UNIVERSITY OF CINCINNATI
Date: 10-Nov-2010
I, Waleed Alzamil , hereby submit this original work as part of the requirements for the degree of: Master of Community Planning in Community Planning It is entitled: Evaluate the Experiences of Governments in Dealing with Squatter
Settlements in Middle East ”Comparative Analysis of Cases of Squatter
Settlements in Egypt” Student Signature: Waleed Alzamil
This work and its defense approved by: Committee Chair: Christopher Auffrey, PhD Christopher Auffrey, PhD
Francis Russell, MArch, BA Francis Russell, MArch, BA
11/12/2010 1,177 Evaluate the Experiences of Governments in Dealing with Squatter Settlements in Middle East
"Comparative Analysis of Cases of Squatter Settlements in Egypt"
A thesis submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Cincinnati in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Community Planning
in the Department of Planning of the College of Design, Architecture, Art and Planning
by
Waleed Alzamil
M.Sc. Urban Planning, King Saud University, Saudi Arabia 2005 B.Sc. Urban Planning, King Saud University, Saudi Arabia 2001
November 2010
Committee Chair: Prof. Christopher Auffrey, PhD
Faculty Member: Prof. Frank Russell, AIA
Abstract Key words: Evaluate, experiences, governments, dealing, Squatter Settlements, Middle East informal settlements, urban development, Egypt, neighborhood upgrading, urban, solution.
Large cities in Middle Eastern countries, like much of the world, are characterized by rapid urban growth. Urbanization and urban growth often result in the proliferation of squatter settlements on the urban fringe. While squatter settlements provide a relief valve from pressure for housing very low income residents, they also create a complex array of physical, social, economic problems. In order to better understand how Middle Eastern governments can more effectively respond to squatter settlements, this thesis adopts an analytical approach and case study method to assess two such settlements in Egypt. Insight is gained by analyzing both the positive and negative outcomes of the Egyptian government’s response to squatter settlements. These insights are used to propose standards for scatter settlements that address the physical, social and economic needs of residents while addressing the problems posed by such settlements. This study found that in Egypt, much of the government’s response to squatter settlements has reflected a reactionary planning approach responding to popular pressure, media reports and donor requirements. The study found a lack of a comprehensive strategy based on regional approaches to problem‐solving. Also, the Egyptian government's response to the need for housing very low income residents is focused only on the physical dimension of the problem at the expense of the social and economic dimensions, including the need for public participation, employment generation strategies, and comprehensive assessments of residents’ needs.
This study recommends a balanced regional development strategy based on locally appropriate development standards and building codes, and a fair distribution of development resources to cities and villages throughout the country. Such an approach should be designed to reach as many of the country’s poor residents as is possible. This approach would allow greater flexibility to allow poor residents to build for themselves structurally sound housing using relatively inexpensive building materials. Such an approach can encourage the expansion of housing on the basis of a family’s needs and resources. In addition, additional research is needed on squatter settlements in Egypt in order to better understand existing patterns of development so that alternative models might be created.
iii
All copyrights © reserved, 2010 Waleed Alzamil School of Planning College of Design, Architecture, Art and Planning, Cincinnati, OH
iv
Preface
John Turner: “Takes a positive outlook and portrays squatter settlements as highly successful solutions to housing problems in urban areas of developing countries” (1)
Hassan Fathy: Squatter settlements are represent the capabilities of the massive population by organizing themselves and find some kind of community relations, which is a substitute for inadequate government policies. These areas correspond with many of the principles adopted by Hassan Fathy, like: "Ten people can build ten houses, but one person cannot build one house" (2)
(1) Turner, John “Uncontrolled Urban Settlement: Problems and Policies" in G. Breese (eds.) The City in Newly Developing Countries: Readings on Urbanism and Urbanization. Printice Hall 1969, pp. 507‐534. (2) Fathy, Hassan,Architecture for poor .Chicago: University of Chicago press,1973. v
Acknowledgments
There are many people I would like to thank in writing this thesis. First, I would like to thank Prof. Dr. Christopher Auffrey, Interim Director and Associate Professor in the school of planning. My committee chair, whose guidance, encouragement, and advice. Prof. Auffrey was a generous giving, correct any mistake, and help at any time.
I would like to thank Prof. Frank Russell, The Director of the University of
Cincinnati Community Design Center and the Niehoff Urban Studio and is Assistant
Professor of Practice in Planning and Urban Design for his efforts and provided to help me during my work with him in Community Design Center.
