not decided until some years later, in 1576, against Julio by Archbishop

Grindal. Harlngton has the story backwards. The lady had two husbands; the doctor did not have two 288

105.16, cont'd, wives. Grindal's difficulties with the queen were much deeper and more serious than a disagree­ ment over the disposition of Julio's case. See Strype,

Grindal. pp. 333-334.

105.22 convented. summoned before a Judge or tribunal,

In this case before the archbishop, for trial.

106.7 Non . . . earn. He is not allowed to have her.

106.21-22 Et . . . querls. From Ovid, Metamorphoses,

III, 524-525: "So shall it come to pass; for thou shalt refuse to honour the god, and shalt complain that in my blindness I have seen all too well" (from the Loeb Classical Library translation by F. J. Miller, pp. 160- 161).

IO7.I left two wyues behind. After his first wife's death Leicester married secretly in May 1573

Douglas Sheffield, widow of John, second baron Sheffield, who gave him a son, Robert, two days after. This marriage was never acknowledged by Leicester. In

1587 Leicester married Lettice Devereux, Lady Essex.

Later, after his death, his second wife was unsuc­ cessful in preventiig Sir Robert Dudley, Leicester's son by Lady Sheffield, from inheriting his father's title (DNB).

107.4 Doctor Whlteglft. John Whitgift (1530?-l6o4), 107.4, cont'd. who succeeded as arch­

bishop on 23 October 1583* Contrary to her attitude

toward Grindal, the queen was deeply devoted to

Whitglft.

107.6-13 Whltglft was with Elizabeth at her death at

Richmond 23 March 1603 and celebrated James' corona­

tion on 25 July 1603.

107.16-17 Mr. Cartwright. Thomas Cartwright (1535-

1603)» distinguished spokesman for the Puritans. He

was a fellow of Trinity at the time Whitgift was

Master. Both clashed on several religious Issues,

particularly episcopacy, and In 1571 Whitgift was

successful In having Cartwright removed from his fellowship.

107*23-108.2 Mr. Cartwright . . . profession. In 1585

Cartwright was placed by Leicester as master of a

hospital he had founded in Warwick.

108.5 £§. author hath told. Godwin, p. 179*

108,10 Bishop Elmer. John Aylmer, Bishop of London, q.

109.6 Bonum . . . etc. "I have fought a good fight,

I have finished my course, I have kept the faith”

(II Timothy 4.7). 290

109.21-2^ Candida . . . tuls. The authorship of these

lines is not known. I offer a free translation:

To you, Whitgift, white gifts are a name and a

token*

No one gave whiter rewards to your friends:

Now therefore you have a name inscribed on a

snowy jewel

Or a white mantle is given you for your

merits.

110.5-6 The Bishops of Durham and Winchester. Toby

Mathew, q.v., and Thomas Bilson, q.v.

110.17 his wryting. Bancroft took a vigorous part in the Martin Marprelate exchange, and may have been primarily responsible for identifying the printers of the tracts. Bancroft has also been credited with encouraging Nashe and others to employ the satirical techniques of the tracts in their replies. See

Pierce, p. 219.

111*1 qul in oonclonlbus dominatur. Who domineers in the pulpits. See below, n. 263.23.

111.11 he was a single man. Both Mathew and Bilson were married; however, it is doubtful that James1 decision was solely determined by this fact. Harlngton again is displaying his antipathy to the marriage of clergy. 291

111.23 Lord Cromwell. Henry Cromwell, grandson of

Thomas Cromwell, Henry VIII's minister. Bancroft was a tutor In Jesus College, Cambridge, about 1568.

111.25-112.1 Mjr Lord Chauncellor Hatton. Sir Christopher

Hatton (15^0-1591)• Lord Chanoellor under Elizabeth,

Hatton also presented Bancroft with the rectory of Cottingham in Northamptonshire in 1586.

112.3-^ Est . . . legl. From Ovid, Metamorphoses,

XIII, 2*4-1-242, "Surely, 'tis something, alone out of the many thousand Greeks, to be picked out by Diomede"

(trans. F. J. Miller, Loeb Library, II, 2*4-5)*

112.9 Novelists. i.e., Puritans.

112.9-10 the straunge and frantike Attempt of Hacket and hla fellows. On 19 July 1591* William Hacket, a fanatic by all accounts, and a number of others, went through Cheapslde proclaiming Hacket to be

Christ and adjuring the people to repent. They were subsequently Jailed, and Hacket was found guilty of declaring the queen not to be the true queen of England. He was executed, disembowelled, and quartered on 28 July 1591* Harlngton*s implica­ tion that Hacket*s actions had some secret, powerful support has not been verified (DNB. s.v. William

Hacket). 292

112.15 Iudge Popham. Sir (1531?-l607)»

chief Justice of the King's Bench and Judge at the

trial of the conspirators In the Gunpowder Plot.

112.19-20 namely one Darling. I have not been able to

find any record of such a case In the usual references

to proceedings. John Hawarde's Les

Reportes del Cases In Camera Stellata. 1593-1609

(London, 189*0, p. 155» lists 20 November 1602 as the

last Star Chamber day of Elizabeth's reign.

113.11 Watson against Parsons. William Watson (1559?-

1603), secular priest, author, conspirator, and

Robert Parsons (1546-1610), the well known Jesuit

missionary. Though both were Catholics, Watson,

as a secular priest, strongly opposed the Jesuits,

represented by Parsons, because of their attempt

to dominate the English Catholics and also because

of their treasonous intrigues.

113.11 Impar congressus. Unequal in strength.

113.25 Ne . • • capiat. Lest the church suffer.

114.2 Bishop Elmer. John Aylmer (1521-1594), bishop of London, Lady Jane Grey's tutor and the Ideal teacher cited by Roger Ascham In The Scholemaster. 293

114.4-5 this Author. Godwin.

114.14— 15 Mltlsslma . , . novo. Among monarchies, the

mildest lot Is to be found under a new monarch. From

Lucan, Pharsalla, VIII, 4-52-453.

115.6 of Bonner. Edmund Bonner (15007-1569), chaplain

to Cardinal Wolsey and twice bishop of London. Bonner

was deeply involved In the Marian persecutions.

Harlngton*s account is used extensively by Wood,

Athenae. I, 125.

115.24-25 twice lost his blshopprlck. Bonner first

lost his position as Bishop of London under Edward VI,

on 1 October 1549* He was restored on Mary's accession,

and lost the seat on his refusal to take the Oath of

Supremacy on Elizabeth's accession, in 1559.

116.6 his own picture. The picture appears in John

Foxe's Actea and Monuments (London, 1563)* P. 1101.

It shows Bonner burning off the hand of the

Thomas Tomkyns.

117.9-10 Cum . . • parvulus. "When I was a child I

spake as a child, I understood as a child" (I

Corinthians 13*11). 29^

118,1 mard all the Elms In Fulham, It appears that

Harington is making sport with an incident in

Aylmer*s life. He was heavily criticized in 1579 for having cut and sold over three hundred trees at one time, and a hundred trees later. The in­ cident is recounted in Strype, Life of Aylmer. pp. 46-4-8. Strype also gives a thorough account of Aylmer's conflict with Madox, or Maddocks, pp.

97-100, and cites Harington*s account. However,

Strype maintains that Harington*s claim that Aylmer marred the elms of Fulham is false. See pp. 67-68.

118.16-17 which eight . . . had not done. Harington*s statement is erroneous, for of the eight bishops, three died in office: William Barons (1504— 1505)*

Richard FItzjames (1506-1522), and

(1530-1539). Of the others, ,

Edmund Grindal, and were translated to other sees. Ridley and Bonner, as noted before, were deprived.

119*10 Malum ab aquilone. Evil to the north, i.e.,

Scotland.

119.10 Coleprophets. "One who pretends, by magic or occult means, to predict the future, tell fortunes, etc." (OED). 295 119.11-12 In eialtaclone . . . leaenae0 In the

ascendancy of the moon, the lion Is united with the

lioness. This is an astrological allusion to Elizabeth's

possible marriages and their effect on the welfare

of England. The allusion is completed in Aylmer's

comment that "as long as Virgo is the ascendant

with us, we need feare of nothing," that is, as long

as Elizabeth remains unmarried.

119*I2 Trlgon. Triangle, that is, a triangulation in

the conjunction of the stars, which supposedly fore­

shadows some kind of civil Insurrection.

119.16 Deus . . . nos. God with us, those against us.

119.20-21 He had a daughter. The account is of Aylmer's

third daughter, name unknown. Strype repeats Harington's

anecdote and describes In some detail the conflict

between Aylmer and his son-in-law. Though the authenticity of Harington's account cannot be established definitely, there is a good deal of evidence to show

that feelings were tense between the two men. See

Strype, Life of Aylmer, pp. 122-125.

120.1-2 Jit . . . alone. Genesis 2:18, "It is not good that man should be alone." 296

120,23 Per dlsclpllnam et verbera. Through teaching

and flogging.

120,25 his eldest. Samuel, of Claydon Hall, ,

who was a prosperous lawyer and later High Sheriff of

Suffolk under Charles I.

121.1-2 another excellent Preacher. Theophilus,

Archdeacon of London, and a preacher of great repute, according to Strype, Life of Whltglft. pp. 116-121.

121.11 Bishop Fletcher. Richard Fletcher, Bishop of

London from 159^ to 1596, father of the famous dramatist John Fletcher.

121.ll*-15 as Tully said. Delotarus was tetraroh of

Galatia in Asia Minor at that time and was accused by his grandson Castor of attempting to assassinate

Caesar. Cicero defended him against this charge in

Pro Rege Delotaro.

121.17-18 Quaaquam . . . solent. From Pro Rege Delotaro. lx, 26. The quote, In present-day Latin Is, "etsi hoc verbo £frugalitas] sclo laudarl regem non solere."

121.22-122.5 * then , was granted permission to resign his see in February 158O. The vacancy was not filled until the appointment of Martin

Heton to that bishopric in 1599* 297

121.23-122.1 Brlstoll and Oxenford. Bristol and Oxfoid were created bishoprics by Henry In 1542 and 15^5» respectively.

122.it- Commendam. Holding or putting a bishopric (or benefice in the charge of some cleric or lay person until a proper official is chosen to take charge of It.

123.20 Mr. Secretary WalsIngham. Sir ,

Elizabeth's Secretary of State.

124.2 tot et tot. So much and so much.

124.4-6 From II Kings 5:15-19. The story is of Naaman the leper who is cured by Elisha.

124.6 Ellzeus. Elisha

124.7 Non erat . . . temporls. Was this fault not of the man but of the times?

124.10 lib. 2i* Num. 80. The number In the 1618 edition is 25. The epigram was numbered 80 in B.M. Add. MS.

12049. See W. W. Greg, "Harington^ Epigrams," TLS.

12 January 1928, p. 28. The poem reads:

"Of the excuse of Symony.

Clerus. I heare, doth some excuse alledge" 124.10, cont'd.

"Of his, and other fellowes sacriledge:

As namely, that to some, against their wills,

That men are bound to take the lesse of ills;

Thay they had rather, no man need to doubt.

Take Liuings whole, then such as his without:

And therefore we must lay this haynous crime,

Not vnto them forsooth, but to the time,

Ala3j a fault confest, were half amended,

But slnne is doubled that is thus defended.

I know, a right wise man sings and beeleeues

Where no Receiuers are, there be no Theeues.

(sig. 12^)

124.15 Dlvldaturi In part, separately.

124.20-21 Rerum . . . Vnguem; from Epistles I, i, 103-

104: "... though you are the keeper of my fortunes, and flare up at an ill-pared nail. ..."

125.8 which Mr. Danyell . , . did put into English vearse: Samuel Daniels The Civile Wars, I, st. 33*

Harington has slightly altered the last line. The

source In Seneca is unknown.

125.18 a gallant lady1 Fletcher’s second wife was the widow of Sir Richard Baker of Sissinghurst, .

Elizabeth was very much displeased with his marriage, 299

125.18, cont'd. and banished Fletcher from court, and

it was largely through the aid of Lord Burghley that

he was able to get back in the queen's graces.

126.11 dyed sodainly, taking tobacco: William Camden

also credits this account in his Annals (London,

1835)» P. 469. The account appears first in the second

edition, 1624.

126.11 my. lord of Canterbury that now Is: Bichard Bancroft.

126.14 Lord Keeper Puckering: Sir John Puckering

(1544-1496), lord keeper of the seal. Vaughan was

chaplain to Puckering.

129.1 Corpus . . . animam: A body that is destroyed, causes the soul to deteriorate.

129.10 Doctor Ravls: Thomas Haris (15607-1609), one of the Oxford committee who translated the new

Testament.

129.13 Mr. Gollsborow: Godfrey Goldborough, Bishop of

Gloucester, 1598-1604.

129.13 this booke: Godwin.

130.18-19 a great chaunge in Glocester . . . nine yeares since: This would hare been in 1598, Just at the time of GoIdsborough*s accession (see above), Goldsborough 300

130.18-19, cont'd. himself rarely resided In the

diocese, whereas Ravis took an active Interest In

Improving conditions at Gloucester.

131.1 their Bishop; Godfrey Goldborough. See above.

131.13-14 the Lord of Shrewsbury; Gilbert Talbot,

seventh earl of Shrewsbury (1553-1616).

133*3 Verge; "an area subject to the Jurisdiction of

the Lord High Steward, defined as extending to a distance of twelve miles round the King's court" (OED).

