Roads and Stations in Southern Bilâd Al-Shâm in the 7Th-8Th Centuries

ARAM, 8 (1996), 177-188 177

ROADS AND STATIONS IN SOUTHERN BILÂD AL-SHÂM IN THE 7TH-8TH CENTURIES

YEHOSHU‘A FRENKEL

The aim of the present study is to compile a list of locations in southern Bilâd al-Shâm (namely Israel and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan) in the seventh and eighth centuries which presumably served as stations along the desert roads in that area. It is based on Arabic sources which describe the history of the emerging Islamic Caliphate. These are descriptions in the standard Arabic sources of the expeditions (maghâzî) of the Prophet MuÌammad and of the initial conquests (al-futûÌat al-‘umariyya) during the reign the Râshidûn (the four Rightly Guided Caliphs). As is well known among students of early Islamic history, no contemporary archives from the years of the Prophet MuÌammad and his successors sur- vived.1 The information about this period in the Arabic sources was recorded several generation later. It was only after the establishment of the Umayyad dynasty and the emergence of an Islamic polity that the accounts of the events which had occurred during the first half of the seventh century were written in Arabic. This fact cast doubt on the fitness of these sources as records of historical events which had occurred some centuries earlier. Owing to the lacunae in the sources currently at our disposal, I am inclined to argue that the roads described in the maghâzî and futûÌat literature are the roads which served travellers between the Îidjâz and Bilâd al-Shâm during the Umayyad and early ‘Abbasid periods.2 I assume that it is not totally off-course to propose that several locations named in the maghâzî and futûÌat narratives were actually way-stations used by travellers during the eighth century. This does not mean that Islamic armies did not encamp at oases while travelling along these roads during the seventh century, but it emphasises that these way-stations first attracted the attention of the Muslims scholars because officials and pil- grims travelling from Syria to the holy city of Mecca used them as camp sites.

1 On the other hand, on the basis of extracts from Syrian chronicles composed in around the years 637-640 we can establish the place of two major battles. The first, in 634, occurred to the east of Gaza, and the second, in 636, in Gabitha (Gab‘ot Ramta). See Andrew Palmer (ed.), The Seventh Century in the West-Syrian Chronicles, (Liverpool University Press, 1993), pp. 3, 19 and 230. 2 ∑âliÌ Darâdkah, “™arîq al-Ìadjdj al-shâmi fi al-‘ahd al-umawi”, in MuÌammad ‘Adnân Bakhît (ed.), Al-Mu’tamar al-duwali al-râbi‘ li-ta’tikh bilâd al-shâm: Bilâd al-shâm fi al-‘ahd al-umawi, (‘Amman, 1989), pp. 427-461, based his historical reconstruction mostly on ‘Abbasid and later geographical sources. 178 ROADS AND STATIONS IN SOUTHERN BILÂD AL-SHÂM

One example of the difficulties in the reconstruction of the Islamic conquests is the expedition to the oasis of Dûmat al-Djandl (the modern Saudi site of al-Djawf) at the southern end of Wâdi SirÌân. According to al-Wâqidi and other sources, the Prophet MuÌammad dispatched an expeditionary force to demand the surrender of this place. According to Sayf ibn ‘Umar (d. 180/796), however, this oasis was conquered by Khâlid ibn al-Walîd later in the course of the Islamic conquests, after he had subdued al-Anbar and ‘Ain al-Tamar. This literally implies that his armies moved from the Euphrates valley south towards al-Madina – a somewhat strange route for a general leading Islamic columns from the desert northward to Mesopotamia.3 A similar example of difficulties in the historiography of the emergence of the Islamic Caliphate is the account of the expedition and conquest of Dhât al-Salâsil. According to several traditions, ‘Amr ibn al-‘AÒ was sent by the Prophet MuÌammad in 8/629 against a Byzantine post in southern Transjor- dan, and he encamped at a water source called Salâsil (or Salsal). On the other hand another historical tradition, narrated by Sayf ibn ‘Umar, holds that Khâlid ibn al-Walid engaged Sassanian forces in the battle of Salâsil in 12/633. According to this, we should look for a place named Salâsil in ‘Iraq.4 The locations named in the traditions narrating the expeditions of the Prophet MuÌammad and the advance of Islamic forces between 8/629 and 13/634 are mainly desert oases in the Îidjâz and in the Wâdi al-‘Araba rift, as well as pasture-land in the southern Transjordan mountains. These water sources could serve as stopping places for travellers along the routes linking Syria with the Arabian Peninsula during the Djâhiliyya period and the early Islamic Caliphate. They were not forts in the desert. The forces which partici- pated in the early Islamic expeditions were not equipped with materiel for lay- ing sieges. The argument that the first locations captured by the Muslims were not fortified is well-supported by the following tradition: “The first peace agreement which happened in al-Shâm was the peace agreement of Ma’ab (Moab), which is a tribal meeting place, not a city”.5

