Apportionment and Redistricting Process for the U.S. House of Representatives
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STATE APPORTIONMENT of CORPORATE INCOME (Formulas for Tax Year 2021 -- As of January 1, 2021)
STATE APPORTIONMENT OF CORPORATE INCOME (Formulas for tax year 2021 -- as of January 1, 2021) ALABAMA * Double wtd Sales MONTANA * 3 Factor ALASKA* 3 Factor NEBRASKA Sales ARIZONA * Sales/Double wtd Sales NEVADA No State Income Tax ARKANSAS * Sales NEW HAMPSHIRE Double wtd Sales CALIFORNIA * Sales NEW JERSEY Sales COLORADO * Sales NEW MEXICO * 3 Factor/Sales CONNECTICUT Sales NEW YORK Sales DELAWARE Sales NORTH CAROLINA * Sales FLORIDA Double wtd Sales NORTH DAKOTA * 3 Factor/Sales GEORGIA Sales OHIO N/A (2) HAWAII * 3 Factor OKLAHOMA 3 Factor IDAHO * Double wtd Sales OREGON Sales ILLINOIS * Sales PENNSYLVANIA Sales INDIANA Sales RHODE ISLAND Sales IOWA Sales SOUTH CAROLINA Sales KANSAS * 3 Factor SOUTH DAKOTA No State Income Tax KENTUCKY * Sales TENNESSEE Triple wtd Sales LOUISIANA Sales TEXAS Sales MAINE * Sales UTAH Sales MARYLAND (3) 75.0% Sales, 12.5% Property VERMONT Double wtd Sales & Payroll VIRGINIA Double wtd Sales/Sales MASSACHUSETTS Sales/Double wtd Sales WASHINGTON No State Income Tax MICHIGAN Sales WEST VIRGINIA * Double wtd Sales MINNESOTA Sales WISCONSIN * Sales MISSISSIPPI Sales/Other (1) WYOMING No State Income Tax MISSOURI * Sales DIST. OF COLUMBIA Sales Source: Compiled by FTA from state sources. Notes: The formulas listed are for general manufacturing businesses. Some industries have a special formula different from the one shown. * State has adopted substantial portions of the UDITPA (Uniform Division of Income Tax Purposes Act). Slash (/) separating two formulas indicates taxpayer option or specified by state rules. 3 Factor = sales, property, and payroll equally weighted. Double wtd Sales = 3 factors with sales double-weighted Sales = single sales factor (1) Mississippi provides different apportionment formulas based on specific type of business. -
In America, Why Does Proportional Voting Have to Attack Political Parties?
In America, why does proportional voting have to attack political parties? Jack Santucci⇤ April 5, 2018 Abstract This chapter traces the early history of proportional-representation advocacy in the United States, asking why reformers embraced the single transferable vote (STV). This “ranked-choice” bargain was not easy to strike. Arriving at it appears to have involved resolving several disagreements: over the appropriateness of direct-democracy reforms, faddish interest in majority-preferential voting around the election of 1912, how much weight should be given to administrative factors (e.g., propensity for voter error), and whether proportional voting ought to permit parties to present themselves on ballots. Most of these issues came to a head in Los Angeles, where, in 1913, the United States’ first-ever referendum on proportional voting failed. The reform coalition fractured along class lines. By 1915, these issues were e↵ectively resolved, with STV’s first passage and enshrinement in the Model City Charter. Note to readers: subsequent chapters cover (a) the adoption of STV in 23 more cities, (b) how parties adapted to it, (c) and why it was repealed in all but one by 1962. ⇤I write here as an independent scholar. Contact: [email protected]. 1 Writing in 1939 for the American Political Science Review, Harold Gosnell had a sensible idea. Cities with proportional representation (PR), he argued, would be better o↵under his “list system with single candidate preference.” The ballot would contain party-written lists of candidates. The voter would vote by marking an “X” next to their favorite candidate. The sums of votes for parties would determine their shares of seats, and the sum of votes for each candidate would determine whether they got one of their party’s seats. -
Biographies BIOGRAPHIES 327