I would like also to thank Dr. Marisa Zapata the assistant professor in the school of planning. She helped in the early stages of this thesis are introduction, literature review, and research methodology. I have benefited greatly from the presentations and feedback that got in project I and project II.
Thanks and gratitude to the Central Agency for Public Mobilization And Statistics
(CAPMAS) in Egypt the official source for providing all the state bodies ,organizations, universities, research centers, and development and evaluation processes. Thanking, for their efforts and provide all the population statistical information.
I would like to thank all members of the faculty of the school of planning who helped me in the information or advice.
vi
Terms
Affordable housing Housing is affordable if it costs the occupant no more than 30%
of their income for gross housing costs, including utilities.
[US Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD)]
Block A block is a tract of land bounded on all sides by streets or by a
combination of streets, public parks, railroad rights‐of‐way,
pier head lines or airport boundaries.
[NYC Zoning,GLOSSARY:www.nyc.gov]
Case‐study approach An in‐depth exploration of a particular context, such as a
classroom or group of individuals that involves the collection of
extensive qualitative data usually via interview, observation,
and document analysis. [setda.org/web/guest/glossary]
Crowding The feeling that is induced if our expectations about the use of
space are violated by the presence of others.
[tuition.com.hk/psychology/c.htm]
Density Refers to the intensity of development within a zoning district.
In residence districts, density is generally measured by the
maximum number of dwelling units permitted on a zoning lot.
The maximum number of units is calculated by dividing the
maximum residential floor area permitted on a zoning lot by
the applicable factor for each zoning district. (Fractions equal
to at least ¾ are considered one unit.) The factors for each
vii
district are approximations of average unit size plus allowances
for any common areas. Special density regulations apply to
mixed buildings that contain both residential and community
facility uses. [NYC Zoning,GLOSSARY:www.nyc.gov]
Dealing Method or manner of conduct in relation to others Or the act
of transacting within or between groups.
[wordnetweb.princeton.edu/perl/webwn]
Development A development includes the construction of a new building or
other structure on a zoning lot, the relocation of an existing
building to another lot, or the use of a tract of land for a new
use. [NYC Zoning,GLOSSARY:www.nyc.gov]
Economic efficiency A term that refers to the optimal production and consumption
of goods and services. An investment may be considered
economically efficient if it offers net benefits to the economy.
[dfpni.gov.uk/eag‐glossary]
Evaluate Retrospective analysis of a project, program, or policy to assess
how successful or otherwise it has been, and what lessons can
be learnt for the future. To draw conclusions from examining;
to compute an expression. Or measure: evaluate or estimate
the nature, quality, ability, extent.
[dictionary.reference.com], [www.dfpni.gov.uk/eag‐glossary]
Experiences General concept comprises knowledge of or skill in or
viii
observation of something or some event gained through
involvement in or exposure to that thing or event.
[Levitt, Heidi M. (1999)]
Facility A building or place that provides a particular service or is used
for a particular industry; the assembly plant is an enormous
facility. [wordnetweb.princeton.edu/perl/webwn]
Government The act of governing; exercising authority. Or Authority
governing the city or state.
[wordnetweb.princeton.edu/perl/webwn]
Poverty line A level of income below which people are deemed poor. A
global poverty line of $1 per person per day was suggested in
1990 (World Bank 1990). This line facilitates comparison of
how many poor people there are in different countries. But, it
is only a crude estimate because the line does not recognize
differences in the buying power of money in different
countries, and, more significantly, because it does not
recognize other aspects of poverty than the material, or
income poverty.
[ucatlas.ucsc.edu/glossary.html]
Regional planning A branch of land use planning and deals with the efficient
placement of land use activities, infrastructure, and settlement
growth across a significantly larger area of land than an
ix
individual city or town. The related field of urban planning
deals with the specific issues of city planning. Both concepts
are encapsulated in spatial planning using a Eurocentric
definition. [US National Association of Regional Councils]
Squatter settlements Residential area which has developed without legal claims to
the land and/or permission from the concerned authorities to
build; as a result of their illegal or semi‐legal status,
infrastructure and services are usually inadequate.
[gdrc.org/uem/define‐squatter.html]
Subsidized housing There are many different kinds of subsidized housing programs.
Most of these programs, however, work in the same way.
People who are low‐income pay 30% of their income towards
rent, and the state or federal government pays the difference
between this amount and the actual costs of the housing.