3 Al-Tabari, Ta’rikh, vol. I. pp. 2065 ff.; English translation by Kh.Y. Blankinship, The Chal- lenge to the Empires, (SUNY, 1993), pp. 57 ff.; F.M. Donner, The Early Islamic Conquests, (Princeton University Press, 1981). pp. 106-7 (“The confused accounts of the Prophet’s expeditions- whether real or supposed”) 119 ff. W.E. Kaegi, Byzantium and the Early Islamic Con- quests, (Cambridge University Press, 1992), p. 82. 4 Ibn Hishâm, Al-Sîra al-Nabawiyya, (ed. Mustafa al-Saqa et al.) (Cairo, 1971), vol. IV, p. 272; English translation by Al. Guillaume, The Life of Muhammad, (Oxford University Press, 1955), p. 668; Tabari, Ta’rikh, I, p. 2025; Blankinship (trans.) The Challenge to the Empires, p. 13. Donner, The Early Islamic Conquests, pp.102; 106, 107. 5 Tabari, Ta’rikh, I, 2108. Blankinship, (trans.), The Challenge to the Empires, p. 108; The remark by al-Azdi that Ma’ab bi-‘Ammân is the first town in Bilâd al-Shâm which submitted to the Muslims is another example of the dubious nature of the conquest-traditions. See Abu Isma’il MuÌammad al-Azdi, Kitâb futûÌ al-Shâm, (ed.) W.N. Lees, (Calcutta, 1854), p. 23 (l. 17). Y. FRENKEL 179

An additional reason to support this assumption is provided by the information concerning the size of the Islamic forces which fought the first campaigns. The number of troops sent against these locations was small. As these places were not fortified military installations, an attack by a light company cavalry was sufficient to overrun them. The number of men and animals which could have formed part of the column was limited by ecological conditions, namely, the scarcity of water in the desert. The forces had to advance from one source of water (bi’r) to another.6 According to al- Wâqidi’s version of the attack on Dhât A†lâÌ (Rabi‘ I 8/629), the Prophet sent a small force of fifteen men headed by Ka‘b ibn ‘Umayr al-Ghifari.7 This small number seems to reflect the actual order of size of tribal armies in the desert. Some of the locations named in the following pages are mentioned in studies of the history of pre-Islamic northern Îidjâz and southern Bilâd al-Shâm. In the evolution of road systems in arid zones, water sources are a crucial factor. Accordingly, it is appropriate to start with a short introductory description of this area in the late Byzantine period. During the centuries prior to the emergence of the Islamic Caliphate, the arid zones of southern Syria were under the control of the Byzantine empire. Evidence from the time of Anasta- sius (491-518), Justin the first (518-527) and Justinian (c. 530-532) has sur- vived about Byzantine political and military involvement in the Red Sea, Ethiopia and South Arabia.8 Numismatic evidence from the fourth century to the time of Heraclius supports the information provided by the historical sources.9 Literary sources, as well as archaeological discoveries, shed light on the major sites which served the Ghassânid10 and other Arab (Sarakanoi) tribes. Among their fairs and markets which are named are Bostra, Adri‘at and Dayr Ayyûb (Eyub).11 Procopius gives a long description of the Palm Grove on the edge of Îidjâz and along the Red Sea shores.12 A local chieftain named Abu Qarib (Abocharabos) was nominated by the basileus Justinian as the phy- larchos of the Palestinian Saracens, seemingly those who lived in the desert between Aela (Aila/‘Aqaba) and Gaza.13 Aila, at the northern end of the ‘Aqaba Gulf, as well as Clysma/ Qulzum at the northern end of the Suez

6 Fazari, al-Siyar, no. 8 7 Al-Wâqidi, The Kitâb al-Maghâzi, (ed.) M. Jones, (London, 1966), vol. II, p. 752. 8 Cosmas, The Christian Topography, trans. J.W. McCrindle (Hakluyt Society 93, New York, 1897); Z. Rubin, in D.H. French & C.S. Lightfoot, The Eastern Frontier, (BAR 553, 1989); Zbigniew Fiema, Economics, Administration and Demography of Late Roman and Byzantine Southern Transjordan, (Ph.D. thesis, University of Uta, 1991), pp.166-168. 9 Fiema, Economics, Administration and Demography, p. 170. 10 Maurice Sartre, Trois études sur l’Arabie romaine et byzantine, (Bruxelles 1982), pp. 178 ff. 11 Sartre, Trois études sur l’Arabie, 183-4; Dussaud, Topographie 344. 12 Procopius of Caesarea, (trans.) M.B. Dewing, History of the Wars, I xix 8-16. 13 Procopius, History of the Wars, I, xix 20; Roger Paret, “Note sur un passage de Malalas concernant le phylarques arabes”, Arabica, 5 (1958), p. 253. 180 ROADS AND STATIONS IN SOUTHERN BILÂD AL-SHÂM

