I WARFARE, TRADE, and “INDIANS” in BRITISH LITERATURE, 1652-1711 by PETER CARLETON CRAFT DISSERTATION Submitted in Partial F
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WARFARE, TRADE, AND “INDIANS” INBRITISH LITERATURE, 1652-1711 BY PETER CARLETONCRAFT DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in English in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2010 Urbana, Illinois Doctoral Committee: Professor Robert Markley, Chair Professor Emerita Carol Neely Associate Professor Anthony Pollock Assistant Professor Andrea Stevens i Abstract My dissertation builds upon and challenges postcolonial interpretations of British perceptions of East and West “Indians” in the long eighteenth century. I argue that extremely popular voyage narratives during this period reflected and shaped British people’s tendency to view Mughal Indians as similar and in some ways even superior to Europeans. This special status, which was also accorded to the Chinese, did not extend to American “Indians.” I begin my study with the origins of the mistaken term “Indian” as applied to American Indians by European “discoverers” in the late fifteenth century. Although the indigenous peoples of the Americas continued to be called “Indians” by Europeans for centuries after Amerigo Vespucci realized Columbus had “found” a separate continent rather than a new route to India, I argue that British writers were keenly aware of the difference between “Indians” in the Eastern and Western hemispheres by the mid-seventeenth century. In fact, before the death of the Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb in 1707, British men and women greatly admired a country that was far more wealthy, spacious, and militarily powerful than their own. The inhabitants of the Americas, however, were decimated by the European transmission of smallpox and lacked the military technology of India and Europe. Consequently, the European colonization of the Americas, and its accompanying devaluation of the native peoples, began much earlier and lasted much longer there than in India (where the British presence did not become significant until Robert Clive’s victory at the Battle of Plassey in 1757). Peter Heylyn’s critically neglected 1652 Cosmographie (eight editions before 1700), a collection of voyage narratives from sailors, merchants, and Jesuits that represented at ii least a century of European perceptions of the rest of the world, shows that a sharp distinction was made between, on the one hand, the “Indians” in the Americas and, on the other hand, the inhabitants of the Mughal Empire in India proper. Drawing also on representations of “Indians” in the works of canonical literary authors in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries such as John Dryden, Richard Steele, and Henry Mackenzie, my dissertation provides a more nuanced account of the origins and (d)evolution of “Indian” stereotypes than scholars have to date. iii Acknowledgments Research for this dissertation was conducted with the generous support of the Dolores Zohrab Liebmann Foundation, the University of Illinois’ College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, the Illinois Program for Research in the Humanities, Barbara Smalley, and several additional grants and fellowships from the University of Illinois. I would also like to thank, in no particular order, Jessica Munns, Andrea Stevens, Gordon Hutner, Sandra Lach Arlinghaus, Richard C. Simmons, Geoffrey Parker, Jodi Byrd, Feisal Mohamed, Carol Neely, Melissa Littlefield, Linda DeGrand, Humberto Garcia, Lori Newcomb, Elizabeth Zeman Kolkovich, Curtis Perry, and John Zomchick. The inspiring classes that Paul Battles taught at Hanover and his helpful office chats were largely responsible for the career path that I chose, and to him I am forever grateful. I would especially like to thank Robert Markley and Anthony Pollock for their time, patience, and guidance over the years. Thanks to my best friend Gina Daily for her humorous instant messages that keep things in perspective. Last but certainly not least I would like to thank my family, whose unwavering encouragement has sustained me through it all. iv Table of Contents List of Illustrations………………………………………………………………………..vi Chapter One Introduction.………………………………….……………………….…...............1 Chapter Two Voyage Accounts and Collections from Heylyn to Bernier.………..…………...48 Chapter Three Dryden’s West “Indian” Emperors…………...……………...…………..............94 Chapter Four Mughal History and Dryden’s Aureng-Zebe …………………………………....147 Chapter Five British Men of Feeling on “Indians” and Wealth: Addison, Steele, and Mackenzie …………………………………………………….……………….………………...….179 Works Cited…………………………………………………………………………….219 Curriculum Vitae……………………………………………………………………….236 v List of Illustrations 1. The Marvels of the East, from a Spanish edition of John Mandeville, Mandeville’s Travels ( Libro de las Maravillas del mundo llamado Selva deleytosa ) (1547). page 43 2. Expansion of the Mughal Empire 1530-1707, from John Keay, India: A History (2000). 