[massaccesshousingregistry.org]
Social equality Is a social state of affairs in which all people within a specific society or isolated group have the same status in a certain respect. At the very least, social equality includes equal rights under the law, such as security, voting rights, freedom of speech and assembly, and the extent of property rights. However, it also includes access to education, health care and other social securities. It also includes equal opportunities and obligations, and so involves the whole society. [ieet.org/index.php/IEET/more/689] Social Characteristics Squatter settlement households belong to the lower income
x
group, either working as wage labour or in various informal sector enterprises. On an average, most earn wages at or near the minimum wage level. But household income levels can also be high due to may income earners and part‐time jobs. Squatters are predominantly migrants, either rural‐urban or urban‐urban. But many are also second or third generation
squatters. [gdrc.org/uem/define‐squatter.html] Urban fabric The physical aspect of urbanism, emphasizing building types, thoroughfares, open space, frontages, and streetscapes but excluding environmental, functional, economic and socio
cultural aspects. [parole.aporee.org]
xi
Abbreviation
SA Situation Analysis. BMZ German federal ministry for Economic. FAR Floor Area Ratio. HD High Density. PL Poverty line. CES Current Employment Statistics. EEO Equal Employment Opportunity. CAPMAS Central Agency for Public Mobilization And Statistics in Egypt. GTZ Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit which means The German technical cooperation. GIS geographic information system. LE Egyptian Pounds (unit of currency in Egypt). PAT Pattern of fabric. P&Z Planning & Zoning. DP Development Plan. UPL Upper poverty line. UN United Nations. NGO None Government Organization. KFW Entwicklungs bank (German Development Bank). MOED Ministry of Economic Development. PDP Participatory Development Programme in Urban Areas. an Egyptian‐German development project implemented by the Ministry of Economic Development (MoED) as the lead executing agency, the German Technical Cooperation (GTZ) and the KfW Entwicklungs bank (German Development Bank), with financial assistance by the German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ). PP Project Plan. Sourse: Abbreviations as contained in: www.acronymfinder.com , Khaled Abdelhalim, Participatory Upgrading of Informal Areas, A Decision‐makers’ Guide for Action, May 2010. And www.Google.com
xii
Contents
Abstract………………………………………………………………………………………………………. iii
Preface ………………………………………..…………………….………………………….………….. v
Acknowledgments………………………………………………………………………………..……… vi
Terms……………………………………………………………………….………………….……….……… vii
Abbreviation…………………………………………………………………………………………..……. xii
Chapter I : Introduction
1 Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………….. 2
2 Research Chapters……………………………………………………………………………… 3
3 Definition of the problem…………………………………………………………………… 5
4 The reasons for the squatter settlements…………………………………..…….. 9
5 Research questions……………………………………………………………………………. 12
6 Objectives…………………………………………………………………………………………. 12
7 Sub Objectives…………………………………………………………………………………… 13
Chapter II : Literature Reviews
1 Challenges facing the government …………...…………………………………..…. 15
1‐1 The Economic Challenges…………………………………………………………… 15
1‐2 The Social Challenges………………………………………………………………… 16
1‐3 The Environmental Challenges…………………………………………………… 17
2 Ways of dealing with squatter settlements………………………………..……… 18
2‐1 Clearance of squatter settlement………………………………………………… 18
xiii
2‐2 Conservation and improvement…………………………………………………… 21
2‐3 Upgrading of squatter settlement………………………………………………… 23
2‐4 Provision of alternative housing…………………………………………………… 28
3 Trends of governments in dealing with squatter settlements……...……. 35
3‐1 Physical trends……………………………………………….………………………….. 35
3‐2 social trends………………………………………………………………………………. 35
3‐3 economic trends……………………………………………………………………….. 36
4 Summary of the ways to deal with squatter settlements………….……… 38
Chapter III: Methodology
1 Methodology of the study ………………………………………….……………………… 40
1‐1 Theoretical approach…………………………………………………………………… 40
1‐2 Case‐study approach……………………………………………………………………. 41
2 The theoretical foundation ………………….…………………….…………………… 45
3 The implementation of research methods ………………………………………. 47
3‐1 Social equality factors………………………..……………………………………….. 48
3‐2 Economic efficiency factors………………………………………………………… 49
3‐3 Urban environmental factors……………………………………………………… 49