Biographies BIOGRAPHIES 327 ALDRICH, John Herbert Articles 1. “A method of scaling with applications to the 1968 and 1972 U.S. presidential elections.” American Political Born Science Review, 11(March):1977 (with Richard September 24, 1947, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, USA McKelvey). Current Position 2. “The dilemma of a paretian liberal: some consequences Pfizer-Pratt University Professor of Political Science, Duke of Sen’s theorem,” and “Liberal games: further thoughts University, Durham, North Carolina, 1997–. on social choice and game theory.” Public Choice, 30(Summer):1977. Degrees 3. “Electoral choice in 1972: a test of some theorems of B.A., Allegheny College, 1969; M.A., Ph.D., University of the spatial model of electoral competition.” Journal of Rochester, 1971, 1975. Mathematical Sociology, 5:1977. 4. “A dynamic model of presidential nomination Offices and Honors campaigns.” American Political Science Review, Co-Editor, American Journal of Political Science, 14(September):1980. 1985–1988 (with John L. Sullivan). 5. “A spatial model with party activists: implications for President, Southern Political Science Association, electoral dynamics,” and “rejoinder.” Public Choice, 1988–1989. 41:1983. Fellow, Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral 6. “A downsian spatial model with party activism.” Sciences, 1989–1990. American Political Science Review, 17(December):1983. Fellow, Bellagio Center, 2002. 7. “Southern parties in state and nation.” Journal of Heinz Eulau Award (best article in the American Political Politics, August:2000. Science Review), 1990 (with Eugene Borgida and John L. 8. “Challenges to the American two-party system: Sullivan). evidence from the 1968, 1980, 1992, and 1996 presi- Gladys Kammerer Award (best book on U.S. -
Split Ticket Voting in Mixed Member Proportional Systems: the Hypothetical Case of the Netherlands Gschwend, Thomas; Kolk, Henk Van Der
www.ssoar.info Split ticket voting in mixed member proportional systems: the hypothetical case of the Netherlands Gschwend, Thomas; Kolk, Henk van der Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: SSG Sozialwissenschaften, USB Köln Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Gschwend, T., & Kolk, H. v. d. (2006). Split ticket voting in mixed member proportional systems: the hypothetical case of the Netherlands. Acta Politica, 41(2), 163-179. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-257925 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Deposit-Lizenz (Keine This document is made available under Deposit Licence (No Weiterverbreitung - keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Redistribution - no modifications). We grant a non-exclusive, non- Gewährt wird ein nicht exklusives, nicht übertragbares, transferable, individual and limited right to using this document. persönliches und beschränktes Recht auf Nutzung dieses This document is solely intended for your personal, non- Dokuments. Dieses Dokument ist ausschließlich für commercial use. All of the copies of this documents must retain den persönlichen, nicht-kommerziellen Gebrauch bestimmt. all copyright information and other information regarding legal Auf sämtlichen Kopien dieses Dokuments müssen alle protection. You are not allowed to alter this document in any Urheberrechtshinweise und sonstigen Hinweise auf gesetzlichen way, to copy it for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the Schutz beibehalten werden. Sie dürfen dieses Dokument document in public, to perform, distribute or otherwise use the nicht in irgendeiner Weise abändern, noch dürfen Sie document in public. dieses Dokument für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke By using this particular document, you accept the above-stated vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, aufführen, vertreiben oder conditions of use. -
Partisan Gerrymandering and the Construction of American Democracy
0/-*/&4637&: *ODPMMBCPSBUJPOXJUI6OHMVFJU XFIBWFTFUVQBTVSWFZ POMZUFORVFTUJPOT UP MFBSONPSFBCPVUIPXPQFOBDDFTTFCPPLTBSFEJTDPWFSFEBOEVTFE 8FSFBMMZWBMVFZPVSQBSUJDJQBUJPOQMFBTFUBLFQBSU $-*$,)&3& "OFMFDUSPOJDWFSTJPOPGUIJTCPPLJTGSFFMZBWBJMBCMF UIBOLTUP UIFTVQQPSUPGMJCSBSJFTXPSLJOHXJUI,OPXMFEHF6OMBUDIFE ,6JTBDPMMBCPSBUJWFJOJUJBUJWFEFTJHOFEUPNBLFIJHIRVBMJUZ CPPLT0QFO"DDFTTGPSUIFQVCMJDHPPE Partisan Gerrymandering and the Construction of American Democracy In Partisan Gerrymandering and the Construction of American Democracy, Erik J. Engstrom offers an important, historically grounded perspective on the stakes of congressional redistricting by evaluating the impact of gerrymandering on elections and on party control of the U.S. national government from 1789 through the reapportionment revolution of the 1960s. In this era before the courts supervised redistricting, state parties enjoyed wide discretion with regard to the timing and structure of their districting choices. Although Congress occasionally added language to federal- apportionment acts requiring equally populous districts, there is little evidence this legislation was enforced. Essentially, states could redistrict largely whenever and however they wanted, and so, not surpris- ingly, political considerations dominated the process. Engstrom employs the abundant cross- sectional and temporal varia- tion in redistricting plans and their electoral results from all the states— throughout U.S. history— in order to investigate the causes and con- sequences of partisan redistricting. His analysis -