133.13 author; Godwin.

134.3 the first bishop Wickham. William Wickham (d. 1404), founder of Winchester School,

134.12-13 this pretty poem . • . made by Doctor Iohnson.

The poem, here included without translation, was written by the famous Latin poet Christopher Johnson

(1536?-1597)» also Headmaster of Winchester. It first appeared in Richard Willes, R. Wlllel Poematum Liber

(1573), STC 24671, under the title "Ortus et vita

Gullelml de Wickham, olim Eplscopi Wintoniensls," dated 14 December 1564.

141.14 twice bishop of Winchester; Gardiner was appointed bishop under Henry VIII and deprived under Edward VI, 301

141.14, cont'd. on 15 February 1551* He was restored by Mary on her accession to the throne.

141.1? Mj£ Author directs his Headeri in Godwin, but

Godwin's account contains no reference to Foie's book.

See Godwin, pp. 247-248. Foie's account of Gardiner is Interspersed throughout Vols. VI-VIII.

142,6 Tanturn . . . memlnlmus. We know as much as we remember.

142.10 Cromwell. , minister to Henry VIII.

142.12-13 he was. a Cathollque Protestant, or a protest­ ing Cathollcke. Gardiner's ability to straddle the fence in matters of religion is legendary, and today people are torn between admiration for his administra­ tive abilities and political acumen, and his reprehensible participation in the religious persecutions of Queen

Mary's reign. Harington*s account also reflects this balanced attitude throughout, both in his account and in the juitaposed poems that follow it.

142.15 he reoeaued the Popes author1tie. Gardiner was instrumental in the reconciliation of the English

Church with Home, which was completed in late

November 1554. However, his position was, as Harington indicates, that the ties with Home were temporal and 302

142.15, cont*d. could be broken. See his De Vere

Obedientia Oratlo in Obedience in Church and State:

Three Political Tracts by Stephen Gardiner, ed.

Pierre Janelle (Cambridge, 1930), pp. 67-172.

143.1-2 could keep out the Popes Legate. Mary did not refuse a , though she took pains to be certain that would be sent to England as the papal legate, but he was not recognized until at least a year after her accession.

143.5-6 a maryed man male be a Minister. Gardiner subscribed to the Act of the Six Articles under

Henry VIII, and attacked marriage of the clergy in

Aq Martinum Bucerum Eplstola (1546). On 4 March 155^

Gardiner issued a set of articles ordering that all married clergy be deprived, but clemency was to be given those members of the clergy who promised to live a life of abstinence with their wives, hence

Harington*s characterization that, according to

Gardiner, a married man might be a minister (see also

Muller, pp. 250-251).

143.7-8 allowd the Communion under both kyndes. That is, that both wine and bread be administered to the laity. Gardiner supported the new order of Holy

Communion of March 1548, which provided for communion in both kinds. 303

143*12-14 justified. . . . doctrine. The account has

never been verified. Harington*s source Is Foie's

Actes and Monuments. VII, 592-593*

143.15 Cedere nescius. Unable to yield anything*

143.21 on Cranmer and Ridley. Thomas Cranmer, Arch­ bishop of Canterbury under Henry VIII and Edward VI,

and , Bishop of London. Both were

burnt at the stake In Mary's reign, and Foie's accounts are familiar to us. Gardiner's part In their deaths has not been clearly determined, although he partici­ pated in their trials. Gardiner had been dead almost a month before Ridley's execution, and four months before Cranmer's, and therefore did not participate in their sentencing (see Muller, p. 285).

143.23-24 the plotts . • . Elizabeth. After Wyatt's

Rebellion in 155^* Gardiner was deeply suspicious of Elizabeth's possible involvement and had her

Imprisoned in the Tower, He remained distrustful of the princess for the rest of his life and considered her very existence a threat to Mary's tenure (Muller, pp. 246-249).

144.2 Mj£ father. John Harington of Stepney (d. 1582), close friend of Admiral Thomas Seymour and Queen

Elizabeth, collector and preserver of Tudor manuscripts 304

144.2, cont'd. of poetry, and author of The Booke of

Freendeshlp (1550)# a translation of De Amlcltia

he made when he was In prison In 1549.

144.2 only for carrying of a letter. Harington was arrested for his part In Wyatt's rebellion and his role

in the revolt was much larger than his son admits.

See The Chronicle of Queen Jane, and of Two Years of Queen Mary . . . (London, 1850), pp. 182-184.

Huth Hughey In her notes to the Arundel Harington

Manuscript version of the poem gives a full account of John of Stepney's incarceration, II, 26-29.

144.6 Mj£ mother. Isabella Markham Harington, then a lady-in-waiting to Elizabeth and the daughter of Sir

John Markham, Keeper of the Tower.

144.17-18 Mr. Fox say, in Actes and Monuments. VII, 592.

144.21 Stanhop and Arunde11 of Warder. The houses of

Stanhope and Arunde11 of Wardour both ascended under

Mary, though their success cannot be directly attributed to Gardiner. Thomas Howard was reinstated to his title on Mary's accession. Gardiner;s part in his reinstate­ ment has not been determined (Muller, pp. 218-220). 305

148.22 Sir Matthew Arundell. The son of Sir Thomas

Arundell of Wardour Castle, and a close friend of the

Harington family. See Hughey, II, ?4.

144.23-24 Gardener would rate him for ytt Though no

account exists of Arundell*s recollections about

Gardiner*s attitude toward Bonner, there was a good

deal of enmity between the two from time to time,

especially on the occasion of Bonner's replacing

Gardiner as envoy to France in July 1538* See Muller,

PP. 75-78.

145.12 At least withdraw your crewelt.y: Full notes to

the poem are given in Hughey, II, 26-30.

147.13 one Mr. Prldlaux: His identity is not known.

John Prideaux, bishop of Worcester, and chaplain to

Prince Henry after 1603, had a small reputation as a writer of verses, though it is difficult to believe

that Harington would have made such an anonymous reference to a person known to the prince. I have not been able to locate any copy of the poem among

Prideaux*s printed works.

149.1-2 The same answeared vearse for Vearse: The poem

is probably by Harington. The pattern was laid by

John Morwen*s Latin elegy to Gardiner, reprinted in 306

1*4-9.1-2, cont'd. Thomas Hearne, A Collection of

Curious Discourses (London, 1771)» II, *4-16, to which

Julius Palmer of Magdalen, Oxford, gave a critical reply. Foxe refers to it, VIII, 208.

1*4-9.17 Weedes: in dress, i.e., in outward show.

153-1 The smell of prisons mlserle felt: Gardiner was in prison intermittently from 25 September 15^7 to

Mary's accession in 1553-

157.16-17 Scrlblt . . . laesus: He writes a dirge in marble.

157-19-20 Falsus . . . mendacem: From Horace, Epistles

I, xvl, 39-*4-0. "Whom does the false honor delight, whom does lying calumny affright, save the man who is full of flaws and needs a doctor?" (trans. H. R.

Fairclough, Loeb Classical Library, p. 353).

158.3 ® funerall sermon: White preached the funeral sermon on Mary's death, on 13 December 1558, on the text as given by Harington, and because of his cool response to Elizabeth in the sermon, he was confined to his house. He was released without punishment, however, on 19 January 1559 (DNB).

158.7-8 Laudavi . . . est: "Wherefore I praised the dead which are already dead, more than the living 307

158.7-8, cont'd. which are yet alive. Yea, better la he than both they, which hath not been" (Eccles.

9-:2-3)•

158.19-20 Mellor . . . mortuo: "For a living dog is better than a dead lion" (Eccles. 9 ;If-).

158.22 Laudavl . . . vlventes: I have praised the dead more than the living.

158.23 Marla . . . eleglt; "Mary hath chosen that good part" (Luke 10: *4-2).

159*8-9 Sed . . . est: "Yea, better is he than both they, which hath not yet been" (Eccles. *4-: 3).

159*15 two next: Hobert Horne (d. 1580) and

(1520-158^), the two bishops discussed next in Godwin's

Catalogue. pp. 265-266,

159*23 EX father; John Harington of Stepney, d. 1582.

See above, n. 1*44.2.

160.7-8 in the racke . . . in the maunger; According to the OED. a rack is a frame with upright bars of wood devised to hold hay for feeding animals. The metaphor here is multiple. The rack stands high, while the manger is low. The rack is plentifully filled but also wasteful, while the manger is more economical. 308

160.9 In dlebus 1111a: In those days.

160.12 Provideatur: I.e., preparation for the future,

with foresight.

l60,14 Master of the Horae; Bobert Dudley, Earl of

Leicester, who was Queen Elizabeth’s Master of the

Horse. Harington1s dislike of Leicester runs through­

out the Supplle. See above, n. 105.16.

160.20-21 that great Dictionary1 Cooper's Latin dictionary,

Thesaurus linguae Romanae & Brltannicae (1565)* which continued into four subsequent editions, STC 5686-5690. l6l.4 Melius . . . vri: "For It is certainly better to marry than to burn." I Corinthians 7:9. Harington's attitude toward marriage of clergy was strict. See the Introduction, pp. 50-51.

161.5-6 she proved too light for his gravltle: Amy

Cooper, his wife. The story of Amy's Infidelities was known, and Bliss identifies the lover, in Wood's

Athenae. I, 608, as Thomas Day, of Christ Church-

A full account Is given in Hughey, II, 290, together with the text of a libel appearing in the Arundel

Harington MS., I, 225 and II, 282. 309

161.9 Erasmus his Eccho: A reference to one of Erasmus'

colloquies, Echo, first printed in the June 1526

edition by Froben. The dialogue is based on echo- repetitlons, in which a dialogue is begun with the

last phrase, word, or syllable of the preceding speech.

161.10-13 Quid • • . vita: "What if I have the same luck as those whose wives turn out to be shameless and childless?"

"Lessons to be learned [or, 'Suffer']."

"But life with such women would be a fatal mistake."

"Take no part in it [or, 'Shun it']."

(trans. G. R. Thompson, The Colloquies of Erasmus

[Chicago, 1965]. P. 375).

161.20 fera . . . feras . . . feram: i.e., this shrew, whom his suffering made wild ....

161.5 Pic eccleslae: Say to the church.

161.22-23 confuted him soundlie: in Admonition to the

People of England (1589). STC 5682.

161.25-26 Worke for the Cooper: The full title of this pamphlet, issued as one of the Marprelate tracts, is

Hay any worke for the Cooper: Or a Brlefe Plstle

Directed to the Reuerend Bysshops (1589)* STC 175^6, 310

163.8 William Wickham; the second William Wickham to be Bishop of Winchester, related to the first William

Wickham, but of a different family.

163.21-22 the first William Wickham; The earlier bishop, d. 1^04. l6*f. 1-2 He preached before the Queene; Harington* s account appears to be the sole surviving description of the sermon, Wickham was indeed a zealous enemy to those of the nobility and gentry who tried to enrich themselves at the expense of the church,

165.17-18 both this and the Deanrle of Windsor; "this," i.e., the provostshlp of Eton, was awarded him in

1560 and he held it for thirty-four years. He was later appointed to the deanery of Windsor, in 1572.

165.19 him; William Wickham, q.v. Day succeeded to the bishopric on Wickham’s death, in 1595.

166.19-20 Cum . . . parvulus; See above, n. 117.9-10.

166.25 Nodosl; nets, snares.

168.6 X thlnke this worth the noting; Harington*s account is substantially correct. Prom 1558 to 1598 Hie seven bishops were White, Horne, Watson, Cooper,

Wickham, Day, and Bllson. From 1580-1598, the five 311 168.6t cont'd. were Watson, Cooper, Wickham, Day, and

Bilson; and from 1595-1597, "the three were Wickham,

Day, and Bilson (LeNeve, IV, 31).

168.10-11 Wickham. Bewfort, and Walnfleet: The earlier

William Wickham, , and William Walnfleet.

168.21 this bookei Godwin's Catalogue.

169.12 Doctor Iohnson: Christopher Johnson (1536?-

1597), appointed headmaster of Winchester in 1560.

169.16-17 Vltlmus . . . erlt; I am the last one here, but how well, how ill, I do not wish to say, who should judge me to be the one or the other.

169.19-22 Vltlmus . . . agat; You are last by reason of place, excellent Jonson. But who would be fitting to judge you? As well as no one who came before you, as ill as posterity, who might do even worse.

170.11-12 first made bishop of Worcester; This was in

1596. He was translated to Winchester less than a year later, on 13 May 1597.

170.13 a Crew of mutinous souldlers; i.e., the Puritans, especially the Brownlsts. Bilson was also assigned by the queen to answer Henry Jacob's A Treatise of the

Sufferings and Victory of Christ. 1598 (STC 1^3^0), 312

170.13# cont'd. which maintained that Christ did not descend into Hell. Jacob's own book was engendered by Bilson*s sermon on this article of the creed, which he heard the bishop preach at Paul's Cross, in 1597*

Bilson's reply is contained in his The Survey of

Christs Sufferings for Mans Redemption. 1604 (STC 3070).

171.3 Campion: Edmund Campion, the Catholic martyr.

171.4 Cheyney; Richard Cheyney, bishop of Gloucester from 1562-1579.

171.8-9 Erasmus eccho: See above, n. 161.9.