Gulf,14 are cities on the Red Sea shores. Both were major emporia of South Arabian and Ethiopian maritime trade with Byzantium. From Aila, goods were transported to Gaza.15 Among the sites where Byzantine material remains were excavated are Tayma, Tabûk and Dûmat al-Djandal (Djawf in the southern end of Wâdi SirÌân). The northern end of this wâdi is at al-Azraq, were the Byzantine pres- ence is well-documented,16 as it is at several other sites further to the north. Sev- eral Ghassânid locations were also identified further to the north.17 Along the road from Tabûk southwards to Yathrib (Madina) are the settlements of Wâdi al-Qurâ, among them al-Ula (Dedan). Late Byzantine and Umayyad materials were found here.18 From Tabûk, the road run northward towards Râmm or Ma’ân in southern Transjordan.19 After crossing Dhu Khashab, the traveller would have been outside the boundaries of the Îidjâz.20 In Islamic sources, this road from al-Madina northward toward Syria was called ™arîq al-Shâm.21 Assessing the volume of traffic along these roads and the loads of the caravans is difficult. Students of the period are familiar with the ongoing debates about the commercial history of the Arabian Peninsula.22 While this is not the place to dwell on the problems of early Islamic historiography, it is appropriate to describe this particular problem. Several scholars argue that, during the second half of the sixth century and the early decades of the seventh, overall conditions in Arabia did not encourage overland trade. They are inclined to argue that there are no historical records attesting to overland commerce between the Gulf of ‘Aqaba and southern Transjordan.23 Due to this fact, as

14 Ph. Mayerson, “The Port of Clysma (Suez) in the transition from Roman to Arab rule”. Journal ot the Near Eastern Society, 55 (1996), pp. 119-125. 15 Fiema, Economics, Administration and Demography, pp. 172-73. 16 For data on Umayyad locations in this zone cf. Henry Innes MacAdam, “Some notes on the Umayyad occupation of North-East Jordan”. In Ph. Freeman & D. Kennedy (eds.), The Defence of the Roman and Byzantine East, (BAR 297, 1986), pp. 531-547. 17 Irfan Shahid “Ghassânid and Ummayad Structures: A case of Byzance après Bysance”. In Pierre Canivet et Jean-Paul Rey-Coquais (eds.), La Syrie de Byzance à l’Islam VIIe-VIIIe siècles, (Institut Français de Damas, 1992), p. 305. 18 Gilmore et al., “Preliminary report on the northwestern and northern regions survey”. ATLAL 6 (1982), pp. 10-11; 19; 20. “A preliminary report on the first season of excavations at al-Mabiyat: an early Islamic site in the northern Îijaz”. ATLAL 9 (1985), pp. 109-125; G.R.D. King, “Settlement in Western and Central Arabia and the Gulf in the sixth-eighth centuries A.D.”. in G.R.D. King & Averil Cameron (eds.), The Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East II: Land Use and Settlement Patterns, (Princeton, 1994), pp. 192-194; Isaac Hasson, Recherches sur Mu‘âwiya ibn Abi Sufyân, sa politique tribale, militaire et agrarie, (Ph. D. thesis, Hebrew Uni- versity, Jerusalem 1982), p. 444. (in Hebrew). 19 Fiema, Economics, Administration and Demography, pp. 185-87. 20 Fazari, Siyar, no. 78. 21 Fazari, Siyar, no. 76 22 For suggestions of earlier commercial routes between the Îidjâz and Syria see Nigel Groom, Frankincense and Myrrh: A study of the Arabian Incense Trade, (London, 1971), pp. 192-99. 23 Fiema, Economics, Administration and Demography, p. 178. Y. FRENKEL 181 well as to other arguments, the debate about commercial activity centred on Mecca continues.24 The old theory25 about Mecca’s international trade during the pre-Islamic (Djâhiliyya) period has been criticised.26 Related questions are how we should construe Qur’an 105-106, and whether we should render ilaf as italafa.27 Nevertheless, there is no reason to rule out the possible existence of commercial relations between Mecca and al-Shâm. The Arab tribesmen of the Îidjâz and Transjordan may have traded non-luxury goods in Syria and Pales- tine. In this activity, the cities of Bostra and Gaza respectively were the two major inland emporia.28