Districting Principles for 2010 and Beyond (In Addition to Population Equality and the Voting Rights Act)
April 18, 2019 Districting Principles for 2010 and Beyond (In addition to Population Equality and the Voting Rights Act) This webpage compares districting principles, or criteria, used by each state as it redrew legislative and congressional districts following the 2010 Census. It also includes new principles adopted by Colorado, Michigan, Missouri, New York, Ohio, and Utah for the 2020 cycle. The webpage begins with a summary table, in which readers can see at a glance what principles have been used by each state. The table is followed by relevant constitutional, statutory, and other excerpts for each state that determine the principles it uses. For more information, contact Wendy Underhill. Preserve House Preserve Preserve Cores of Avoid Not Nested in Political Communities Prior Pairing Not Favor Favor Senate or Contiguous Compact Subdivisions of Interest Districts Incumbents Incumbent Party Competitive Congress All States 50 40 44 26 11 12 16 16 5 19 Alabama C, L C, L L C, L C, L Alaska L L L L L Arkansas L L L L L L Arizona C, L C, L C, L C, L C, L C, L L California C, L C, L C, L C, L C, L C, L L Colorado C, L C, L C, L C, L C, L C, L C, L Connecticut L L Delaware L L L Florida C, L C, L C, L C, L C, L Georgia C, L C, L C, L C, L C, L April 18, 2019 Preserve House Preserve Preserve Cores of Avoid Not Nested in Political Communities Prior Pairing Not Favor Favor Senate or Contiguous Compact Subdivisions of Interest Districts Incumbents Incumbent Party Competitive Congress Hawaii C, L C, L C, L C, L C, L L Idaho C, L C, L C, L C, L -
1 Apportionment and Redistricting: Asking Geographic Questions To
Apportionment and Redistricting: Asking geographic questions to address political issues https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/8/89/United_States_House_of_Representatives%2C_2017.svg Gerrymandered district or inkblot test? http://allthatsinteresting.com/fourth-district-of-illinois-map Gerrymandered district Inkblot test Nope! It’s Maryland’s 3rd Congressional District. Described by a federal judge as “reminiscent of a broken -winged pterodactyl,” Maryland’s 3rd Congressional District lies (flightless) across the middle of the state. Impressive gerrymandering, Maryland! https://www.benjerry.com/whats-new/2017/04/district-or-inkblot-quiz A side-by-side comparison of Congressional district maps from Duke mathematician Jonathan Mattingly. The top map is from 2012 and the middle map is from 2016. They were both created by Republican state lawmakers. The bottom map was created by Tom Ross's bipartisan commission of retired judges. To the right you can see the seats generated by these maps. http://wunc.org/post/non-partisan-redistricting-possible-former-judge-and-mathematician-think-so#stream/0 1 When asked to describe the process of apportionment and redistricting, an audience can find it challenging, whether they are students or senior citizens. What do we really remember from civics or government class? The National Council for the Social Studies (2013) states that “in a constitutional democracy productive civic engagement requires knowledge of the history, principles, and foundations of our American democracy, and the ability to participate in civic and democratic processes”. However, it is one thing to study the institutions described in the U.S. Constitution and quite another to try and assess whether consent of the governed, separation of powers, and legitimate authority are truly guiding our institutions, including courts, legislatures, and executive branch agencies. -
Right to Vote and Judicial Enforcement of Section Two of the Fourteenth Amendment Arthur Earl Bonfield