171.10 Mr. Broughton: Hugh Broughton (1549-1612), the rabbinical scholar. He wrote Explication of the

Article ^ f of our Lordes Soules

Going to Paradise. (1605) STC 3863, in which he argued that the term "Hades" never meant a place of punish­ ment but rather the condition of the souls of sinners.

171.18 Powder treason: ' plot, of 5 November

1605.

172.4 Their great Inglner: i.e., Hugh Broughton.

174.4-5 Ordlnale secundum vsurn sarum: The second ordinal, the , i.e., the form of service universally adopted by the churches of the British Isles, 313

174.4-5, cont'd. established by , In the 11th century A.D. See below, n. 175.12.

174.13 Doctor Capom John Capon (d. 1557)» Bishop of

Salisbury, one of Cardinal Wolsey's men, was translated from Bangor to Salisbury in July 1539.

174.17 Apollyon1s crew: Apollyon is the "destroyer," the angel of the bottomless pit in Revelations 9 :H »

175.1 Bishop Iewell: John Jewel, 1522-1571, Bishop of

Salisbury and one of the most effective spokesmen for the Reformation, particularly in the developing of the Anglican compromise.

175.8-9 his Apologle of the Church of England;

Apologia Eccleslae Anglicanae, 1562, STC 14581, which went into five editions.

175.9 his Challenge, answeared by Harding: The Challenge was a sermon delivered by Jewel at Paul's Cross on 26

November 1559 directed to the Catholics to find proofs for fifteen certain theological points, which the

Catholics held. The Challenge was never published and so has not been preserved, but it was answered by

Thomas Harding, Ajj Answere to Malster Juelles Challenge 314

175.9* cont'd. (1564), STC 12758. For a very full account of the controversy, see Frere, pp. 86-92.

175.10 his Replle; A Beplle unto M, Hardlnges Answearc.

1565* STC 14606. The controversy was continued by

Harding in his A Confutation of a Book Intituled An

Apologle of the Church of England, STC 12762. Jewel responded in A Defence of the Apologle of the Churche of Englande, STC 14600.

175.10-11 all in English: Harington's statement is partially true. Although Jewel's Apologia first appeared in Latin, an English translation was made by Ann, Lady Bacon, and published in 1562. The trans­ lation went into four editions and was better known than the Latin original.

175*12 Saint Osmond: Saint Osmund (d. 1099). Bishop of

Salisbury, was responsible for the formation of an

Ordinal and Consuetudinary for the diocese of Sarum, or Salisbury, which gradually developed into what became known as the Use of Sarum.

175.24 Qul potest capere capiat: "He that is able to receive it, let him receive it" (Matthew 19:12).

176.4 Bishop Wlvlll: Bobert Wyvll, appointed Bishop of Salisbury in 1329. Wyvll was supposedly a 315

176.^, cont'd. churchman of low caliber, who was made

bishop In spite of his lack of learning and stature.

176.11-12 Doctor Humfrey hath Written: Laurence Humphrey (d. 1590), wrote J. Juelll. Eplscopl

Sarlsburlensis. Vita. 1573* STC 13963.

176.13 Doctor Iohn Coldwell: Bishop of Salisbury, created

M.D. in 156A. He was elected to this see on 2 December

1591 and held it to his death in 1596.

176.15 Doctor Guest: Edmund Guest (1518-1577)* bishop of Salisbury 1571-1577.

176.16 my. author makes of him a good writer: See

Godwin, p. 355-

177.11 Schola Salernl: Harington1s translation of the popular medical poem of the Middle Ages, the Regimen

Sanltatis Salernltanum. It was first published in

1607, as The Englishman1s Doctor. or. the Schoole of

Salerne, STC 12605.

177.18-19 the knight that caryed: Sir Walter Ralegh.

At this juncture Harington takes the opportunity to express some of his long-standing dislike of Ralegh.

At the writing of the Supplie. Ralegh had been in prison for at least three years. Sherborne was pre­ sented to Ralegh by Queen Elizabeth, in 1591, and 177.19 Spolla oplma: fruitful spoils.

178.8-9 mens . . . fulsset. If his brain had not played him for a fool.

178.12-13 Achab did vpon Nabotha vyneyard. I Kings 21.

178.20 Lord Hastings. William Hastings, Baron Hastings

(d. 1^83)» opponent of Richard III, who was beheaded by that king. Hastings* fall is dramatized in Shakespeare*

Richard III. Act III.

178.22 his brother Adrian. Adrian Gilbert, Ralegh's half-brother.

179*2 habendum et tenendum . . . gaudendum. Having and holding . • • enjoying,

179.11 Digitus del est hie. The hand of God is present in this work.

180.12-13 Sine . . . Clenco. Without light, without cross, without doctor (cllnlco). The A MS. reads cllnco for Clenco.

180.21 Hydromanty. Hydromancy, divination by means of water.

181.3 Doctor Henry Cotton. Harington*s account of

Cotton became the source of the later brief accounts of Wood's Athenae and Fuller's Worthies. 317

181.13 Sir Walter Raulelgh got the best blessing of him. Ralegh was to hare persuaded the queen to appoint

Cotton bishop In order to have his ownership of Sherborne made secure. See above, n. 177.18-19.

182.9 Doctor Gourden. (15^-l6l9)» and renowned antiquarian.

183.5 Bishop Barlow. William Barlow, q.v.

183.1**- the laten Treatise. Not Godwin*s De Praesullbus. his Latin translation of his Catalogue. which was not published until four years after Harington*s death, but Godwin*s manuscript, "Catalogue Episcoporum

Bathonlenslum et Wellensium," now in Trinity College,

Cambridge. The manuscript is dated 15 December 159^» and Is much more detailed than either the Latin or the English Catalogue.

183.15 Stlllington. (d. 1^91).

183.19 Mr. Cambden. In William Camden's Britannia and

Remains.

18^.6 Some afflrme that king Bladude. This legend has become part of Bath's early history. Any number of accounts of it are available in the histories of Bath.

The best is Richard Warner, The History of Bath (Bath,

1801). Bladud was the father of King Lear. 318

184.21 Elphegus. Elphege, or more correctly Aelfheah, abbot of Bath, later Archbishop of Canterbury, who was captured and killed by the Danes, In 1011.

184.24 Iohn de Vlllula. John of Tours, chaplain to

William Bufus, and first Bishop of Somerset.

185.4 Akman Chester. Akemanceaster, or Hatum Bathum, as the name was during this time.

185.12 Bishop Robert. Robert of Lewes, eighteenth

Bishop of Wells.

185.14 bishop Savaricus. Savaric (d. 1205)» Bishop of Bath and Glastonbury. The abbey of Glastonbury was annexed to Bath at Savaric*s Insistence, His greed Is well recorded, especially his desire for

Glastonbury.

185.24-25 Hospes . . . qules. Going through the world, you were always host to the whole world, and so your day of death becomes your first day of rest.

186.5 Olvver King. (d. 1503).

186.14 Paulus Iovlus. Paolo Glovio, Bishop of Novera

(1483-1552), In his Vita Hadrlanl Sextl (Florence,

1551). P. 89. 319

188.10 Iudges the 9th Chapter. See Judges 9:8-9.

189.22 contemned then condemned. I.e., to treat with

contempt, than to damn.

189.23 Coal-prophets. People who claim to be able to

predict the future through magic.

190.13 hempe. The hanging, or execution, I.e., when

the destruction is past.

190.21-22 Adrian . . . Wolsey . . . Clerke . . . Knight.

Adrian de Castello, , , and

William Knight.

191.6-8 the Comalssloners • • • offerd to sell the whole

Church. Thomas Cromwell*s commissioners offered the church to the townspeople for 500 marks, but were refused. And as Harington says, the church was

stripped of all its valuable material. The shell of

the building was then sold by Henry VIII to a Humphrey

Colies (R. A. L. Smith, Bath [[London, 19^5]» P* *H).

191.18-19 Dealt . . . paenam. From Ovid, Metamorphoses.

X, 303: HDo not give credence to this story, and be­ lieve that it never happened; or, if you do believe

It, believe also in the punishment of the deed.” (F. J.

Miller, trans. Ovid: Metamorphoses. Loeb Library, pp. 85, 8?). 320

191.20 Non possum quin exclamcn. I cannot choose but cry out*

192.10-11 money collected for Pauls steeple. In 1561 a great part of the cathedral of St. Pauls*s was destroyed by fire, caused by lightning striking the steeple. Harington is probably referring to collec­ tions made for its restoration, which never occurred.

192.15-16 Mr. Billet. The person was Thomas Bellot, one of Lord Burghley’s men, who gave £ 200 for the completion of the transept. Harington himself was very active in seeking funds for the restoration of the cathedral. See McClure, Letters and Epigrams. pp. 130-131* and also Nugae Antlquae (1779). which includes an anecdote by Harington about repairing the church at Bath (I, xii-xlii).

192.21-22 quod . . . desperasset. Because he had not given up hope for the well-being of the Republic.

193.3 Bishop BarloWo William Barlow (d. 1569), also later Bishop of Chiohester.

193*6 the latln tretlse. Godwin*s manuscript,

"Catalogue Episooporum." See above, n. 183.14. 321

193.1^ Tick-take. Or tick-tack, "an old variety of

backgammon, played on a board with holes along the

edge, in which pegs were placed for scoring" (OED).

193.17-19^.8 The quotation is a free translation

from Godwin*s "Catalogue Episcoporum," though I

have not seen the manuscript to be able to identify it.

193*21-23 his sonns • . . flue daughters. Barlow had

one son, William (d. 1625), who later became Arch­

of Salisbury and a scientist of some note. His

five daughters did indeed all marry bishops. See

DNB. s.v. Barlow.

194.7-8 loosing at one clap all the rents and revenews.

Barlow was not deprived, but, as a close friend of

the Duke of Somerset's sold seven manors and other

property to the Duke, much of which went ultimately

to the crown.

194.10 a man banished in Germanic. Barlow was one of

the Marian exiles in Germany; he returned on Elizabeth's

accession and was appointed to Chichester.

194.18-21 Faellx . . . Tellus. From Ovid, Metamorphoses.

XI, 266: "[Barlow] was blessed in his son, blessed

in his wife, if you except the crime of [the spoiling

of the temple]. Driven from his father's house with 322

19^.18-21, oont'd. £so great a crime] on his hands he found asylum In the land £of the Germans]" (F. J. Miller,

Loeb Library, p, 139).

195*21 Aurua Tholosanmn. Golden dome,

196.9 his banishment, Barlow's exile In Germany. See abore, n. 19^.10,

196.9 Sacco et olnere, Sack-cloth and ashes.

196.16 premonstrated. Shown beforehand,

197.6 Edward. Edward VI.

197.16 the other Gilbert. Gilbert Berkeley (1501-

1581), Bishop from I56O-1587.

198.10-11 Non minor . . . tuerl. Virtue Is no less than watching over or caring for things being created.

198.16-17 a widow of London. Godwin married Margaret

Martin, nee Brennan, late in life, and as Harington's account Indicates, suffered for it.

198.17 a chief favorite of that tyme. Sir Walter

Ralegh, Harington Is the chief source of this story, which was later promulgated by Wood. There is some doubt about its truth, though the action on Ralegh's 323

198*17. oont'd. part would not be unusual. See

Edwards, Life of Ralegh. I, 131.

199.21 malus peccaturn habet. The greater the sin.

201.8 per mlnas. I.e., for money. A mlna is a Greek

weight equivalent to one hundred drachmae.

201.16 pore-Iohn. Salted fish, specifically hake.

201.24 clowted. Hob-nailed.

202.6 Non hlmeneus . . . lecto. A marriage does not

come to this, nor does a free and graceful marriage bed.

202.22 Nemo . . . flllus. No one praises the father,

unless it be an evil son.

203.4 D. Fleming. Samuel Fleming, of Cambridge.

203.24 Prlmam tonsuram. The first tonsure, i.e., the

first rank.

204.12 Venew. The hit, a fencing term.

204.16-17 the great Dyet. This was the contemplated

Diet at Schmalkald, 1578. which never took place. It was to have been held to compose differences between

Protestants and Catholics.

204.19 Doctor Humphery. Laurence Humphrey of Oxford. 324

205.14 Vsum Sarum. The Use of Sarum, the Ordinal of the Anglican Church. See above, n. 174.4-5.

206.10-11 he marryed. Still remarried to Jane Horner,

Daughter of Sir John Horner of Cloford, Somerset.

They had one son, Thomas.

206.24-25 Bishop Wickhams sermon. See the text, pp. 164-165.

205.23 Sir Arthur Hopton. Hopton was a friend of

Harington*s, of Witham, Somerset, and the father of

Sir Arthur Hopton, Ambassador to Spain under Charles I.

208.3 coffe. Buy.

208.13 Iudge Anderson. Sir Edmund Anderson (d. 1605). the famous judge at the trials of Mary Queen of Scots and Essex.

210.8-9 how he was first bishop of Chichester. Scory was first Bishop of this diocese from 1551 to Mary's accession, when he was deprived.

210.10-11 deprived for no fault . . . bacheler. On

Mary's accession, Scory submitted himself to Bonner's authority and renounced his wife and did penance for his marriage, though he was deprived. 325

210.13 the french wryter. I have not been able to identify this source.

210.1? Angells. A pun; angels were gold coins, issued between 1470-1634,

210.23 VI.1s et modls. Ways and means.

211.3 Scoria. Dross.

211.4-5 Lord President of Wales. Sir Henry Sidney.