DESERT LOCATIONS IN THE 7th-8th CENTURY BILÂD AL-SHÂM AND HIDJÂZ

This section is an attempt to list the locations, named in the Arabic sources, which presumably served as way-stations during the second half of the seventh and the eighth centuries. The list is arranged in geographical order, starting from al-Madina in the south and moving northward towards Palestine and Transjordan. Northeast of al-Madina lay the large oasis of Khaybar. In 7/628, after the al- Îudaybiyya agreement, the Prophet MuÌammad led his followers from al- Madina, by way of ‘IÒr, al-∑ahbâ’ and al-Rajî‘. He seized Khaybar and divided the spoil among his warriors. The people of Fadak, further north toward the Syrian desert, later submitted. The next station on this expedition was Wâdi al- Qurâ. This place is also named in the fantastic story of Salmân al-Fârisi. On his way from ‘Ammûriyya, in northern Iraq, to Arabia, with a party of mer- chants belonging to the Kalb tribe, he reached Wâdi al-Qurâ.29 Another location mentioned in Salmân’s story is al-Qubâa’, a spring near al-Madina along the road toward Mecca. The trading settlement of Wâdi al-Qurâ is usually identified with the site of al-Mabiyat. This hamlet is also mentioned in the list of stations along the ‘Aqabat Ayla – al-Madina road. North of it lies the settlement of al-Ula (Dedan). Tabûk, north of Yathrib (al-Madina), was an important station on the highway leading toward southern Transjordan. Several traditions relating to the life

24 Uri Rubin, “Meccan trade and Qur’ânic exegesis (Qur’ân 2: 198)”. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 53 (1990), 421 ff. 25 Henri Lammens, Islam: Beliefs and Institutions, (London, 1968), p. 13. 26 Patricia Crone, Meccan trade and the Rise of Islam, (Princeton, 1987). p. 196. 27 Irfan Shahid, “Two Qur’anic Suras: al-Fil and Quraysh”. in Wadad al-Qadi (ed.), Studia Arabica et Islamica: Festschrift for Ihsan Abbas on his sixtieth birthday, (Beirut, AUB 1981), pp.; Hamidulla, Mellange Massignon, II; Robert Simon, “Îums et ilâf ou commerce sans guerre”, Acta Orientalia 23 (1970), pp. 205-232; id. Meccan Trade and Islam, (Budapest, 1989), pp. 37-39; 69. 28 Fiema, Economics, Administration and Demography, pp. 182-3. 29 Ibn Hishâm, Sira, vol. I, p. 232; vol. III. pp. 343-344; 352-353; 368. Al. Guillaume, (trans.), The Life of MuÌammad, pp. 96; 511; 515-516; 523. 182 ROADS AND STATIONS IN SOUTHERN BILÂD AL-SHÂM of the Prophet MuÌammad describe his advance from al-Madina northward to Tabûk. The Arabic sources describe two phases in this advance. During the first, the Prophet himself used Tabûk as a strategic centre. The Islamic tradition preserves several letters of surrender which, it is claimed, were handed by local chieftains in the Gulf of ‘Aqaba and southern Transjordan to the ever- strengthening Islamic Umma. Among these places, the Arabic sources mention the cities of Maqna and Ayla (Byzantine Aila; present- day ‘Aqaba). These sources relate that the Prophet wrote from Tabûk to YuÌanna ibn Ruba, the head of the Christian community of Aila/Ayla, and promised to protect the place if its inhabitants surrendered to the delegation he had sent to them.30 A generation later, Abu Bakr is portrayed ordering Yazîd ibn Abi Sufyân to advance from Madina to Ayla.31 The importance of the Byzantine city of Aila (Ayla) did not decline with the rise of the Umayyads. Archaeological excavations in Ayla/‘Aqaba have revealed an early Umayyad settlement.32 According to the reconstruction of past events by the chief Islamic authors, after crushing the Ridda Abu Bakr assembled several Islamic forces in the oases in the vicinity of al-Madina, and ordered these armies to advance towards the Byzantine territory. In MuÌarram 13/634, Abu ‘Ubayda ibn JarrâÌ led the troops which encamped at al-Djurf.33 A second contingent, commanded by Khâlid ibn Sa‘îd, stopped at Tayma, a prosperous settlement northwest of al-Ula.34 Khâlid was joined by tribal forces (“coming from the edge of the sand”). He is described as reporting to Abu Bakr that several Arab tribes in the service of the Byzantine emperor were gathering at Zîzâ and al-Thuluth.35 Known today also as Qal‘at Jizeh, Zîzâ is a small fort between Madaba and Mushatta/Mshata north of Umm al-Walid, where an Ummayad qaÒr was excavated.36 It was originally a large Roman site. During the Mamluk period its water pool served as a stopping place on the pilgrim route between Madina and Damascus.37 The descriptions of this expedition also name two locations

