Athens and the Peace of Antalcidas

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Athens and the Peace of Antalcidas The Classical Review http://journals.cambridge.org/CAR Additional services for The Classical Review: Email alerts: Click here Subscriptions: Click here Commercial reprints: Click here Terms of use : Click here Athens and the Peace of Antalcidas G. E. Underhill The Classical Review / Volume 10 / Issue 01 / February 1896, pp 19 - 21 DOI: 10.1017/S0009840X00202928, Published online: 27 October 2009 Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0009840X00202928 How to cite this article: G. E. Underhill (1896). Athens and the Peace of Antalcidas. The Classical Review, 10, pp 19-21 doi:10.1017/S0009840X00202928 Request Permissions : Click here Downloaded from http://journals.cambridge.org/CAR, IP address: 130.88.90.140 on 20 Apr 2015 THE CLASSICAL REVIEW. 19 So the participle prU/tii, for *profeta, bar in view of pro-ficiscor and the like in I would take as irpo-Oera; in form equivalent Latin. to pro-dita, in meaning to posita. FREDERIC D. ALLEN. The use of pru- (instead of pru-) suggests Harvard University, pro- rather than pro-, but this need be no August 15, 1895. LUCRETIUS AND CICERO. AMONG the new data concerning the life by him with aequor (iii. 493, v. 128, vi. 634), of Lucretius contained in the manuscript with gurgite (v. 482), with momine ponti biography discovered by J. Masson in the (vi. 474), and in salso alone is found in British Museum copy of the Venice edition v. 1080; and moreover salsas lacunas is of Lucretius of 1492 (see Academy, 23 June written in iii. 1031 in such a connection that 1894) are the references to Cicero's criticism Neptuni cannot be substituted, there is no of the poem, especially as contained in the apparent evidence in the poem that this words admonitus ut in translationibus particular criticism was noticed. The servaret verecundiam ex quibus duo potis- evidence is negative as far as it goes. simum loci referuntur neptuni lacunas et Caeli cavernas, on the other hand, is caeli cavernas. In the form in which the found in iv. 171, and aetheriis cavernis in vi. poem has reached us the expression Neptuni 391; still the fourth book is known to be un- lacunas does not occur. Carl Radinger in finished, and the word caverna occurs only B.P.W. 22 Sept. 1894 has compared the ob- in the fourth and sixth books ; possibly the jection of the Auctor ad Herennium (4, 15) author in his revision wonld have removed to harsh and extravagant metaphors: cum the word. aut novis aut priscis verbis aut duriter As Radinger has remarked, I.e., we have aliunde translatis aut gravioribus quam res in this new biography strong reason for be- postulat, aliquid dicitur hoc modo:....si lieving that Lucretius profited by Cicero's praeceps in Neptunias depulsus erit lacunas. criticism, and hence that Cicero actually did Lucretius has referred to the principle in ii. criticize the work before publication. Con- 652 : hie siquis mare Neptunum Cererem- sequently the date of the poet's death can- que vocare | constituit fruges et Bacchi not be fixed by the date of the letter ad Q. nomine abuti, and in vi. 1076 is a good F. ii. 9, 3 (700/54). example of his use: non si Neptuni fluctu renovare operam des. Now in v. 794 occurs The biography is so circumstantial in re- terrestria de salsis exisse lacunis. Could lation to the suicide of the poet that it will Lucretius have substituted salsis for Neptuni hereafter be difficult to reject it as a owing to Cicero's criticism? This is the calumny of the haters of Epicurus. only passage in the poem where such a sub- W. A. MERRILL. stitution is possible. But as salsus is used University of California. ATHENS AND THE PEACE OF ANTALCIDAS. NEARLY half a century ago Grote, powerful, even after the loss of her maritime ignoring the hypothesis of Bockh (Staats- empire, that the allies at the Isthmus of haush. i. 546), that in the interval between Corinth, jealous of each other and held the battle of Cnidus, 394 B.C., and the Peace together only by common terror, could of Antalcidas, 387/6 B.C., Athens made a hardly stand on the defensive against her, deliberate and not unsuccessful attempt to and would probably have been disunited by regain her maritime empire, wrote the reasonable offers on her part; nor would following words: 'Never on any occasion she have needed even to recall Agesilaus did the excuse of self-preservation find less from Asia. Nevertheless the mission was real place than in regard to the mission of probably dictated by a groundless panic (the Antalcidas. Sparta was at that time so italics are mine), arising from the sight of 6 2 20 THE CLASSICAL REVIEW. the revived Long Walls and re-fortified Syracuse from Sparta and procure his Peiraeus, and springing at once to the alliance with Athens (Lysias xix. 19, C.I.A. fancy, that a new Athenian Empire, such ii. 8), at the same time that public honours as had existed forty years before, was about were decreed to Evagoras, the tyrant of to start into life: a fancy little likely to be Salamis in Cyprus, who had materially realized, since the very peculiar circum- helped Conon at the battle of Cnidus stances which had created the first Athenian (Lysias xix. 20, Isocr. ix. 54-57, G.I.A. ii. Empire were now totally reversed.' 