Scory, in his position of Bishop, was vice-president.

211.6-7 causd a Bill to be preferd into the Starchamber.

There is no record of such proceeding, and Harington probably has the story wrong. There was a good deal of animosity between Scory and Sidney (Strype, Life of Whltglft. I, 218-220), an outgrowth of the friction that always existed between nobles anxious for gain, and churchmen trying to hold onto church properties.

Scory died a rich man, and most likely was guilty of some excesses, but his see also was strongly pro-

Catholic and very antagonistic to reforms. Some of

Harington*s animosity may be credited to his anti-

Puritan feelings, and to his source, the mysterious

"french wryter." 326

211,13 servant of Elisha, etc. The account of Elisha's battle against the Syrian army is in II Kings 6:8-23.

211,20-21 For there , , , vs. II Kings 6:16, "Fear not, for they that be with us are more than they that be with them,"

211.21 Gehezl. Gehazi, the servant of Elisha,

212.2 Chiliads. Thousands; a chiliad is one thousand,

212.2 Angells. Gold coins, used between 1470-1634.

212.4 a Ladle. This may refer to Scoryfs wife, who herself held three sinecure collegiate prebends

(P. M. Dawley, John Whltglft and the English Reforma­ tion [New York, 195*0• P* 103).

212.5 Domlnus fac totum. Master of the deed.

212.22 Symon Magus: A sorcerer of Samaria, who tried to purchase spiritual rewards with money. See Acts

8:9-24.

213.1 laetare et fact Rejoice, and do. (Ecoles. 3:12).

213*3 Make £e • . • Mammon . . . tabernacles: Luke 16:9.

"Make to yourselves friends of the mammon of unrighteous­ ness; that, when ye fall, they may receive you into everlasting habitations.11 327

213.8 Henry Lord Hunadont Henry Carey, first Lord

Hunsdon (d. 1596), who was so prominent in Elizabeth's dealings with James I during his reign in Scotland.

213.11-12 the fathers eat sowr grapes: Ezekiel 18:2.

213.15-16 Lt a saying, etc.: From Harington1s

Epigrams. Bk. Ill, no, 2^9.

21^f.5-6 made an eloquent and copious oration: On

25 December 1592, during one of Elizabeth's progresses, at St. Mary's Church at Oxford.

215.10 Doctor Reynalds: John Ralnolds (15^9-160?), of

Oxford, at the time a fellow of Queen's College, Doctor of Divinity, with Puritan leanings.

215.12-13 when he came last to Hampton Court: This probably refers to the Hampton Court Conference for translating the Bible, held on 14- January 160**-.

Whether Rainolds received "a better schooling" there is debatable, since he occupied a leading place among those present.

2l6.*t— 5 Such a one happend this Doctor: Harington appears to be the only source for this anecdote.

217.20 as Malmsburv wryteth: The anecdote is not In

William of Malmesbury's history. A similar anecdote 328

217.20, oont*d. appears there, told of Henry III, emperor of Germany (Chronicle of the Kings of England. ed. J. A, Giles [London, 184?], pp. 210-211).

217.2 Ipse nos fecit, et non lpsl nos: Psalms 100:3,

"It Is he that hath made us, and not we ourselves."

217.21 curious: careful, particular.

217.23 Mr. Day: , q.v.

219.2 Doctor Neale: Richard Nelle (1562-1640), later archbishop of York.

219.11 Doctor Watson: , Bishop of Chichester

1596-1605.

220.17 Bishop Vaghan: , q.v.

220.20 recydlvatlon: relapse In a sickness or disease.

221.1 Doctor Andros: Lancelot Andrewes, later Bishop of Winchester, and learned and renowned preacher.

Andrewes1 sermons have won him a wide and deserved literary reputation.

221.5-6 Henry the third his Chaplen: i.e., Robert

Paslew. See text, p. 220. 329

221.15-16 the school of that famous Muloasteri Merchant

Taylor*s School, of which Richard Mulcaster was head­

master, also where attended.

222.10-11 bosom sermon that smelt of the Candle: a ser­

mon "from the heart" that bordered on being heretical

(OED. bosom).

223.1-16 His patron . . . preferments: This refers to

Francis Walsingham*s attempts through his liberal

patronage to get Andrewes to commit himself deeply to

the Puritan cause. The position offered to Andrewes

was the Readership of Controversies, at Cambridge,

which Andrewes never accepted. See Paul A. Welsby,

Lancelot Andrewes 1555-1626 (London, 1958)# P. ^0.

223.11 fryer P.ynky; I have not been able to Identify

this allusion.

22^.3 the 39 Articles; The Thirty-Nine Articles of

Religion, of 1562.

22*4-. 23-2*1- Thou leadest . . . Aron; From Psalms 77:20,

preached 23 February 1590/1591 (XCVI Sermons ^London,

1632], pp, 273-28*0.

225.1 aculeus: sting 330

225,2 Henry Nowell: Henry Noel, courtier and gentleman-

pensloner of Elizabeth, noted for his extravagance.

He died In 1597.

225.10-11 When the lord . . . Sion: Psalms 126:1, preached 5 November 160? tXCVI Sermons. pp. 901-910).

226.6 Cunctatlon: delaying action.

226.9-11 Sit . . . lram: From James 1:19, "Let every man be swift to hear, slow to speak, slow to wrath.”

227.13 a question rose: See Introduction, pp. 44-45.

228.22 Doctor Relgnalds: John Ralnolds; see above, n. 215.10.

228.23 5E brother: Francis Harington, Sir John's brother (d. 1639)*

229.1 m£ Lord of Durham: Bishop , d. 1617.

230.8 Callxtus the 2: Pope from 1119-1124.

230.13 Roma . . . tantum: Rome provides at one time as

Menevla does in two.

231.3-233.10 The story of Rudd's indiscreet sermon is one of the most enjoyable if not the most revealing of 331

231.3-233.10, oont'd. Elizabeth's feelings and wit. Ibr a slightly different account of the sermon see Fuller's

Church History, ed. J. S. Brewer (Oxford, 1845),

V, 435-437, and Brewer's notes therein.

232.2 graund clymaterloall yeare1 The sixty-third year of life, which was not only the "grand" year but later came to signify the year of danger. So the occasion of the sermon was ambivalent, since the sixty- third year could be the year of one's death as well.

232.18 Prosopopelai In the person of; a rhetorical figure. Here Budd speaks a personal prayer for the queen, "in her person."

233.23-24 mj; Lord of Worcester; ,

Bishop of Worcester.

233.24 Sir lames Crofts; The son of Sir James Croft

(d. 1690}, one of Elizabeth's courtiers.

234.7-8 the stone Mr. Cambden writes of; On page 72 in the Latin edition of William Camden's Britannia

(1586). The account in the English translation of

1637 is given, p. 188. See Britain, trans. Philemon

Holland (London, 1637). 332

235*1** Doctor Kitchen; Anthony Kltchln, Bishop of

Llandaff 15**5-1563* Harington's account of Kltchln's vacillations through the reigns of Edward, Mary, and

Elizabeth is borne out by others as well. He renounced the papacy and surrendered his abbacy to Henry VIII, and then took an active role in the abuses under Mary, and later took the to Elizabeth, all the while clinging to his bishopric,

236.1 Cantate , , . novum: Psalms 33r 3. "Sing unto him £the Lord] a new song."

236,8 Doctor Bablngton; Gervase Babington.

236.9-10 Doctor Morgan; William Morgan (d. 160^), 1595-1601, and of St. Asaph l601-l60*f.

236.21 Doctor Cowper; Thomas Cooper, q.v. Cooper's dictionary, the Thesaurus, is more extensive than

Elyot's original dictionary. Harington's characteriza­ tion of it as only "mending" Elyot's is misleading

(see n. 160.20-21).

237.1**-16 In steede . . . places; Psalms **5:16.

238.2 Dlues et Lazarus: The rich man and Lazarus. This refers to Lazarus the beggar of Luke 16, not to the 333

238.3. cont'd. Lazarus of John 11:1-44. "Blues'1 has

traditionally been used as the proper name for the

rich man, the Latin term meaning "rich one."

238.7 Oyer and Terminer: A commission, or writ of

oyer and terminer (Lit., to hear and determine),

empowers a judge or other person to hear and determine

charges of treason.

238.20 both In latten and engllshe: The Latin transla­

tion of Godwin's Catalogue was not published until

1616, (De Praesullbus Angllae Comment arils [^London,

1616], Godwin), trans. four years after Harington's death. However, as pointed out, n. 183.14, Harington was probably familiar with Godwin's Latin MS. of the

section on Bath and Wells and with the Latin translation.

239.6-11 Park suggests (II, 227. n. 2) on the advice of Edmond Malone that the "bead-role" Is England's

Helicon (1600). Harington is not represented in that miscellany, though a large number of other known poets are. The "poetaster" then would be John Bodenham,

the compiler (fl. 1600), if Hyder Hollins is correct

in his identification. See Hyder Rollins, England's

Helicon 1600, 1614 (Cambridge, Mass., 1935). II, 41-54. 239*12-21 Of Poets . . . themselvs: Prom the Epigrams.

Bk. Ill, no. 4. This tezt differs from the printed editions and from the B.M. Add* MS. 1204-9. It Is however, the most authoritative tezt. "Barbus" is not identified.

24-1.14 Nicholas Heathe: Archbishop of York, and Lord

Chancellor from 1556-1558 under Mary, died 1578.

Heath surrendered these offices on Elizabeth's accession.

241.19 Of Archbishop Grlndall I have spoken: Grlndal's life is handled in the section on Canterbury. See the tezt, pp. 105-107.

241.21-242.1 Archbishop Younge: Thomas Young, Archbishop of York 1561-1568, and Bishop of St. David's 1560-1561.

241.3 nezt or verle soone after Bishop Farrar: Robert

Ferrar (d. 1555)» was Bishop of St. David's at the time when Young was there, and Young made life difficult for him. After the fall of his patron the Duke of Somerset, Ferrar's hold on the see became even more tenuous, although he did not lose the bishopric until 1554, during Mary's reign. Young did not succeed

Ferrar, but rather Ferrar's successor Phillips.

241.9 tother dyed at a stake: Ferrar was burnt at the stake on 30 March 1555* 335 241.10-11 both Archbishop and President: Young was

also president of the .

241.12 pulling down of a goodlle hall: The difficulties

that Ferrar had to face at St. David's are amply des­

cribed and documented in Foie, Actes. VII, 3-27, In

that account (VII, 9-10) Ferrar accuses Young and

others of despoiling the cathedral at St. David's of

over five hundred marks of valuable property. There

Is no record of Young'3 despoiling the property at

York, save Harington*s, and in his position at York he was instrumental in maintaining order in the North.

A slight reference to the despoliation is made in

LeNeve's Lives of the Archbishops, but it seems to have been taken from Harington.

242.13-14 Plumb1 faeda fames: A detestable hunger for lead.

242.22-23 De male . . . haerest The third heir of goods evilly gotten scarcely enjoys £the legacy}.

243.1 Abaddon: or Apollyon, the destroying angel of

Revelations 9*11*

244.22 a sonne of his name: This refers to Sir Edwin

Sandys (1561-1629), brother to George Sandys, whose literary reputation is well known. Sir Edwin was a writer of religious treatises. 245.7-8 a mat ter so notorious; The account of ti. v>x^sh between 3tapleton and Sandys* with some exception <, is

true and has come to be well known to church historians

It represents In miniature the constant danger and rapacity that church lands were subject to since

Henry VIII*s time. The most complete account is given in Strype*s Annals. Though elsewhere Strype questions Harington's reliability (see Introduction, p. 16), it is Interesting to note that his documents and facts bear out In great measure Harington's account. The host and hostess were Alexander and

Maude Sysson. For the full account see Strype's

Annals. Ill, pt. i, 142-158.

245.19 Incldl . . . Carlbdln; Hoping to avoid Charybdis

I have fallen into the clutches of a serving maid,

245.22 great krndenes and had long contlnewed:

Harington's "prologue" to the blackmailing has no other support; it is probably of his own making.

2*4-6.18 the Spanish Poet; Martial.

2*4-6.19-20 Nulll . . . dolebls; Martial, Epigrams.

XII, No. 34.

247.4-5 he had brought out of Italle: Nichols in The

Progresses of Queen Elizabeth describes Sir John's 247.4-5* cont*d. own house, which was built after the plan of the Italian architect James Barozzl of Vignola,

"in a style of elegance and magnificence suitable to the tast of the age" (II, 250-251). Harington may be making here a sly comment on his own dreams of grandeur.

248.10 Cawdell: a warm drink of thin gruel mixed with wine,

249,9-11 Proh . , , plus; From Ovid, Metamorphoses.

VI, 474: "Ye gods, what blind night rules in the hearts of meni In the very act of pushing on his shameful plan, [the knight} gets credit for a kind heart"

(trans. F. J. Miller, Loeb Library, p. 321).

250.1 he almost lost his lifer Sandys supported

Leicester*s father John Dudley, Duke of , in his attempt to put Lady Jane Grey on the throne after Edward VI*s death. For his act the bishop was

Imprisoned in the Tower but was released and escaped to Antwerp.