30 M. Gill, A History of Palestine 634-1099, (Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 28-30. 31 Philip Mayerson, “The First Muslim Attacks on Southern Palestine (A.D. 633-4)”, Transac- tions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association, 95 (1964), pp. 174-176 [reprinted in his Monks, Martyrs, Soldiers and Saracens: Papers on the Near East in Late Antiquity]. 32 Donald Whitcomb, “The Misr of Ayla: Settlement at al-‘Aqaba in the early Islamic period”, in G.R.D. King & Averil Cameron (eds.), The Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East II: Land Use and Settlement Patterns, (Princeton, 1994), pp. 155-170; Paul M. Cobb, “Scholars and Society at early Islamic Ayla”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 38 (1995), pp. 417-428; Fawzi Zayadine, “Ayla-‘Aqaba in the light of recent excavations”, Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan, 35 (Amman 1991), pp. 485-501. 33 al-Baladhuri, Futuh al-Buldan, (ed.), De Goeje, p.; (tr. Îitti), p. 28; Yâqût al-Rûmi, Mu‘djam al-Buldân. s.v. 34 Fiema, Economics, Administration and Demography, p. 184. 35 Tabari, Ta’rikh, vol. I, p. 2081. 36 King, Annual of the Department of Antiquity of Jordan, 27 (1983), p. 402; Haldimann, ADAJ 36 (1992), p. 307. 37 A.D. Petersen, “Two Forts on the Medieval Hajj Route in Jordan”, ADAJ, 35 (1991), 347- 357; Robert Schick, The Christian Communities of Palestine from the Byzantine to Islamic Period, A Historical and Archeological Study, (Princeton, 1995), p. 484. Y. FRENKEL 183 in Transjordan: Abil and al-Qastal. The latter site acquired its name from the Latin castelum.38 Khâlid ibn Sa‘îd was dismissed after a while and was forced to retreat from the Tyama towards Madina.39 The meeting between him and the commander who replaced him took place at Dhu al-Marwa, which is in Wâdi al-Qura.40 The ‘Araba (Hebrew ‘Arava) valley forms a passage for the road from Îidjâz to Palestine (Filas†în). As noted, it is rather difficult to reconstruct the route taken by ‘Amr’s forces, but it is highly likely that his troops advanced northward from the Gulf of ‘Aqaba along this wide and accessible track. Sev- eral historical traditions concerning the Islamic campaigns in Southern Pales- tine tell us that ‘Amr camped at a place called Ghamr al-’Arabat (meaning the “deep steppe”). The usual version of the story relates that this place was located in the ‘Arava valley. It is highly likely that this location is the mouth of Wâdi Jirâfi (Hebrew NaÌal Farân) in the ‘Araba/‘Arava. This junction served as a station on the road from ÎaluÒa (Elusa) to Petra. Another road, running south, links this place to ‘Aqaba/Ayla. Some 45 kilometres north of the Gulf of ‘Aqaba are the springs Gha∂yan (Hebrew ‘Ein Yû†vata). The biog- raphy of ‘Abd al-MasîÌ al-Nadjrâni contains a description of a meeting in al- Gha∂ban (read Gha∂yan) between a Ìajj caravan (ruffâq), advancing from Mecca northwards to al-Ramla, and a group of Christians travelling from Mount Sinai to that city.41 A third location in the ‘Araba (‘Arava) valley mentioned in the traditions on the early Islamic conquest is Dhât A†lâÌ (™ulaÌ= Roman Toloana).42 This location (Israel grid 189/027) lay to the north of ÎaÒeva (‘Ayn Îusub), at a point where the road leaves Wâdi ‘Araba and starts its ascent up Wâdi Dakhl (“entrance” in Arabic) to the Edom mountains. According to a tradition told by al-Zuhri and transmitted by al-Wâqidi, in 8/629 the Prophet sent an expedition to raid Dhât A†lâÌ. He describes it as a place in Syria (ar∂ al-Shâm), one night’s ride from al-Balqa’. Unfortunately, all but one of the riders were killed.43 It was mentioned above that the Prophet MuÌammad wrote to several communities close to his domain and demanded their surrender. One of the locations named in the standard tradition is AdhruÌ (UdhruÌ). In the Nabataean period this was a caravan stop, and during the Roman and Byzan-