4 Summary of information required…………………………………………………….. 52
5 Information‐gathering mechanisms…………………………………………………… 53
6 Implications of information……………………………………………………………….. 55
Chapter IV: Egypt's Experience
1 The issue of squatter settlements in Egypt ………………………………..……… 59
xiv
1‐1 Population growth and the housing deficit……………………………...….. 60
1‐2 Causes of the squatter settlements in Egypt………………………….…….. 68
1‐3 Proliferation patterns of squatter settlement…………………………….… 70
2 Squatter settlements in Cairo………………………………………………….….…….. 75
2‐1 Stages of Cairo growth……………………………………………………….…….…. 75
2‐2 Population in Cairo……………………………………………………………..………. 80
2‐3 Housing in Cairo ………………………………………………………………..………. 82
2‐4 The distribution of squatter settlements in Cairo…………………..…….. 85
3 Squatter settlements in Mansura………………………………………………………. 89
3‐1 Population in Mansura ……………………………………………………….…….…. 89
3‐2 Stages of Mansura growth …………………………………………………..………. 91
3‐3 The distribution of squatter settlements in Mansura …………..………. 92
4 Summary of the Egyptian experience…………………………………………………. 94
Chapter V: Data Analysis
1 Squatter settlement in Egypt (Case studies)………………………………………… 98
1‐1 Ezbet Bekhit -Manshiet Nasser in Cairo………………………………………… 99
1‐2 Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes in Mansura…………………………………………….. 102
2 Comparative analysis of urban environment……………………………………….. 105
2‐1 General features………………………………………………………………………….. 105
2‐2 Utilities Features …………………………………….…………………………………… 109
2‐3 Fabric features…………………………………………………………………………….. 112
2‐4 Blocks Features.…………………………………………………………………………… 115
xv
2‐5 Housing and Plots Features…………………………………………………………. 118
3 Comparative analysis of social and economic situation……………………….. 125
3‐1 Households month income …………………………………………………………… 125
3-2 Housing Tenure…………………………………………………………………………….. 128
3‐3 Occupancy Rates and Crowding……………………………………………………. 131
3‐4 Illiterate situation…………………………………………………………………………. 133
3‐5 Length of Residence…………………………………………………………………….. 135
3‐6 employment status……………………………………………………………………… 137
4 Summary of the actual condition..……………………………………………………… 141
Chapter VI: Results
1 Evaluate of Egyptian experience…………………………………………………………. 145
1‐1 Servicing informal areas………………………………………………………………. 145
1‐2 Sectorial upgrading…………………………………………………………………….… 146
1‐3 Planning and partial adjustment…………………………………………………… 148
1‐4 On‐site redevelopment of informal areas……………………………………. 149
1‐5 Redevelopment and relocation……………………………………………………. 150
1‐6 Unregulated styles……………………………………………………………………… 152
1‐7 Participatory approach to the upgrading……………………………….……. 153
2 Evaluate of Existing condition…………………………………………………….….…. 158
2‐1 Evaluation of actual urban environment………………………….………….. 158
2‐2 Evaluation of actual social situation……………………………………………. 166
2‐3 Evaluation of the Actual Economic Situation………………………………… 167
xvi
3 Guidelines for dealing with squatter settlements………………………………… 168
3‐1 Decision to develop the squatter settlements……………………………….. 169
3‐2 The suitability of the site for development……………………………………. 169
3‐3 Sustainable urban environment……………………………………………………. 170
3‐4 Sustainable social and economical environment…………………………… 176
3‐5 Other Guidelines………………………………………………………………………….. 179
Chapter VII: Conclusion
1 Results of the study (Summary)…………………………………………………………… 182
2 Recommendations……………………………………………………………………………… 187
3 The difficulties faced by the researcher……………………………………………… 192
4 Afterword………………………………………………………………………………………….. 194
References………………………………………………………………………..…….………….……… 198
Appendixes ………………………….………………………………………….……………….……… 205
xvii
List of Tables
Chapter II : Literature Reviews
1 Population Density in Kagithane, Istanbul……………………………………………… 26
2 Summary of government’s experiences with squatter settlements……….. 38
Chapter III: Methodology
3 Major information required of squatter settlement……………………………….. 52
4 Information‐gathering mechanisms………………………………………………….……. 54
5 Implications of information ………………………………………………………….………. 57
Chapter IV: Egypt's Experience
6 Population growth in Egypt from 1950‐2050………………………………………….. 61
7 Population density per square kilometer in Egypt………………………………….. 63
8 Concentration of population in Egypt…………………………………………………….. 64
9 The distribution of squatter settlements and Development cost in Egypt…. 71
10 The causes of migration to Cairo…………………………………………………………….. 82
11 Families and housing in Cairo……………………………………………………………….…. 83
12 Distribution of population based on housing type in Cairo……………………… 84
13 The most famous squatter settlements in Cairo……………………………………… 86