251.6 P. R. or R. P.: Robert Parsons, the Jesuit, In his An Apologlcall Epistle: directed to the right honorable lords . . . (Antwerp, 1601), 338

251.14 William Abbot: This probably refers to one of the monks named William, perhaps William of Chester,

The exact source Is not known,

252.2 Parsons: Robert Parsons. See above, n. 251.6.

252.8 ludge Anderson: Sir Edmund Anderson (1530-1605),

Lord Chief Justice of Common Pleas.

253-6 Doctor lohn Peers: (d. 1594), and Salisbury, and Archbishop of York.

253-20-21 of a small benefice . . . neere Oxford:

Piers was , Oxford, no small benefice.

254.1-2 enticed him to the Germane fashlom The story fostered by Harington is picked up and used by Wood,

Athenae Oxonienses, II, 835-

254.6-7 Ennius . , . dlcenda: Prom Horace, Epistles.

I. 19-7, "Good father Ennius never dashed off to fight in the front lines of epics until he’d downed one or two." (from The Satires and Epistles of Horace. trans.

S. P. Bovie [Chicago, 1959], P. 220).

254.9-10 Quod . . . habes: Martial, Epigrams, II,

89: "I can pardon your habit of spending the night/

0*er the wine-oup; for Cato in that did delight: 339

25^*9-10* oont'd. (from Martial, The Twelve Books of

Epigrams, trans. J. A. Pott and F. A. Wright [[London,

n. d. J i p. 70).

25^.12 the Parson of Llmmlngton: Thomas Wolsey.

25^.13 Sir Amlas Paulet; Amias Paulet (d. 1538)»

soldier under Henry VIII, and not his grandson of the

same name. The story of Wolsey*s being set in the

stocks is told in George Cavendish's Life and Death

of Cardinal Wolsey. ed. R. S. Sylvester (London,

1958) p. 31.

25^.3 vllder: viler.

256.13 Doctor Mathew Hutton; Archbishop of York 1596-

I606, died I606. Hutton has a reputation for having been a bold speaker, and Harington1s anecdote seems entirely in keeping with his character.

256.20-260.21 Hutton1s sermon: This account, for its historical significance is one of the most important of the Supplle. It is Harington*s own eyewitness description of the sermon, and is the most extensive first-hand account we have.

256.20-23 The klngdomes . . . sonne; From Jeremiah 27:5-7. 3^X5

259*8-9 Qul • • . regnare: He who does not know how to

dissemble does not know how to rule.

260.13 Sir John Fortescue; of the Exchequer,

1601-1603.

260.14 Sir Iohn Wolley: Important and well-known courtier,

Chancellor of the , 1589 to his

death in 1596.

260.25 the Lord Burleigh: Thomas Cecil, Sir William's

oldest son, who was made president of the Council of

the North in 1599.

261.10 one famous Mathew more: This probably refers

to Matthew Parker, Archbishop of Canterbury, who was

learned and schooled in patristic literature.

261.18 Luke Hutton: Luke was not the son of Matthew

Hutton, but of Robert Hutton, rector of Houghton-

le-Spring and prebendary of Durham. A short account

of this blackguard's life is given, DNB. s.v. Luke

Hutton. See also Fuller's Church History. V, 39.

262.10 Doctor Thoble Mathew: Tobie Matthew, the renowned

Bishop of Durham and Archbishop of York, was a dear friend of Harington's and his account is imbued with a personal love and sincerity that is lacking in the 341

262.10, oont’d. other biographies, Harington gave

Matthew his autograph manuscript of A Tract on the

Succession to the Grown. It is now in the Chapter

Library at York Cathedral, and contains marginalia by the Archbishop. It has been published in a limited edition by the Roxburgh Club (1880),

262.21 Edmond Campiont The well known Jesuit martyr

(1540-1581), in his Deoem Ratlones (London, 1581).

The passage appears in Camplan Englished, or a Trans­ lation of the Ten Reasons (Douay, 1623), p. 108.

Harington was quite familiar with Campion's writings; his father John of Stepney had a special license to possess and read Campion's works (Hughey, II, 63-64).

263.21 Ad clerum: To the Clergy.

263.23 Qul in ooncionlbus domlnatur: "He that now domyniers in your Pulpitts." See text, p. 263.6.

264.24 Insldlarl calcaneo: by snaring him by the heel.

266.5 Doctor Eedesi Richard Edes (1555-1804), Dean of

Worcester and chaplain to James I.

266.13 Apothemsi apothegms; terse, pithy sayings.

267.17 Odl memorem comptoremi I detest a cluttered mind. 342

268.15 nugacltle: Folly.

268.23-24 Haud . . . ciro: From Ovid, Metamorphoses.

XIII, 304: "haut tlmeo, si lam nequeam defendere,

crimen. ..." "I do not fear a charge -- even granted

I could not answer it — which I share with so great a

hero" (trans. F. J. Miller, Loeb Classical Library,

P. 250).

269.3-IO "Though Momus . . . vice,": A slightly different version appears in Harington*s Epigrams. Bk. I, no. 69.

269.14 Nugax: frivolous.

269.16 Catalogue: Godwin*s Catalogue.

269.19-20 Cuthbert Tunstall: The famous Bishop of Durham

(1474-1559).

269.23-24 Qul . . . erat: If he who thus talks frivolously in a modest manner, does it in order to succeed seriously, then this manner becomes just that much more serious.

270.12 In baculo . . . latum: From Genesis 32:10.

271.4-6 Absolon • . . sonne; From 2 Samuel 18:33.

271.6 this sonne of his: Matthew*s son, later Sir Toble

Matthew (1577-1655). was a cause of difficulty to the 3^3 2?1.6, cont*d. Archbishop. Neither could get along

well with the other. The young man left for Prance

In 1604, and led an impulsive, dissolute life on the

continent, » d did not return until l606. While on

the continent, he converted to Catholicism, and shortly

after his return he was imprisoned in the Fleet. This

was the state of his affairs at the time Harington

was writing the Supplle: he was not released until

7 February 1608, Just shortly before Harington pre­

sented his manuscript to Prince Henry. Though his

later life reflects the same turmoil, he did achieve a position of some merit in government, and a reputa­

tion as a literary critic, though he never did prove

"another Thoby Mathew."

272.10-11 Tygranes leasted at Lucullus army; This refers to Lucius Lucinius Lucullus, who defeated

Tigranes, king of Armenia in c. 69 B.C. The story

is taken from Plutrach's life of Lucullus in his

Lives.

27^.3 About the monthe of August last past; That is

August 1607. since this MS. is dated 18 February

1607. If we are to believe Sir John, the Supplle was written between August 1607 and February 1608.

See the Introduction for a fuller discussion, pp. 9-10. 344

275.22 Agrlppa: Cornelius Agrippa, in De Vanltate

Sclentlarum.

276.4 Sir Roger Manhood: In all likelihood, Sir Roger

Manwood (1525-1592). famous knight, judge and member

of the Star Chamber. Manwood did indeed build an

expensive monument, and was buried at St. Stephen's

Churoh, Canterbury.

276.24-25 Sir Edward Hobby: (1560-1617),

son of Thomas Hoby, the translator of Castiglione*s

The Courtier.

277.14-15 the story of Cambyses: The story of the king of Persia is told in Herodotus, Cambyses suffers a series of misfortunes which turn him from being a wise and just ruler into an insane tyrant. Sir John may well have known the play Cambyses (1569), by

Thomas Preston.

277.18-20 Omnes . . . lex: All who are evil doers always hasten to the Lords. Long live the king, the law marches forward.

278.8-9 Sir Thomas Chaloner: The son of Sir Thomas

Chaloner, the famous diplomat under the earlier Tudors. 3^5

278.19 Senes . . . recedant: From Horace, Sermones.

I, 1, 31. "To be old, so to be able to retire into secure Idleness."

279.5 Mr. Newton; Sir Adam Newton, Henry's tutor

(d. I630). APPENDIXES

346 APPENDIX A: SUBSTANTIVE EMENDATIONS

102.3 [[Canterbury] This heading does not appear In the texts, yet It Is needed here.

103.25-108.11 to . . . misfortune, This section was put in quotes in .FC, but it is clear from Harlngton's reference to his wife's family in line 9, that the material is his own.

107.16 of ] of of

111.*+ [[pasce oves meos] A blank space was left in both MSS. for the Latin motto, which I have supplied from P.

116.13 thought ] though

166.17 hym ] bym

169.20 Sed quls. qul de te ludlcet aptus erlt? ] cblank space in FC> This reading has been restored from A.

169.21 quaa nullus qul te preoesserlt ante ] This reading has been restored from A.

169.22 posterltas vt tua pelus agat ] This reading has been restored from A.

17*+. 5-6 after the tumult was a lytle pacyfyed fynished his sermon ] This reading has been restored from A.

177.25 buying ] buing

185.15 meroedem ] merdecem. The Latin for '•hire'1 or "recompense*1 is^ mercedem. Reading taken from A.

190.13 blythe ] bly. There is a blank space after "bly" in FC; the word is restored from A.

191.*+ finisht ] finish. Reading taken from A.

3^7 348

192.22 seemes 3 seeme. Heading taken from A.

200.10 soyle 3 foyle. Context would Indicate that "soyle" is the correct reading. In FG, theinitial letter Is an "f," but it appears to be a swash "s'* carelessly crossed by the writer's beginning stroke for the second letter, "o."

210.8 he was ] he. Heading taken from A.

211.20 Elisha ] Eliza. Reading taken from A,

214.19 dlssimulaoion ] slmulacion. Reading taken from A. The right word, in this context, would seem to be the earlier one, disslmulacion.

217.9 Robert ] cblank space in FC> Reading taken from C.

221.15-16 born . . . Mulcaster. Both A and FC contain blank spaces at this point in the text. This reading is taken from C.

225.15 handled ] handed. Reading taken from A,

238.4-5 plainly who Diues was ] plainly. Reading restored from A. Harington apparently skipped over this needed phrase.

242.18 time ] time time. Reading taken from A.

248.9 hor 3 his. The ptonoun refers to Mrs. Sands; in A, the text also reads "his," but context would seem to require "her."

263.20-21 learned laten 3 laten. Reading taken from A. The context indicates that "learned laten" was the preferred reading and that "learned" was omitted. A later omission at line 15, as well as other omis­ sions on subsequent pages, seems to indicate Harlngton's hastiness in copying the last part of the book.

263*24-25 ministerlum est domlnatlo. neque vestra domlnatlo ministerlum \ mlnlsterium. Reading from A. This is an omission, as the reading constitutes an exact line of A (118.10), In copying the passage, Harington sklpped~from the first "mlnlsterium" to the second "mlnlsterium." 3^9 265*^ he was ] he. An omission In copying. Heading taken from A.

265.10 cblank spaces in both A and FC> At this point both MSS. contain blank spaces of about one and one- half lines. In the printed editions the lines of text are run together, and the space is deleted.

266.18 one or two hunderd ] one two hunderd. Reading taken from A. APPENDIX B: EMENDATIONS OF ACCIDENTALS

103.6 Cranmerl Cranmer

106.7 earn, ] ^ .

110.24 Preacher. ] ^ ,

112.17 in ] In

112.19 Starchamber, 3 ^ .

114.15 Lucan. This citation was in the margin of the MS. I have moved it to follow the quote.

116.21-22 age. When ] age, when

119.12 Trigon, that ] ~ . That

119.17 nox, ] ^ .

120.1 good ] good

120.6 law. ] '■'J A 120.23 Cannon, ] • 122.6 88, ] .

122.6 annus, ] ^ •

124.18 reprehensions, 3 •

125.7 SenecaA .

125.7-8 Iuvenlle . . . odium ] Iuvenile . . . odium

126.16 omitt, ] ~ .

145.10 liberty, ] ^ .

158.23 optimam 3 optimam

350 351

161.24 perhaps ] , A 163.4 a report ] areport

163.12 1570A ] ^ .

164.20 30 1 ^ .

167.19 crying, ] ^ .

168.7 1486, ] r s .

171.7 almbolo, ] r J .

174.4 Conquest ] ^ .

174.5 sarua ] ^ .

174.17 crew. ] /° .

176.2 superstitions ] superstlons

182.17 novelty,] ^ .

187.17 wryteth)]

189.24 fooles,] ^ •

189.25 matto,] r * .

191.8 Church,] f * .

191.9 500a ] rsi .

191.15 as] As

191.15 480 ] ^ .

191.20 say,] ^ .

194.23 feeders,] s v #

197.17 Author,] .

198.25 1

200.17 Treatis,] ^ . 352

201.20 either.] /V'A

201.15 His ] his

201.18 word,]

203.8 merit,] ^ •

204.1 le,] ^ .

204.1 bene con.] ** . 'v' :

204.1 can,] ^ .

204.16 20 ] ^ . A 204.22 (2 benefices) I have moved this note from the margin of FC into the text. It occurs in the margin of FC, p. 101, without parentheses.

206.17 (Sir Iohn Horner) Moved from the margin of FC. p. 103* where it appears without parentheses,

210.12 1560,] ** .

210.23 modls.] ^ .

211.21 Gehezi ] ~ . A 212.2 some ] . A 213.1 Testament,] .

213.1 fac,] .

213.3 Testament,] ^ .

213.3 Mammon.] ^ .

216.25 last,] ^ .

218.2 nos. ] ^ . ) A 218.11 bishopprlck. ] ^

222.24 services,] ^ .

223.22 Lent ] , A 228.18 Iesabell,] ™ . 353

230*13 quantum,] .