38 Schick, The Christian Communities of Palestine, p. 432. 39 On the unclear story of Khâlid and his activities, cf. Fred M. Donner, The Early Islamic Conquests, (Princeton, 1981), pp. 113-119; The recent study by Khalil ‘Athamina, “The appoint- ment and dismissal of Khalid B. Walid from the supreme command”, Arabica, 51 (1994), pp. 253-272, does not clarify this issue. 40 al-Baladhuri, Futuh al-Buldan, (ed.), De Goeje, p. 14 (l. 14) describes this place as a mine [ma‘dan]). 41 Grifftith, Le Muséon, 98 (1985) p. 367 (ll. 1-3). 42 Ph. Mayrson, “The Saracans and the Limes”. BASOR, 262 (1986), p. 41. 43 Al-Wâqidi, The Kitâb al-Maghâzi, (ed.), M. Jones, (London, 1966), pp. 6, 752-753. 184 ROADS AND STATIONS IN SOUTHERN BILÂD AL-SHÂM tine periods it was a military garrison.44 It is mentioned in the descriptions of political events in the years following the establishment of Islamic rule in Bilâd al-Shâm and elsewhere. The battle at ∑iffîn (657) is known to have ended inconclusively with an arbitration agreement between ‘Ali ibn Abi ™âlib and Mu‘âwiyya. According to the narrative of Abu Mikhnaf, the two conflicting parties agreed to meet at a place where they would make their decision. This place, it was decided, “shall be equidistant [makân ‘adl] between the people of al-Kûfa and those of Syria”.45 According the narrative of al-Zuhri, the choice was between Dumat al-Djandal and AdhruÌ. Eventu- ally the arbitrators met at Adhruh.46 The Arabic sources which narrate the struggle between ‘Ali and Mu‘âwiyya name several other strategic places. Two locations in the Sinai Peninsula, between Syria and Egypt, are mentioned. Al-Qulzum (Suez) is the place where the commander appointed by ‘Ali ibn Abi ™âlib met his death en route to Fus†â†.47 Another place named is al-‘Arîsh on the Mediterranean coast. It is reported that at this site ‘Amr ibn al-‘Âs laid siege to the local castle when he was his way from Palestine to regain control of Egypt.48 Mu’ta, a small village on the road from the Gulf of ‘Aqaba to ‘Amman, is described as the northern terminus of the expeditions sent by the Prophet Muhammad in 629 to subdue the Arab tribes in southern Bilâd al-Shâm. Dur- ing this expedition, the small army of Muslim warriors rested at Ma‘ân.49 The small village of al-Îumayma played a significant role in developments leading to the collapse of the Umayyad Caliphate. This place had served as the centre of the ‘Abbasid family from the days of ‘Ali ibn ‘Abd Allah. The importance of the site of Îumayma lay in its position on the trade and pilgrim route from Damascus to Îidjâz. Another road linked Îumayma to Kûfa in Southern ‘Iraq via Dûmat al-Djandal.50 Several places south of al-Madina (Yathrib) may be added to the foregoing list. In the story of the miraculous night journey (al-Isrâa’) of the Prophet MuÌammad from Mecca to Jerusalem and back, several sites are named: “As I was on the way to al-Shâm (Syria) I carried on until in ∆adjanân, I passed by a caravan (…) their caravan is this moment coming down from al-Bai∂â’ by

44 A.C. Killick, “Udhruh and the Southern Frontier”, in Ph. Freeman & D. Kennedy (eds.), The Defense of the Roman and Byzantine East, (BAR 297, 1986), vol. II pp. 431-446. 45 Tabari, Tarikh, I. p. 3337. Schick, The Christian Communities of Palestine from the Byzan- tine to Islamic Period, p. 468. 46 Tabari, Tarikh, I p. 3341; Al-Zuhri, Al-Maghazi al-Nabawiyya, (ed.), Suhil Zakkâr, (Dam- ascus, Dar al-Fikr 1981), p. 158. The explanation in note 1 that Adhruh is Dar‘a’, which is in Syria, is erroneous. 47 Al-Zuhri, Maghazi, (ed. Zakkar), p. 156. 48 Tabari, Ta’rikh, I, 3047. 49 Schick, The Christian Communities of Palestine, pp. 392, 415. 50 M. Sharon, Black Banners from the East: The Establishment of the ‘Abbasid State, (Jerusalem, 1983 ), pp.159-161. Y. FRENKEL 185 the mountain pass (thanîya) of al-Tan‘îm”.51 Al-Bai∂â’ and al-Tan‘îm, both near Mecca, are mentioned by several later authors as way-stations along the road which leads from al-Madina toward Mecca.52

THE ROAD NETWORK

The places specified in the previous section of the article were linked by a network of roads. The pattern of this network can be established by identifi- cation of the sites and by fixing their location on a map. A comparison of the list of sites in the Byzantine sources with those named in the Arabic sources written during the Umayyad and ‘Abbasid periods suggests only slight changes regarding way-stations in southern Bilâd al-Shâm and the northern Îidjâz between the fifth and the eighth centuries. Ecological circumstances seem to have been the primary reason for this. In the desert, the location of oases is the crucial factor in setting up way-stations and encampments. Nev- ertheless, it seems that in the mountainous territory of southern Transjordan, where water could be obtained from wells as well as from ponds, some changes did take place. At present, it seems that during the Islamic Caliphate a track further to the east than the Roman Via Nova and Strata Diocletiana was followed. This assumption is warranted by the fact that camel riders would tend prefer a track which was less steep than that chosen by the Romans to cross the canyons of Wâdi al-Îasâ’ (the Zered river) and Wâdi al- Mûdjib (the Aranon river). A careful perusal of this map might lead to the assumption that the Îidjâz was linked with Bilâd al-Shâm by three roads.53 The first would have run from the Îidjâz (al-Madina), via Tabûk, northward towards southern Transjordan (al-Balqâ’). It would have been parallel to the route of the abandoned al- Madîna – Madâi’n ∑âliÌ – Tabûk – Ma‘ân railway. Two roads lead northwards from this road-junction. The eastern road continues along the rail route to Zîzâ (Jiza). The second road leads to AdhruÌ (Kh. UdhruÌ) and Mu’ta. According to one historical tradition, Yazîd ibn Abi Sufyân and ShurÌabîl ibn Îasana were instructed by Abu Bakr to advance along this road (yaslaka tariqa Tabûk) and to conquer Damascus.54 This road is also mentioned in another tra-