44 3. Successor States of the Mughal Empire c. 1730, from John Keay, India: A History (2000). 45 4. The British in India in 1820 after the Maratha Wars and The British in India in 1856 after Dalhousie’s annexations, from John Keay, India: A History (2000). 46 5. Frontispiece, by Bernard Picart, from a French edition of Daniel Defoe, The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures of Robinson Crusoe. ( La Vie et les Avantures Suprenantes de Robinson Crusoe ) (1720). 47 6. Frontispiece, from Peter Heylyn, Cosmographie in Four Bookes. (1652). Magnified and centered on women representing the four regions of the world. 85 7. Frontispiece, by Judocus Hondy, from Gerhard Mercator, Historia Mundi: or Mercator's Atlas. (1635). 86 8. A Computation of the forein Coins herein mentioned, with the English, from Peter Heylyn, Cosmographie in Four Bookes. (1652). 87 9. Asiæ Descriptio Nova Impensis, by Johann Goddard, from Peter Heylyn, Cosmographie in Four Bookes. (1652). Magnified and centered on India. 88 10. Asiæ Descriptio Nova Impensis, by Johann Goddard, from Peter Heylyn, Cosmographie in Four Bookes. (1652). Magnified and centered on Agra, the seventeenth-century Mughal seat of power in northern India. 89 11. Americæ Descriptio Nova Impensis, by William Trevethen, from Peter Heylyn, Cosmographie in Four Bookes. (1652). 90 12. Crusoe and his boy Xury on the Coast of Guinny shooting a Lyon, from Daniel Defoe, The Life, and Strange Surprizing Adventures of Robinson Crusoe. (1722). 91 13. Crusoe rescues his Man Friday and Kills his Pursuers, from Daniel Defoe, The Life, and Strange Surprizing Adventures of Robinson Crusoe. (1722). 92 vi 14. Portrait, from Daniel Defoe, The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures of Robinson Crusoe. (1719). 93 15. Intermarriage of the Great Mughals with the Family of Itimad-ud-Daula, from John Keay, India: A History (2000). 176 16. Shah Jahan on the Peacock Throne, by Govardhan (c. 1634-35). 177 17. Portrait of Nawah General Firoz Khan, by an unknown artist (c. 1670). 178 18. Inkle selling Yarico into slavery, by Johann Heinrich Mail, from C. F. Gellert, Sämmtliche Fabeln und Erzählungen (1810). 216 19. Yarico succoring Inkle after his shipwreck, by Johann Heinrich Mail, from C. F. Gellert, Sämmtliche Fabeln und Erzählungen (1810). 217 20. Robert Clive and Mir Jafar after the Battle of Plassey, by Francis Hayman (1757).218 vii Chapter One Introduction The very name Indian , when applied to the indigenes of the Americas, reveals Columbus’ and other fifteenth-century European voyagers’ inability to distinguish these peoples from the inhabitants of the Indus river region in South Asia (India proper). As late as 1523, Maximilian of Transylvania wrote that “‘the natives of all unknown countries are commonly called Indians,’” and in the Englishman Peter Heylyn’s Cosmographie (1652), he reported that the “ages foregoing” had produced “monstrous Fables” about the inhabitants of India, including reports of some with “dogs heads” and “others . whose ears did reach unto the ground” (qtd. in Lach 1.1: 4; Heylyn 3: 213). 1 Similarly, an illustration from a 1547 Spanish edition of Mandeville’s Travels represents the indigenous peoples of the East with animal heads (see FIGURE 1), which suggests that the rumors Heylyn reports were widespread in sixteenth-century Europe. While Europeans may have had only a vague notion of the differences between “Indians” of the Eastern and Western hemispheres and plenty of misconceptions before the mid-sixteenth century, they were far from ignorant by the middle of the seventeenth century. This shifting perception occurred largely because of the firsthand voyage narratives of sailors, merchants, and Jesuit missionaries summarized in Heylyn’s extremely popular mid- seventeenth-century Cosmographie (eight editions before 1700), a book that is surprisingly neglected by scholars of the past few decades. Heylyn’s work shows that in 1 Heylyn is careful to distance his own work from these “monstrous Fables.” He vows to “not let them pass without some censure” and assumes his audience is capable of separating fact from fiction: “But these relations, and the rest of this strain, I doubt not but the understanding Reader knoweth how to judge of, and what to believe” (3: 213). For a discussion of the problematic terminology that a work of this scope entails and my selective use of quotation marks around the word “Indian,” see the coda at the end of this introduction. All italics within this dissertation are the authors’ own unless I specifically state that I have added them for emphasis. 1 the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, the total number of Englishmen in South Asia never