231.10 1596,] ~ .

232.1 in),] ^ ).

231.1 tlmea^ ] ^ .

231.5 vlsA ] ^ ,

231.5 Closet,] ^ .

231.9 88.] ^ .

234.9 Mamamber,] .

234.10 136.] ^ .

235.13 Kitchen,] ^ .

235.1^ 15^5.] ^ . 237.24 His ] his

238.2 Amongst ] amongst

240.1 There ] there

243.1 Abaddon, ] ~ .

243.5 imagin ] Imagin

246.17 But ] but

254.4 whom ^ •

259.9 She ] she

261.14 His ] his

263.12 it.] /v ,

263.23 doalnatur.1 ^ A

264.16 man,] /V/A

264.24 calcaneo, ] 'v/ •

267.8 inA .] ,.

267.18 them,] ** . 35^

268.8 bent,] ^ .

269.19 Dirham,] .

276.10 It)] ~ A

276.24-25 (Sir Edward Hobby) Reading here has been moved from the margin of PC into the text.

281.8 felt,] ~ .

281.9 ful.] ^ . APPENDIX C: HISTORICAL COLLATION OP SUBSTANTIVE VARIANTS

Lemmata refer to the present text, by page and line. Sigla are as follows:

A — B.M. Add, MS. 46370.

PC — B.M. Royal MS. 1? B XXII, the copy- text of the present edition.

C — A briefe View of the State of the Church of England. London; Joshua Klrton, 1653.

HI — Nugae Antlouae. ed. Henry Harington. London, 1769, I, 5-27,.

H2 — Nugae Antlouae. ed. Henry Harington, London, i7797 I. 1-246,

P -- Nugae Antlauae. ed. Thomas Park. London, 180^, II, l-2?8.

101.7-8 battaile fought ] foughten battell C,H2 : battaile foughten P

101.12 yt ] that C,H2

101.17 layd ] layd down C.H2

101.21 Sometime ] sometimes C.H2

103*3 wishing 3 willing H2.P

103.12 the is ] those C.H2

103.15 the ] thels C : their H2

103.16 yt ] the same C.H2

103.18 Survivors ] Surveyors C.H2

103.25 forced ] found C.H2

355 356

104.6 talke ] tale C.H2

104.7 Papists ] the papists H2

104,23 as I know not how ] I know not what C,H2

104.25 yt ] that C.H2

105*1 hauing J had C,H2

105.1 yet ] and yet C.H2

105.5 it ] that C.H2

105.8 afore ] before C.H2

105.11 those J some G,H2

105*15 yt ] that C.H2

105.16 yt ] that C,H2

105.17 alyue ] a Lyar C.H2

105*20 his Malestles most ] most C.H2

105.20 made ] since made C.H2

105.22 yt ] that G.H2

106.7 his cblank space> Non ] his Non C.H2

106.14 yt ] that C.H2

106.17 somtime 3 somewhat H2

106.19 yt ] that C.H2

106.20 foretold ] told C.H2

107.15 did ] did not H2

107.16 of ] of of PC

107.18 was to 1 to H2

108.7 It ] that C.H2

108.12 demaunded ~] and demanding C.H2

108.17-18 greatly approued ] approved greatly C.H2 357

108.18 by ] by by H2

108.20 the 3 these called C.H2

108.23 a good ] good H2

109.2 It ] that C.H2

109.13 the holy oyle ] Oyle C.H2

109.18 yeildeth ] yielded C.H2

109.23 nlveo ] nlvels C.H2

109.23 laplllo ] laplllls H2

109.24 Aut ] Et C.H2

110.5 it ] that C .H2

110.5 yt ] that C.H2

110.8 emlnency ] eminence C.H2

110.11 that ] as C.H2

110.14 thels ] those G,H2

110.15 it ] that C,H2

110.16 vnderstanding ] understood C.H2

110.23 yt ] that C,H2

111.4 strict charge Pasce oves meos ] cblank space> FC j strict charge Pasce oves mes G.H2

112.9 Attempt ] attempts H2

112.18 and some ] some C.H2

112.19 thels ] them C.H2

112.23 Dearlings ] darlings C.H2

113.5 &nd ambition ] ambition G.H2

114.7 resolution J relation C

115.3 bishop bishop of London I have to write of C.H2 358

115*7 sometime ] sometimes C,H2

115*11 it ] that C,H2

116.7 of ] on C,H2

116.8 of ] on C,H2

116.13 though 3 thought C.H2

116.25 of ] of the C.H2

117.^ the ] his C

117.8 that ] the C,H2

117.15 vulgar ] a vulgar H2

117.19 overthwartly ] thwartly G.H2

118.6 sayth 3 quoth C.H2

118*7 the other 3 another C.H2

118.13 in 3 with C,H2

118.16 one 3 an C.H2

118.21-22 one among 3 Among C.H2

119.5 and rumors 3 rumours C.H2

119.9 other 3 others C .H2.P

119.13-1^ That great lnvndacions of waters forshow insurrexions of people, and dounfall of princes 3 C.H2

119.15 the 3 that C.H2

119.15 feare 3 not feare C.H2

119.16 nos, 3 nos? P

119.19 the 3 those called C.H2

120.10 yt 3 that C,H2

120.18 yt 3 that C#H2

120.19 yt 3 that C.H2 359

121.3 once of ] one Sermon on G.H2

121.7 yt ] that C,H2

121.12 vacation ] vacancy C.H2

121.16 prince ] King G.H2

121.17 Quamquam 3 Quanauam C.H2.P

122.6 Mlrabllls annus ] annus mlrabllls C.H2

122.8 pray on the Church, then in ] prey on the Church, then pray in C.H2

122.24 it ] that C.H2

123.6 as aforesaid 3 C .H2.P

124.2 or ] and C,H2

124.12 doubled 3 double H2

124.24 it ] that C,H2

124.24 should ] would C.H2

125.1 would ] could H2

125.3 it ] that C,H2

125.7-8 agaynst luvenile consilium privatum comodum lnuesta odium 3 C.H2

125.14 yt ] that C,H2

125.18 wlddow ] a widow C.H2

125.20 bigamie 3 hy-gain C.H2

125.22 dislike 3 mislike C.H2

125.23 being 3 being indeed H2

125.25 came 3 did come C.H2

126.2 of ] on H2

126.5 of the 3 at C,H2 126.7 into his first ] first H2

126.11 dyed ] he died C.H2

127.3-^ their Church porche 3 the church porche C,P the Church-parch H2

127.7 next that 3 next C.H2

127.10 then ] the C,H2

127.11 of ] at H2

127.16 complaynd ] complaine C.H2

127.17 yt ] that C.H2

127.19 thereby ] therefore C,H2

129.4- that place 3 the place C.H2

129.7 it ] the C.H2

129.13 Gollsborow ] Goldborow C.H2

129.19 it is ] is now C,H2 : is P

130.2 cannot yet ] yet cannot C.H2

130.14- great good 3 good C.H2

130.21 to care much of 3 much to care for C.H2

130.22 Prebend 3 Prebends C.H2

131.5 people 3 the people C.H2

134-.3 and 3 aild as it weare A .C .H2

134-.7 learned 3 many learned A.C.H2.P

134-.7-8 and Philosophers 3 Philosophers A.C.H2

134-.11 some 3 an(i some A

134-.17 your knowledge 3 your Hlghnes knowledge A.C, your Highnesse with knowledge H2

134-. 17 with a falthfull 3 and a faithful H2 361 lJfl.il where ] when C.H2

141.12 well as ] well C

141.16 yt ] that C.H2

141.19-20 doubt not verle ] as3ure myselfe verle A,C : assure myself it is H2

141.20 feare ] doubt A.C.H2

141.22 his ] this C(H2

142.3 greatly ] fyrst greatly A.C.H2

142.7 he said 3 saith he C.H2

142.8 summlsse ] submlsse A .C .H2.P

142.9 superiors ] superious H2

143.4 marrying ] marriadge A.C.H2

143.9 where 3 when A.C.H2

143.11 it ] that C,H2

143.16 mayne ] many C.H2

143.17 The Supremacie ] Supremacie C.H2

143.19 5. and lustifioation ] and 5. Iustification A : 5. Iustifioation C.H2.P

144.2 carrying of ] carrying A .C .H2.F

144.4 kept him ] kept A.C.H2.P

144.5 pownd ] pownds A.C.H2.P

144.12 all out of 3 aH out of A : at all in C,H2

144.21 Stanhop 3 Stanhops G.H2

144.21 Arundell 3 Lord Arundell A.C.H2

144.23 rate 3 rate at H2

144.24 following 3 rslng AtCtH2tP

145*2 a yeare longer In prison 3 prison a yeer longer H2 362

145.4 both bycause ] because A.C.H2

145.7 do ] will C.H2

146.3 It ] that C.H2

146.5 ought ] can A.C.H2

146.11 that ] a C.H2

146.16 though ] If C,H2

146.19 your ] Yours A

146.20 as ] whom A.C.H2

146.21 t'were ] were A.C.H2

146.23 had ] add H2

147.2 rebounds ] bounds back A t£ #H2

147.2 hurlers ] th'urlers A.C.H2.P

147.4 It ] that C,H2 : 1 P

147.11 his prayse ] praise A

148.5 haue ] hath A.C.H2

148.7 works ] worke A.C.H2

148.12 stay ] *stroy C.H2

148.19 an ] and A

149.15 wrunge ] wroong A,C : wrong*d H2

150*7 spirits ] spright A.C.H2 i50.ll forget and did forgiue ] forgive and did forget A.C.H2

150.18 In ] by C,H2

150.24 never ] ever A.C.H2

151.2 for lawe ] far low C.H2

151.6 byde ] bid C,H2 363

151*21 Ambitions 3 Ambitious C ,H2.P

152.18 suretle ] surely H2

153*9 widows ] Widow C.H2

153*11 It ] that C.H2

153*24 wrung out right ] wrong outright C.H2

154.2 prise ] price A.C.H2

154*5 And ] Aud C

154.7 her ] his A

155*20 was 3 were A.C,H2

156.3 like ] life C,H2

156.9 haps ] hap C.H2

157.3 might cause 3 cause might A

157.10 hast leadd 3 didst lead A,C,H2

157.22 3 He was born of a worshipfull house, and in the Dlocess of Winchester, and became after Warden of Winchester, thence for his great learning, and vertuous life prefer1d to the Bishopriok of Lincoln, and after upon the death of Stephen Gardner. made Bishop of Winchestert wherefore C .H2.P

157.22 that his 3 his C,H2

157*22-158,1 mought haue aunsweard 3 did well answer C ,H2

158.1 3 and so would all men say (how contrary soever to him in Religion C.H2

158.1 saving 3 hut C.H2

158.3 it 3 that C,H2

158.23 it 3 that C,H2

159*1 it 3 that C,H2,P 159.20 Horn 3 Hern A.C.H2 36**

159*22 other ] either A .C .H2

159.23 father ] Fathers C.H2

160.11 it is ] that is C,H2

160.19 accompted ] counted A.C.H2 l6l.** it ] that C.H2

161.6 many grayns ] by many grains, or rather many powndes A.C.H2

161.6 yt ] that C.H2

161.9 his Eccho] Ecchoe C.H2

161.16 the ] that C.H2

161.19 yt ] that G,H2

162.7 a ] one C : an H2

162.8 be ] haue been A.C.H2

162.16 such ] soe greate A.C.H2.P

162.18 Lybell against bishops ] Libell C,H2

162.19 rymes ] Ryme G.H2

162.2*4- portion ] proportion A.C.H2

162.25 anabaptised ] and anabapitized G.H2

163.23 in ] a H2

16*4-.4 vox, a Swans song ] vox C.H2

16*4-. 9 their ] the A.C.H2

16*4-. 10 and guifts ] gifts H2

16*1-. 16 and Spayne ] Spaine C .H2.P

165.16 by the year© ] per annum A.C.H2

165.23 retayning ] containing C.H2

166.*4- rather then ] then for A .C .H2 365

166.7 wore ] did weare A : did then wear C,H2

166.13 a horse ] his horse H2

166.15 which I thinke ] which C.H2

166.17 bym ] hym A.C.H2

166.18 we ] was C,H2

166.19 say too ] allso say A.C.H2

167.9- his ] this A.C.H2

l67.ll endevor 3 lndeavors A.C.H2

167.19- heathen ] the heathen H2

167.16 Legends 3 Legion C.H2

167.18 sate down 3 sate A .C .H2

167.22 fellow ] felly fellow C : selly fellow H2

167.25 me ] to me A.C.H2.P

168.2 new bishop 3 Bishop C.H2

168.6 worth ] worthy C.H2

168.7 the yeare of our lord 3 ®nno Domini A.C.H2

168.9 held 3 had held A,C,H2

168.17 and I ] I H2

168.19 come 3 comming A.C.H2

168.29- I 3 as I C.H2

169.9- Non 3 Sint non C.H2

I69.5 carentes 3 errantls C : errantes H2

169.10 mistake It 3 mistake A.C.H2

169.11 that 3 the H2

169.12 fore recyted 3 forecited C.H2

169.13 who 3 and A,C,H2 366

169.12* as ] at H2

169*20 ] Sed quia, qul da te ludlcet aptus erlt? A .C.H2.P

169.21 ] quam nullua qul te precesserIt ante A ,C.H2.P

169.22 cblank space> ] posterltas vt tua pelus agat A,C,H2,P

170.9 found fit ] found C,H2

170.9 that ] as A.C.H2

170.14 vndertooke ] vndertake A

170.15 our ] the A.C.H2

170.24 it ] that C.H2

171.9 0 lye ] oly C,H2

171.11 one that ] that C.H2

171.14 vpon ] upou C

171.16 sonne ] the Sonne A

171.25 cast ] casts C.H2

172.21 Mayor ] Major C.H2

172.22 present ] there C.H2

172.22 that Pauls ] Pauls C.H2

173.4 as sympathysing ] sympathizing H2

173.5-6 cblank space> ] after the tumult was a lytle pacyfyed fynished his sermon A.C.H2