Cornell Law Review Volume 46 Article 5 Issue 1 Fall 1960 Right to Vote and Judicial Enforcement of Section Two of the Fourteenth Amendment Arthur Earl Bonfield Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Arthur Earl Bonfield, Right to Vote and Judicial Enforcement of Section Two of the Fourteenth Amendment , 46 Cornell L. Rev. 108 (1960) Available at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clr/vol46/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Cornell Law Review by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE RIGHT TO VOTE AND JUDICIAL ENFORCEMENT OF SECTION TWO OF THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT* Arthur Earl Bonfieldf I. THE PROBLEM One of the fundamental challenges of our day is the preservation of our civil and political liberties from the encroachments of private and public bodies. To this end we set up civil rights commissions, enact civil rights legislation, and otherwise attempt to enforce those rights politically as well as in the courts. Arguably the most fundamental of all these rights we enjoy is the right to vote. The possession of this privilege has made us a fortunate people in that we live under a government responsible to, and chosen by, those whose society it orders. The protection of the franchise as it is conceived in our framework of government should therefore be of great concern to us all, causing us to resist with utmost vigor any diminu- tion of this right beyond that constitutionally sanctioned. -
Observing Sudan's 2010 National Elections
Observing Sudan’s 2010 National Elections April 11–18, 2010 Final Report Waging Peace. Fighting Disease. Building Hope. Observing Sudan’s 2010 National Elections April 11–18, 2010 Final Report One Copenhill 453 Freedom Parkway Atlanta, GA 30307 (404) 420-5188 Fax (404) 420-5196 www.cartercenter.org The Carter Center Contents Foreword . .1 Postelection Developments ..................47 Executive Summary .........................3 Counting . 47 Historical and Political Tabulation . 49 Background of Sudan . .8 Election Results . .50 Census . .10 Electoral Dispute Resolution . 51 Political Context of the April Election . 10 Darfur and Other Special Topics .............54 Overview of the Carter Darfur . .54 Center Observation Mission .................13 Enfranchising the Displaced . 55 Legal Framework of the Sudan Elections.......15 Political Developments Following the Election . 56 Electoral System . 17 Census in South Kordofan Participation of Women, Minorities, and Southern Sudan . .57 and Marginalized Groups. 17 Pastoralists and the Election . 57 Election Management . 18 Bashir’s Threats . 57 Boundary Delimitation . .20 Conclusions and Recommendations ...........59 Voter Registration and the General Election Recommendations . 59 Pre-election Period . 24 Southern Sudan Referendum Voter Registration . .24 Recommendations . .70 Voter Education . 30 Abyei Referendum Candidates, Parties, and Campaigns . .31 Recommendations . .80 The Media . 35 Appendix A: Acknowledgments . .81 Civil Society . .36 Appendix B: List of Delegation and Staff ......83 Electoral Dispute Resolution. 37 Appendix C: Terms and Abbreviations ........86 Election-Related Violence. 39 Appendix D: The Carter Center in Sudan .....87 The Election Period . .40 Appendix E: Carter Center Statements Poll Opening . .40 on the Sudan Elections .....................89 Polling. 42 Appendix F: Carter Center Observer Poll Closing. 45 Deployment Plan .........................169 Appendix G: Registration and Election Day Checklists ...........................170 Appendix H: Letter of Invitation . -
Učinci Personalizacije Izbornih Sustava Na Političke Stranke
Učinci personalizacije izbornih sustava na političke stranke Vujović, Zlatko Doctoral thesis / Disertacija 2019 Degree Grantor / Ustanova koja je dodijelila akademski / stručni stupanj: University of Zagreb, The Faculty of Political Science / Sveučilište u Zagrebu, Fakultet političkih znanosti Permanent link / Trajna poveznica: https://urn.nsk.hr/urn:nbn:hr:114:008971 Rights / Prava: Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International Download date / Datum preuzimanja: 2021-10-07 Repository / Repozitorij: FPSZG repository - master's thesis of students of political science and journalism / postgraduate specialist studies / disertations Fakultet političkih znanosti Zlatko Vujović Učinci personalizacije izbornih sustava na političke stranke: sustavi stranačkih lista s preferencijskim glasovanjem DOKTORSKI RAD Zagreb, 2018. godina Fakultet političkih znanosti Zlatko Vujović Učinci personalizacije izbornih sustava na političke stranke: sustavi stranačkih lista s preferencijskim glasovanjem DOKTORSKI RAD Mentorica: prof. dr. sc. Mirjana Kasapović Zagreb, 2018. godina Faculty