51 Ibn Hisham, Al-Sira al-Nabawiyya, (ed. Mustafa al-Saqa et al. Cairo, 1971), vol. II, p. 44; English translation by Al. Guillaume, The Life of Muhammad, (Oxford, 1955), p. 184 52 ∑âliÌ Darâdkah, “™arîq al-Ìadjdj al-shâmi fi al-‘ahd al-umawi”, in Al-Mu’tamar al-duwali al-râbi‘ li-ta’tikh bilâd al-shâm, pp. 448-449. 53 G.R.D. King, “The distribution of sites and routes in the Jordanian and Syrian Deserts in the early Islamic period”, Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies, vol. 17 (1987), pp.91- 105. 54 al-Baladhuri, Futuh al-Buldan, (ed.), De Goeje, p. 108; Tabari, Tarikh. I, p. 2079 (l. 3); p. 2086 (l. 1). 186 ROADS AND STATIONS IN SOUTHERN BILÂD AL-SHÂM dition, transmitted by Al-Azdi: “Abu ‘Ubayda ibn al-DjarrâÌ advanced till he passed Wâdi al-Qurâ. Then he turned to al-Îidjr, this is the land of the Prophet ∑âliÌ (i.e. Madâ’in ∑âliÌ) and it belongs to the Îidjâz and it is lower down than al-Îidjr which belongs to al-Shâm. He continued to Dhât al-Manâr, Zîzâ. He travelled further to Ma’ab in ‘Ammân… Abu ‘Ubayda went on till he arrived to the vicinity of al-Djâbiya”.55 According to a note in the Israâ’ tradition, it took a month for a caravan to travel from Mecca to Syria.56 The second road was to the west, and was named tarîq al-Mu‘riqa (the mountain road running down to the coast). It led from al-Madina through the mountains to the coast of the Gulf of ‘Aqaba, and then along the gulf northward to Ayla.57 It was the road used by ‘Amr ibn al-‘ÂÒ. According to information contained in the traditions concerning the victory of Islamic armies (al- futûÌat al-‘umariyya), Abu Bakr assigned the command of Palestine to ‘Amr, and ordered him to follow the coastal road heading northward in the direction of Ayla in southern Palestine.58 According to the tradition transmitted by al- Balâ#uri, Abu Bakr ordered ‘Amr ibn al-‘ÂÒ to travel via Ayla to Palestine (yaslaka tarîqa Ayla ‘âmidan li-filas†în),59 and from Ayla ‘Amr ibn al-‘ÂÒ advanced northward toward Gaza.60 The traveller from Ayla to Gaza could choose between two tracks. The first was northward through the ‘Arava/‘Araba. The list of places which were named above should be expanded to include Beer Ora (‘Ayn al-Daifiya), about 20 kilometres north of Eilat, where an open-air Byzantine church was discov- ered. After the Islamic conquests a miÌrâb was added to it, turning it into a mosque.61 It is to be assumed that these locations served as way-stations. According to several traditions, Yazîd marshalled his soldiers against a Byzan- tine army arrayed in Wâdi al-‘Araba. He pursued them to a place called Dub- biyya ( or al-Dâbiya?).62 From this site, he allegedly continued towards Jund al-Urdun. This route is geographically rather implausible, however, mainly because it suggests that the Muslim warriors descended from the high mountains (over 1300 metres high) to the deep valley of the Dead Sea (400 metres below sea level).63 The second route from Ayla (Eilat) to Gaza is the desert track running northward, via Kuntîla and Qusayma, to Nessana, Elusa (ÎaluÒa) and the Mediterranean coast. Today this track is called darb Gaza.

55 al-Azdi, Kitâb futûÌ al-Sham, (ed.), Lees, (Calcutta 1854), pp. 23-24 (l. 1). 56 Ibn Hisham, II, 39; Guillaume (trans.), p. 183. 57 According to a tradition of MuÌammad ibn Ishaq transmitted by Tabari, Ta’rikh, I, p. 2079; Lisan al-‘Arb, s.v. ‘ARQ. 58 Tabari, Ta’rikh, I, p. 2085 59 al-Balâdhuri, FutûÌ al-Buldân, (ed.), De Goeje, p. 108. 60 al-Balâdhuri, FutûÌ al-Buldân, (ed.), De Goeje, p. 109. 61 ‘Uzi Avner, “Ancient cult sites in the Negev and Sinai”, Tel-Aviv, vol. 11 (1984), p. 124. 62 al-Balâdhuri, Futuh al-Buldan, (ed.), De Goeje, p. 109. 63 al-Baladhuri, Futuh al-Buldan, (ed.), De Goeje, p. 116. Y. FRENKEL 187