174.1 cabsent> ] Bishop Jewell C.H2

174.2 accompt 2 antiquitle A.C.H2

174.3 specially ] especially A.C.H2

174.8 that ] that Is C.H2

174.10 how both ] how A.C.H2.P 367

174.12 vntlll ] till A tC,H2

174.12 It ] that C,H2

174.14 be of ] be H2,P

174.16 this ] the A.C.H2

175.8 extant and ] extant P

175.11 till ] vntlll A.C.H2

175.14 all Mr. ] mr. A,C,H2,P

175.21 Is that ] Is C,H2

175.21 by ] of A.C.H2

176.1 espetlallle 3 specially A

176.1 whose ] which C.H2 176.4-5 that perhaps 3 perhaps C.H2 176.5 caveat 3 Caurat C 176.18 rather to entertalne 3 rather A.C.H2

177.4 It 3 shee A.C.H2

177.7 It 3 that C.H2 177.8 wasse almost 3 almost was C.H2

177.11 far 3 free C.22

177.19 that 3 who A #C,H2

177.25 In 3 since in A.C.H2

177.25 buying 3 buing FC 178.3 Church 3 the Church C.H2

178.5 if 3 that H2

178.23 yt 3 that C,H2

178.23 It 3 that C.H2.P 368

178.25 It ] that C,H2

179.3 It ] that C,H2

179.6 and. wealth ] In wealth C.H2

179*9 could J would C.H2

179.10 willfull ] willfully C,H2

179.12 that 3 that is C.H2

179.15 It ] that C,H2

180.3 add further ] further add A.C.H2

180.5 to restore him ] C.H2

180.11 dying so notoriouslie in debt ] died so notorious a begger as this A,C,H2 : dyed so notoriouslie in debt P

180.13 Olenco ] cllnco A.C.H2

180.16 it ] that C,H2

180.22 the graue ] your grave C.H2

180.22 for ] notwithstanding C.H2

180.23 yt ] that C,H2

180.24- yt ] that C,H2

181.1-2 in a ] into a C,H2 : in P

182.2 qualltie ] name C.H2

182.3 name ] quality C.H2

182.8 and 3 and by C.H2

182.15 ] viz A.C.H2.P

182.17 antiquity was ] Antiquity C.H2

183.1 ] LETTER To Prince HENRY, FROM Sir JOHN HARINGTON HI

183.4 ] Much honoured Prince HI 184.1 among ] amongst C.H1.H2

184.2 yt ] that CtHlfH2

184.16 king Offa ] Offa C.H1.H2

184.21 Elphegus a J Elphegus HI

184.22 anno 1010 ] 1010 C.H1.H2

185.2 vertues ] vertue C.H1.H2

185.4 Akman Chester ] Akmanchester C.H1.H2

185.5 Vlllula ] Iohn de Vlllula C.H1.H2

185.6 cold ] cal'd C.H1.H2

165.8 hither 3 thither C,H1,H2

185.8 the ] that C.H1.H2

185.11 bishop that ] Bishop C .HI.H2

185.11 it ] that C.H1.H2

185.12 1135 ] 1132 C,H1.H2

185.15 mercedem ] merdecem FC

185.18 two ] two so C.HI.H2

185.22 humor 3 humours C.H1.H2

185.23 to ] on C.H1.H2

186.5 this worthy 3 that C.H1.H2

186.7 firme 3 30 firm C.H1.H2

186.8 and tyme 3 time C.H1.H2

186.9 skant 3 scarce C.HI.H2

186.11 visions and 3 visions C.H1.H2

186.11 both incouraged 3 encouraged C.H1.H2.P

186.1? sleeping to dreame 3 to dreame sleeping C.H1.H2

186.24 his 3 this C.H1.H2 370

187.18 for ] so C.H1.H2

187.2 foote of which ] which C.HI.H2

187.3 voyce that ] voyce C.H1.H2

187.6 yt ] it to H2

187.15 the ] a C.H1.H2

187.16 paid king Henry ] paid C.HI.H2

187.1? 745 thousand 3 745 C.HI,H2 187.17 beside 3 besides C.H1.H2

187.19 his own 3 his C.H1.H2

188.1 he 3 for the time he C.H1.H2

188.2 dreame for the tyme 3 dream C.HI.H2

188.6 this his 3 this C.H1.H2

188.6-7 the ladder 3 and the ladder C.H1.H2

188.14 worke 3 works H2

188.15 end 3 Part H2

188.17 on hye 3 high C.H1.H2

188.18 witnes 3 witnesses C .HI.H2

188.19 midst 3 the midst H2

188.24 yt 3 that C.H1.H2

189*5 Oleaster 3 an Oleaster C.HI.H2.P

189.10 infortunat marriadges 3 Incestuous marriage C.H1.H2

189*11 kings 3 the Kings C,HI.H2

189.13 king 3 a King C.H1.H2

189.16 paid 3 had paid H2

189.17 might by him 3 might C.H1.H2 371

190.9 Whereto ] Whereunto C .HI.H2

190.14 bl.y cblank space> ] blythe C .HI.H2 .P

191.4 finish ] finlsht C .HI.H2

191.10 the ] that C tHl,H2

191.23 Cittlzen ] C.HI.H2

193.1 of the first founder ] G.H1.H2

193.14 at ] a H2

193.15 words ] word C.HI.H2

193.16 expound this Riddle ] explain this metaphor C.H1.H2

193.18 markable ] remarkable C.H1.H2

193.20 him ] them C.H1.H2

193.23-198.1 bestowed of ] bestowed on C.H1.H2

194.6 infortunate ] unfortunate C .HI.H2

195.21 Tholosanum ] Tholonosum H2

195.23 Mayoralty ] Majoralty C.HI.H2

195.23 of ] for C,|U,H2

195.24 from ] for C.H1.H2

196.3 Atheist ] Atheists C.H1.H2

196.11 this ] his C.H1.H2

196.16 premonstrated ] premonstated H2

196.22 Hall ] hall there C,H1,H2,_P

197.6 said 3 say C.HI.H2

198.2 the poore poore C.HI.H2

198.12 as highly ] highly C.HI.H2

198.21 of this ] this C,H1#H2 372

198.22 to the ] the C.H1.H2

199*15-16 wel knowing ] knowing P

199.22-24 of man's making, and of the Devills making; of God's making ] C.HI.H2

200.6 to part with ] with C.H1.H2

200,10 foyle ] soyle H2

200.15 honestly ] honesty C.HI.H2

200.16 modestly modesty C.HI.H2

200.19 labores ] laborla C

201.1 naturd an ] a natur'd C.H1.H2

201.7 ill ] able C.H1.H2

201.8 obligations ] occasions C .HI.H2

201.12 of timber ] Tin C.H1.H2

201.17 lords ] Lordships C,H1,H2

201.18-19 for love ] in love C.H1.H2

201.21 Which ] the which C,H2

202.4 that ] the C.H1.H2

202.13 houskeeplng ] hospitality C .HI.H2

202.14 pleasing 3 pleasant C.H1.H2

203.6 first ] first he C.H1.H2

203.20 this much ] this C,H1,H2

204.1 call ] called C,H1,H2

204.8 affeard ] afraid C.H1.H2

204.9 would ] could C.HI.H2

205.2 Key ] Kay C.H1.H2

205.4 key ] Kay C.H1.H2 373

205.5 like ] the like C.H1.H2

205.7 six score 3 120 £ C.H1,H2

205,8-9 well worthy 3 worthy C .HI.H2

205.15 Banwell ] Barnwell C #H2

205.17 Sir Thomas ] Thomas P

205.18 and 3 and a C

205.18 zealous ] a zealous C .HI.H2

205.19 oare ] ore C.H1.H2

205,21 Banwell ] Barnwell C.H1.H2

206,1 other ] others C .HI.H2

206,23 the ] your C.HI.H2

207.3 Bishops wyfe ] Bishop C.H1.H2

207.10 leadd ] leaden C,H1,H2

207.13 blessings ] blessing C.H1.H2

207.16 blessings ] blessing C .HI.H2

208.4 liketh of 3 liketh C.H1.H2.P

208.5 bold ] bound C .HI.H2

208.5 remember of 3 remember to remember of C

208.8 thought since ] thought G .HI.H2

208.9 plus ] plust G.H1.H2

208.10 in ] of C.H1.H2

208.13 Anderson ] Adderton C .HI,H2

208.20 . . . ] he answered C .HI.H2.P

209.10 conformable ] comfortable C.H1.H2

209.15 make of 3 makd C .HI .H2

209.19 too ] so C,Hi,H2 374

209.24 ] I rest in all Humilitie Your Highness1 Servant, John Harington HI

210,6 somtime somtimes A.C.H2

210.8 he was ] he FC

211.1 must needes ] must C,H2

211.10 had bene followd accordingly ] bene accordinglie followed A,C,H2

211.17 could looke well ] could well A i could well see C.H2

211.20 Elisha ] Eliza PC

212.2 Legions or rather Chiliads ] cblank space> A

212.13 other ] others H2

212.24 trew successors of the Apostles, that this man was a bishop ] C.H2

212.24 brought vp ] brought A

213.1 laetare J laetere H2

213.3 you ] ye A.C.H2

213.4 the part "] that part C.H2

213.17 about ] against him about A.C.H2

214.3 studie ] studies H2

214.19 dissimulacion ] simulaclon FC

215.2 meant to have made ]] went to make C.H2

215.4 could ] he could H2

215.11 to runn ] run H2

216.3-4 oft times of a mans spirit and courage and constancy ] oft times C : of times H2

216.13 being in ] being A

216.16 thrown ] drown A 375

21?.^ or ] nor C,H2

217.9 Bennet ] Robert Bennet A.C.H2

217.17 here in ] herein in A.C.H2.P

217.20 Malmsbury ] cblank space> A

218.1 was mumbling ] mumbling A.C.H2

218.10 of ] on C,H2

218.10 he gat perhaps ] perhaps he got C.H2

220.15 beloved ] more beloved A.C.H2

221.15-16 cblank space> born in London, and trained up In the School of that famous Mulcaster C.H2tP

221.17 that was ] was P

222.8 theis ] those C.H2

222.10 which some disgraced as a bosom sermon ] G.H2

222.24 excellency ] excellencies G,H2

223.6 he that ] he C,H2

223.8 blown ] blow A

223.9 by ] with A.C.H2

223.11 Pynky ] Pinhie C.H2

223.12 Pouls ] Pauls H2

223.15 of ] to A.C.H2

223.16 a Prebend ] Prebend H2

223.16 Powls ] Pauls H2

224.1 to the 3 A.G.H2

224.5 quarrelld ] quarrel*d with C.H2

224.12 it ] that C,H2 376

224.13 tenure ] tenor C.H2

224.17 to the ] to C,H2

224.19 amendment 3 an amendment H2

224.20 good ] to good C,H2

224.21 a Sermon he made 3 he made a sermon C.H2

224.22 was 3 which was G.H2

224.23 leadest ] leddest H2

224.24 Courtiers ] courteous C tH2^

225.25 might ] may C.H2

225.25 haue not 3 have C,H2

227.10 Censurers 3 censures C.H2

227.15 handled 3 handed PC

228.5 sober and chaste 3 chaste A.C.H2

228.10 gulfts 3 Sift C,H2

228.10 next 3 then H2

228.14 Poets as well as of prophetts 3 Poets A.C,H2

228.15-16 exaggerations and exclamations 3 exaggerations H2

228.22 had held 3 held A.C.H2

229.1 disclaymed yt 3 disclaimed C.H2

229.1 Durham 3 Duresme A.C.H2

230.9 ascribed 3 ascribing A.C.H2

230.15 learning 3 good Learning H2

230.17 eat 3 did eat A.C.H2

230.19 yet by 3 I by A

231.5 much 3 verle much A.C.H2 377

231.10 lying then ] then lying A.C.H2

231.11 and wishing 3 wishing H2

231.12 would ] oould A : should C.H2

231.13 full 63 ] 63 C,H2

231.15 ] verse A.C,H2,P

231.17 harts 3 hart A.C.H2

231.18-19 vndertake he thought 3 undertake H2

231.20 her 3 the C.H2

232.6 more 3 some more C.H2

232.10 had 3 hath C.H2

232.11 to glue 3 give A

232.23 wax 3 were A

233.5 greatest 3 great A

233.19-20 fingring for 3 fingring A.C.H2

233.25 they 3 that they G.H2

234.4 stone 3 story C.H2

234.8 neer 3 is neere G.H2

234.8 Pensance 3 Persans A

23^.9 which 3 of which A.C.H2

235.16 theis 3 those C.H2

236.5 spoyle of 3 spoyling A.C.H2

236.15-17 worke, and the same being in great request, and highlie commended to the Queene for a godlie learned and necessary worke 3 worke C.H2