of Political Science Zlatko Vujović Impact of personalisation of Electoral Systems on Political Parties: List Proportional Systems with Preferential Voting DOCTORAL DISSERTATION Supervisor(s): prof. dr. sc. Mirjana Kasapović Zagreb, 2018 year 1 Informacija o mentorici Mentorica: prof. dr. sci. Mirjana Kasapović Mirjana Kasapović, profesorica komparativne politike na Fakultetu političkih znanosti Sveučilišta u Zagrebu. Objavila je deset znanstvenih monografija - pet samostalnih i pet u suautorstvu s jednim ili dva autora - te oko 80 radova u znanstvenim časopisima i drugim znanstvenim publikacijama u Hrvatskoj, Njemačkoj, Velikoj Britaniji, SAD-u, Poljskoj, Mađarskoj, Bugarskoj i drugim zemljama. Za dvije knjige —Bosna i Hercegovina – Podijeljeno društvo i nestabilna država (2005) i Politički sustav i politika Izraela (2010) — dobila je državne nagrade za znanost. Napisala je brojne publicističke i stručne radove. -
The Electoral College System for the Election of the President of the United States on Trial
California State University, San Bernardino CSUSB ScholarWorks Theses Digitization Project John M. Pfau Library 2003 The electoral college system for the election of the President of the United States on trial Evelyn Hartzell Latham Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Latham, Evelyn Hartzell, "The electoral college system for the election of the President of the United States on trial" (2003). Theses Digitization Project. 2192. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2192 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the John M. Pfau Library at CSUSB ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses Digitization Project by an authorized administrator of CSUSB ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE ELECTORAL COLLEGE SYSTEM FOR THE ELECTION OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES ON TRIAL A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of California State University, San Bernardino In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in - Social Sciences by Evelyn Hartzell Latham March 2003 THE ELECTORAL COLLEGE SYSTEM FOR THE ELECTION OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES ON TRIAL A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of California State University, San Bernardino by Evelyn Hartzell Latham March 2003 Approved by: ABSTRACT The Electoral College system for selection of the chief executive of the United States has been described as undemocratic, archaic, complex, ambiguous, indirect, and dangerous, by the American Bar Association. Other noted scholars, politicians and political scientists have made numerous attempts to amend the Constitution to any number of revision plans, notably the proportional plan, the district plan, and currently, the direct vote plan. -
Legislative Apportionment: Multimember Districts and Fair Representation Waltfr L
[Vol.120 LEGISLATIVE APPORTIONMENT: MULTIMEMBER DISTRICTS AND FAIR REPRESENTATION WALTFR L. CARPE]ETI t I. INTRODUCTION In 1962 the Supreme Court overturned without expressly over- ruling a line of cases ' in which it had refused to reach the merits of many questions raised by legislative apportionment.' In Baker v. Carr3 the Court found that federal courts had jurisdiction of the subject mat- ter ' and that malapportionment claims were justiciable,5 and opened tA.B. 1967, Stanford University; J.D. 1970, University of California, Berkeley. Member, Alaska and California Bars. I E.g., Matthews v. Handley, 361 U.S. 127 (1959) (mem.) ; Hartsfield v. Sloan, 357 U.S. 916 (1958) (mem.); Radford v. Gary, 352 U.S. 991 (1957) (mem.); Kidd v. McCanless, 352 U.S. 920 (1956) (mem.) ; Anderson v. Jordan, 343 U.S. 912 (1952) (mee.) ; Tedesco v. Board of Supervisors, 339 U.S. 940 (1950) (mem.) ; MacDougall v. Green, 335 U.S. 281 (1948) (mem.); Colegrove v. Green, 328 U.S. 549 (1946). The questions facing the Court in each of these cases were whether federal courts had jurisdiction of cases concerning legislative apportionment and whether the issues were justiciable. They were answered in the negative. Colegrove, supra, was the leading case in this line (subsequent cases routinely cited it in per curiam opinions), although a majority of the Justices taking part in that case were of the opinion that the issues were justiciable. The plurality opinion of Justice Frankfurter-com- monly cited for the proposition that the issues were not justiciable-represented the views of only three Justices.