106). In the same year a treaty was made Quite recently (1891), even after the between Athens and Phaselis in Lycia. articles of Swoboda and Kbhler (Mittheil. d. Consequently we are not surprised to hear arch. Inst. vii.) which deal with the new that the reason why in 392 the Lacedae- evidence to be derived from inscriptions, monians first sent Antalcidas to Tiribazus and the excursus of Beloch (Athen seit to negotiate a peace with Persia, was because Perikles) which reviews the whole policy of they heard on K.6v<ov Km. TO TeT\os TOIS 'A0JJ- Athens at the time, A. Holm in his Greek vaiois IK TSIV /?a<n\«i)S xPVfx<'-TU>v dvopOoir], Kal History has summed up the result of the TO vavriKov airo ratv tKtivov Tpe<pcov TOLS TC Peace of Antalcidas by saying : ' entschieden vrjcrovs Kal Tas Iv TTJ rjireipu) Trapa. BaXarTav gewonnen hatte durch den Konigsfrieden 7ro\«is 'AdrjvaioK evrpeiri^oi (iv. 8, 12); or Sparta, entschieden verloren vor Allen • that Tiribazus arrested Conon <us aSiKovvra Theben.' )8ao-iAca (iv. 8, 16). Again in the winter It is the object of this paper to piece of 392-1 the ambition of Athens Xeppovr)<rov together the evidence, which can be Kal Ta<s airoiKtas Kal TO. eyKT^fiara Kal TO. xpca collected both from authors and inscriptions, iva a.Tro\d/3<i>fiev seems to have led to the tending to show that Athens had regained breakdown of Sparta's renewed attempt much of her former empire, and that her to make peace, this time without the ambitious schemes of further aggrandize- interference of Persia (Andocid. De Pace, ment were the real cause of the Peace of 15). Antalcidas. In 391, notwithstanding the disappearance To begin with Xenophon : in the Hellenics of Conon, the Athenians further excited the (iii. 5, 10) he represents the dream of a alarm of the Lacedaemonians by their renewed supremacy as the leading motive support of the democrats in Rhodes, and which induced the Athenians in 395 B.C. to even ventured to send a small squadron to take the Theban side against Sparta in the the aid of Evagoras in his war against the so-called Corinthian "War : on fiev, w avSpes Persians; and when the Lacedaemonians 'A6r)vawi, says the Theban orator, fiovkourO'took more decided measures to check their av rv}V apyrpr, rp/ irpoTepov tKiK-rqaOf., avaXafitiv, further progress, finally despatched Thrasy- •JT<£VT£S iiruTrdfitOa.. Thrasybulus himself, bulus at the head of forty vessels (the the hero of the return of the democratical largest fleet that they had mustered since exiles, supported the Thebans, pointing out the Peloponnesian war) to reinforce their however the great risk run by Athens Rhodian allies. Thrasybulus had still aTtiyiarov TOV Ileipauog 6Vros. After his wider schemes of his own. Instead of great victory at Cnidus in 394 B.C. Conon sailing straight' to Rhodes he turned formed a series of alliances—which must all towards Thrace and the Hellespont— have been to the advantage of Athens— probably in the spring of 390. First he with Cos, Nisyros, Teos, Chios, Mitylene, gained possession of Thasos through the Ephesus, Erythrae, and the Cyclades party of Ecphantes, who contrived to expel (Diod. xiv. 89, 94). the Lacedaemonian garrison and admit the Then ,in 393 Conon first subjugated Athenians—a success which further resulted Cythera and left on the island a garrison in an alliance with the Thracian princes under the command of the Athenian Amedocus and Seuthes and 6 jrepi O/MUOJV Nicophemus, and during his visit to Athens, To7ros. Then Archebius and Heraclides which must have lasted some fifteen months delivered Byzantium into his hands, the (393—392), secured the necessary basis for oligarchical constitution of which he any future naval supremacy of Athens by replaced by a democracy, so that he became rebuilding the Long Walls and the fortifica- master of the Hellespont, and, as Alcibiades tions of Piraeus (Hell. iv. 8, 9). During this had done after his victory at Cyzicus, period Athens recovered possession of her imposed a toll of 10 per cent, on all vessels ancient cleruchies, Lemnos, Imbros, and passing through the straits (cp.
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