237.8 contemne 3 condemn C.H2

237.11 then 3 more then A

237.16 impietie 3 policy C.H2 378

237.16 latter 3 later A,C

237.18 disinherit ] disherit A

237.19 theirs or rather of christes ] their H2

237.20 then 3 thearfore A.C.H2

237.21 other 3 others A.C.H2

237.23 once ] one A

237.20 the 3 that H2,P

238.4-5 who Diues was 3 FC

239.3 not worthie 3 worthie A : unworthy C.H2

239.10 bedrole 3 beadrole A.C.H2

239.21 do not praise 3 praise not most A.C.H2

241.8 of 3 for A

241.10 of this 3 this of H2

241.15 though 3 thought A

241.20 deserved 3 due A.C.H2

242.5-6 Cleargie man 3 Clergy A

242.9 where 3 when C.H2

242.19 rightlie 3 right A

242.23 mine 1 my H2

243.4 this 3 his A

243.6 aventure 3 a venture C.H2

243.14-15 but if 3 hut A

243.18 nobleman 3 noble man H2

243.18 good 3 a good C

244.5 there 3 their C.H2 244.7 cast 3 can A

244.8 the ] an A

244.16 Boomer ] roamer C.H2

245.4 wrynge ] wrong C.H2

245.6 censures ] censurers A . C. H2

245.10 might ] would A

245.21 this ] thus £

246.6 especlall ] a speciall C.H2

247.1 of ] with A : on C,H2

248.4 for the ] for A

248.9 his maide ] maid C.H2

248.18 he ] he be C.H2.P

249.3 great ] a great C.H2

249.16 travaile ] travaile in this matter travaile In this manner H2

250.2 to ] into A

250.4 Infamie 3 the infamie A.C.H2

250.16 as ] and A

250.25 ] Witshire A

251.2 chiefest stale 3 stay A.C.H2

251.7 a Mountbanke 3 Mountebank H2

252.9-10 marled woman ] woman A .C.H2

252.18 the ] his A

252.23 knights ] all knights A.C.H2

252.25 of Chesse ] at Chess C.H2

253.12 mending ] amending A.C.H2 254.14 he afterward ] after he C.H2

255.3 vilder ] viler C.H2

255.6 against Easter 3 against C.H2

255.10 pittifully ] pittiful A

255.12 his ] him A

255.25-256.1 Studie at the Vnlversity ] study C.H2

256.1 before ] before at the University C.H2

256.16 I thlnke 3 me thinks A.C.H2

257.6 the text ] text A.C.E2

257.7 either before or ] before nor A

257.15 historicallie over ] over historicallie A.C.H2

257.21 thighes ] this G.H2

258.3 persecuted ] prosecuted A.C.H2

258.24 it ] It yet H2

259.21 glad ] glad to which he was glad A

260.5 yet ] that P

260.9 report j reports C.H2

260.12 told ] he told C,H2

260.14 him ] him before C.H2

260.19 denyed ] hee denyed A.C.H2

260.23 Presidentship 3 Presidency C.H2

261.7 disputers 3 disputants C.H2

261.11 versares 3 versare A.C.H2

261.12 which 3 w*io A,C,H2

261.12 search 3 searcheth A.C.H2 261.21* showd herein ] heerin showd A.C.H2

262.3 vices 3 voices C

262.12 iudicious ] indicious C

262.13 complementall ] complemenrall C

262.20 enemie 3 enemies A

262.21 Edmond 3 Edward A

262.24-263.1 credit 3 credit he can C.H2

263.13 more ] more abundantly A

263.18 had not 3 hath A.C.H2

263.20-21 learned laten ] laten FC

263.25-261*. 1 est dominatio neque vestra domlnatlo mlnlsterlum I FC

264.3 learning, preaching ] and learned preaching A Learning and preaching C.H2

264.14 somtime himself 3 himselfe A.C.H2

264.14 cleare 3 somtime clear C.H2

265*4 he was 3 E2.

265.10 3 C.H2

265.11 vessell 3 vessell of A

265.15 given him 3 given H2

265.25 Mr. — 3 Mr.. Matthew C,H2

265.25 Mr. — Thoble 3 Mr. Thobie C,H2

266.16 write 3 wrote C.H2

266.18 one 3 one or H2.P

267.? said 3 saith A

267.9 hearer 3 hearers A

267.1 the poynt 3 poynt A 382

267.18 Davie 3 Doctor C.H2

268.3 those J these C.H2

268.5 ordinarily from him ] from him ordinarily C.H2

268.5 me thlnke methinks C,H2

268.5 male 3 might A

269.7 that ] It C.H2

269.8 vertue ] vertues C.H2

269.9 sprites ] spirits C.H2

269.9 may ] might A.C.H2

269.22 allay ] lay H2

269.24 erat 3 erlt A

270.6 vnto 3 to A.C.H2

270.9 a ] the C.H2

270.11 and remembrlng ] remembring C,H2

270.24-26 Vtentes hoc mundo tanquam non vtentes. vslng the world as yf they vs'd yt not j cblank space> A : Utentes hoc aeculo C : Utantes hoc seculo H2

271.4 Absolon ] Ah, Absalon A

271.7 glue ] gave C,H2

272.1 entirely 3 most entirely C.H2

272.6-7 as It were telling a Story ] telling a story as It were C.H2

274.1 the former 3 this P BIBLIOGRAPHY

Andrewes, Lancelot* XCVI Sermons, 2nd ed, London, 1632. Aubrey, John. Aubrey * s Brief Lives* ed. 0. L. Dick. London, 195&.

Baskerville, Geoffrey. English Monks and the Suppression of the Monasteries. London, 196$.

Birch, Thomas. The Life of Henry Prince of Wales. Eldest Son of King James _I. London, T t£ o"7

Brook, V. J. K. A Life of Archbishop Parker. Oxford, 19^2.

Burnet, Gilbert. The History of the Reformation of the Church of England. 3 vols. New York, 18^3.

Camden, William. Annals. 3**d ed. London, 1635*

Cavendish, George. The Life and Death of Cardinal Wolsey. ed. R. S. Sylvester. London, 1959.

The Chronicle of Queen Jane * and of Two Years of Queen Mary, ed. G. Nichols. London, 1850.

Colllnson, Patrick. The Elizabethan Puritan Movement. Berkeley, Calif., 1967.

Dawley, Powel M. Whltglft and the . New York 195^*

Donno, Elizabeth Story, ed. Sir John Harlngton1s A New Discourse of a Stale Subject, Called the Metamorphosis of Ajax. New York, 1962,

Edwards, Edward. The Life of Sir Walter Ralegh. 2 vols. London, 1&6F7

Evelyn, John. The Diaries of John Evelyn, ed. E. S. DeBeer. 6 vols. Oxford, 1955^

383 384

Frere, W. H. A History of the English Church In the Reigns of Elizabeth and James .1. London, 1904.

Foster, Joseph. Alumni Oxonlenses. 1600-1714. Vol. I. Oxford, 1891.

Foxe, John. The Acts and Monuments of John Foxe. ed. G. Townsend. 8 vols. New York, 19^5•

Fuller, Thomas. A Church History of Britain. ed. J. S. Brewer, Vols, V and VI. Oxford, 1845*

______. The Worthies of England. Ed. J. Freeman, London, 1952.

Galrdner, James. The English Church In the Sixteenth Century from the Accession of Henry VIII to the Death of Mary. London, 1904.

Gardiner, Stephen. The Letters of Stephen Gardiner, ed. J. A. Muller. Cambridge, 1933*

______. Obedience In Church and State: Three Political Tracts by Stephen Gardiner, ed. Pierre Janelle. Cambridge, 1930.

Giovlo, Paolo. Vita Hadrlanl Sextl. Florence, 1551*

Godwin, Francis. A Catalogue of the Bishops of England. London, 1601, 1615.

______. "Catalogus Episcoporum Bathonlensium et Wellensium" [manuscript, Trinity College, Cambridge3*

______. De Praesullbus Angllae Commentarlls. London, i6l6.

Greg, W. W. "An Elizabethan Printer and His Copy." Library. IV, ser. 4 (1923), 102.118.

______. "Harington's Epigrams." TLS. 12 January 1928, p. 28.

Harington, Sir John. "Autograph Memoranda of Sir John Harington" [B.M. Add. MS. 27632].

______. "Epigrams" [B.M. Add. MS. 12049].

. "Epigrams" [Folger MS. 4455], 385 Harington, Sir John. "The historye of the Bisshoppes since the reformation a supplement to Dr. Godwyne" [B.M. Add MS. 46370].

______. The Most Elegant and Witty Epigrams . . . London, l6l&.

______, trans. Orlando Fvrloso in English Herolcal Verse. London, 1&3^

______. The School of Salernum. New York, 1920.

______. UA Supplie or Addleion to the Catalogue of Bishops, to the Yeare 1608" [B.M. Royal MS. 17 B XXII].

______. A Tract on the Succession to the Crown. ed. C. R. Markham. London, 18$0.

Hearne, Thomas, A Collection of Curious Discourses. 2 vols. London, 1771.

Hughes, Philip, The Reformation in England. 3 vols. London, 1953.

Hughey, Ruth, ed. The Arundel Harington Manuscript of Tudor Poetry. 2 vols. Columbus, Ohio, i960.

______. "The Harington Manuscripts at Arundel Castle and Related Documents." Library. XV, ser. 4 (1934), 388-444.

Hutton, William. The English Church from the Accession of Charles I. to the Death of Anne. London, 1903.

Hulbert, E. B. The English Reformation and Puritanism. Chicago, 1908.

Hutchinson, F. E. Cranmer and the English Reformation. London, 1965.

James I. Baslllkon Doron; or His Majesty1s Instructions to His Dearest Sonne. Henry~the PrInce. London, Tff87.

Johnson, Samuel. Johnson*s Lives of the British Poets, ed. W. C. Hazlitt. London, lB'pT

Lea, Kathleen M. "Harington*s Folly." Elizabethan and Jacobean Studies Presented to Frank Percy Wilson. Oxford, 1959. 386

LeNeve, John. Fasti Eccleslae Angllcanae. comp. Joyce M. Horn. London, 1903.

______. LIyes of the Archbishops. London, 185^.

McClure, N. E., ed. The Letters and Epigrams of Sir John Harington? Philadelphia, 1930-

Mackie, J. D. The Earlier Tudors. 146S»1658. Oxford, 1952.

MacKinnon, M. H. M. "Sir John Harington and Joseph Hall." Pg, XXXVII (1958), 80-86.

Moore Smith, G. C. "Sir Walter flalegh as Seen by Sir John Harington." TLS. 10 March 1927* p. 160.

Muller, J. A. Stephen Gardiner and the Tudor Reaction. New York, 1926.

Newton, A. Edward. "A Royal Book Collector." The Greatest Book In the World and Other Papers. Boston, 1925.

Nichols, John. The Progresses and Public Processions of Queen Elizabeth. 3 vols. London") 1823.

______. The Progresses. Processions, and Magnificent Festivities of King James the First. V vols. London, 1&28.

Nugae Antiouae. ed. Henry Harington. 2 vols. London, 1769-1775. Nugae Antla uae. ed. Henry Harington. 3 vols. London, 1779.

Nugae AntIq uae. ed. Thomas Park. 2 vols. London, “* ------18 o 5 .

Ollard, S. L., and Gordon Crosse, eds. A Dictionary of English Church History. London, 1912.

Pierce, William. An Historical Introduction to the Marprelate Tracts. London, 1908.

Read, Conyers, ed. Bibliography of British History. Tudor Period. 1485-1603. 2nd ed. Oxford, 1959-

_ . Lord Burghley and Queen Elizabeth. London, I960. 387 Head, Conyers, Mr. Secretary Cecil and Queen Elizabeth. London, 19&2.

Rich, Townsend. Harington and Ariosto. New Haven, 1940 ["Yale Studies In English. Vol. XCIl].

Rollins, Hyder, ed. England1s 1600-I6l4. 2 vols. Cambridge, Mass., 1935*

Smith, R. A. L. Bath. London, 1945*

Strype, John. Annals of the Reformation. 4 vols. London, 182^.

______, Ecclesiastical Memorials. ? vols. London, 1816. ______. Historical Collections of the Life and Acts of the Right Reverend Father In God. John Aylmer. Oxford, 1821.

______. The History of the Life and Acts of the Most Reverend Father In God. Edmund Grlndal. 2 vols. Oxford, 1S21I

______. The Life and Acts of John Whltglft. D. D. 3 vols. London, 1$22. *”

______. The Life and Acts of Matthew Parker. 5 vols. Oxford, 1621.

______. Memorials of the Most Reverend Father In God Thomas Cranmer. 2 vols. London, 1840.

Venn, John, and J. A. Venn. Alumni CantabrlglensIs. Part X. Cambridge, 1922.

Walton, Isaak. The Lives of John Donne, Sir Henry Wotton, Richard Hooker. George Herbert, and Robert Sanderson. London, 1962.

Warner, Richard. The History of Bath. Bath, 1801.

William of Malmesbury. A Chronicle of the Kings of England, ed. J. A. Giles. London, 1847.

Wilson, Elkin C. Prince Henry and English Literature. Ithaca, N. Y., 1946.

Wood, Anthony a, Athenae Oxonlenses. 2 vols. London, 1692.