The third road connected al-Madina with north-east Transjordan via Khay- bar, Tayma, Dûmat al-Djandal and Wâdi SirÌân.64 According to some traditions, Khâlid ibn al-Walîd used this route in his advance across the desert to Damascus. Two highways were used to cross the Sinai Peninsula. The northern highway, along the Mediterranean coast, led from Palestine to the Nile Delta. The other one crossed the desert from east to west, passing through the oases of central Sinai. This road probably started at Ayla (Eilat), and continued west- wards towards Suez (Clysma/Qulzum). Two other roads began at Ayla, one eastwards to Adhruh, and the other southwards to Tabuk. If this conjecture is correct, we can assume that Ayla was a central junction in the road-network of Sinai, the Negev and Transjordan.

SUMMARY

Archaeological surveys, as well as systematic digging, in southern districts of the Hashemite kingdom and northern parts of the Saudi kingdom, have revealed several desert sites which served as fortified strongholds during the Byzantine and early Islamic periods in remote areas where water supply and food were scarce. One of the motives for the imperial investment in the building of these castles was apparently that they might function as trading posts as well as military installations.65 In the beginning of the second quarter of the seventh century the Byzantine Empire was driven out of Syria and Egypt, and these countries came to be ruled by a new religion and civilisation, the Islamic Caliphate. Latin and Greek disappeared from the Islamic lands, and were replaced by Arabic. The story of the desert and its people was told in this language. The arid zones of Syria, which had been on the fringe of a wealthy empire in the past, went through profound change. The relationship between the desert and the cultivated land also went through a revolutionary change. The limes disappeared and was replaced by new lines of communication. The holy shrine of the Muslims is located in the heart of the Îidjâz, and at least once a year pilgrim caravans crossed the arid land on their way to al-Madina and Mecca. With the establishment of the Umayyad Caliphate, whose capital was Dam- ascus, a new element shaped the development of communications between the Îidjâz and Syria. While the Prophet MuÌammad preached in the Îidjâz, the new kingdom of the Arabs was established further north, in the Fertile cres- cent. It was only after ‘Abd al-Malik’s victory over Ibn Zubayr that new facil-

64 G.R.D. King, “The Umayyad QuÒûr and related settlement in Jordan”, In M. A. Bakhit & Robert Schick (eds.), The Fourth International Conference on the History of Bilâd al-Shâm: The Third Symposium Bilâd al-Shâm during the ‘Umayyad period, (‘Amman, 1989), pp. 73-74. 65 Isaac, Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. 88 (1984), pp. 171-203. 188 ROADS AND STATIONS IN SOUTHERN BILÂD AL-SHÂM ities were built along the Damascus-Mecca highway.66 His son al-Walid rebuilt the Prophet’s tomb at Madina.67 Egyptian grain and other agricultural products were shipped from Clysma/al-Qulzum to the Red Sea ports of the Îidjâz, probably Jedda. This too was an innovation introduced by the Umay- yad caliphs.68 Had there been a good road suitable for the transportation of men and animals, the Umayyad Caliphs would have saved their money and efforts, and wasted no time and energy on building new stations along it. This assumption, if accurate, tempts one to question the very existence of a well- developed road system between the Îidjâz and Bilâd al-Shâm during the Byzantine/Djâhiliyya period. The profound change in the role of the desert from a land barrier to a corri- dor leading to the holy enclosure of Mecca (Ka‘ba) also changed the attitude of Muslim authors to the barren district of the Islamic Caliphate. For Muslim writers from the eighth century onwards, it was important to investigate the history of the desert regions of Arabia and Syria and to reconstruct past events which were associated with the names of MuÌammad and his comrades. This information in the futûÌât literature describes not only the paths followed by the Arab tribesmen during their journey northward in the name of Islam, but also social and economic conditions during the Umayyad and Abbasid periods. The writers described the facts they collected in their time. I would argue that the data currently at our disposal about the roads used by the advancing Islamic forces during their occupation of southern Bilâd al-Shâm reflect the reality of the Umayyad period, and not the situation on the ground in the second quarter of the seventh century.

66 ∑âliÌ Darâdkah, “™arîq al-Ìadjdj al-shâmi fi al-‘ahd al-umawi”, in Al-Mu’tamar al-duwali al-râbi‘ li-ta’tikh bilâd al-shâm, pp. 439-440 (quoting Ibn Faqîh, Kitâb al-buldân, p. 106). 67 Badr al-Din MuÌammad Ibn Isbasalâr, Al-Durar al-mudiyya fi al fatâwa al-miÒriyya, (ed.), Ibrahim MuÌammd Rama∂an, (Beirut, 1991), p. 75. 68 Ph. Mayerson, “The Port of Clysma (Suez)”, JNES, 55 (1996), p. 125.