14 Stages of the evolution of population growth in Mansura…………………….… 90
15 Growth Stages and emergence of squatter settlements in Mansura………… 91
16 Squatter settlements names in Mansura…………………………………………………. 92
xviii
Chapter V: Data Analysis
17 The stages of squatter growth at the expense of agricultural areas………… 104
18 Comparative analysis of physical features of the cases study………………….. 108
19 Comparative analysis of Utilities…………………………………………………………….. 111
20 Comparative analysis of clusters and vacant…………………………………………… 114
21 Comparative analysis of Block types………………………………………………………. 115
22 Comparative analysis of the most common types of block……………………… 117
23 Comparative analysis of visual features of the cases study……………………… 119
24 Comparative analysis of housing space (square meters)…………………………. 123
25 Comparative analysis of the most common types of Houses…………………… 124
26 Comparative analysis of Households month income.……………………………... 126
27 Comparative analysis of Housing Tenure………………………………………………… 128
28 Comparative analysis of the rate of expenditure on housing…………………... 130
29 Comparative analysis of Persons per Room (crowding)…………………….……… 131
30 Comparative analysis of Illiterate situation……………………………………………… 134
31 Comparative analysis of Length of Residence………………………….………………. 136
32 Comparative analysis of Employment status………………………….……………….. 138
Chapter VI: Results
33 Evaluate of Egyptian experience in dealing with squatter settlement……… 157
34 Comparing the actual situation with the standards (M2)………………………… 164
35 Evaluation of actual urban environment………………………………………………….. 165
36 Evaluation of actual social situation…………………………………………………………. 166
xix
37 Evaluation of actual economic situation……………………………….…………………. 167
38 Development of urban blocks in squatter settlements……………………………. 172
39 The proportion of built‐up area of the total area……………………..……………… 174
40 Area standards of facilities proposed for 7500 people…………………………….. 177
41 Walking distance proposed to the facilities in the community…………………. 178
xx
List of Figures
Chapter I : Introduction
1 Main sections of the study……………………………………………………………………… 4
2 Stringent and multiplicity laws is one of the reasons the problem…...... 6
3 Zabaleen community‐Manshiet Nasser in Cairo…………………………………….. 8
4 Lack of flexibility in the lows, one of the reasons of the problem…………… 10
Chapter II : Literature Reviews
5 Collection of garbage and animal grazing in Zabaleen community…………. 16
6 demolition of squatter settlement as one of the governmental attitudes 18
7 Population Density in Kagithane, Istanbu……………………………………………… 26
8 An aerial view shows the high population density………………………………….. 26
9 Urban feature in Yahya kemal‐Kagithane‐Istanbul…………………………………… 27
10 Examples of charitable housing in Saudi Arabia…………………………………….. 30
11 The process of decision making in housing field solution ……………………….. 31
12 Selected work of Hassan Fathy, Different forms of starter unit………………. 33
13 Meeting of a community to discussing possible improvements……………… 33
14 Stages of the development of housing…………………………………………….…….. 34
15 Trends of governments in dealing with squatter settlements……………..….. 37
Chapter III: Methodology
16 Case‐study approach process…………………………………………………………………. 42
17 Basic Types of Designs for Case Studies…………………………………………..……… 43
18 Case Study method………………………………………………………………………………… 44
xxi
19 Factors that must be studied in the squatter settlement………………..………. 46
20 Basic Types of Designs for Case Studies………………………………………………….. 47
21 Comparative analysis to derive the mean population density…………..……… 48
22 Formation of clusters in the squatter settlements…………………………..………. 50
23 Steps to study urban patterns of squatter settlement………………………..…… 50
24 Units pattern combined as a U‐shaped……………………………………………………. 51
25 The basic human needs for serve the public interest ………………..………..…. 55
Chapter IV: Egypt's Experience
26 Map of Egypt and the major cities………………………………………………………….. 59
27 Urbanization and development in Egypt………………………………………………… 60
28 Population growth in Egypt from 1950‐2050…………………………………………… 61
29 The population pyramid in Egypt in 2006………………………………………………. 62
30 Population density in Egypt…………………………………………………………………… 64
31 Major cities region that the population is concentrated in Egypt……………. 65
32 Population Concentration in Egypt…………………………………………………………. 66
33 The distribution of squatter settlements in Egypt……………………………………. 72
34 The population distribution of squatter settlements in Egypt…………………. 73
35 Population proportion of squatter settlements in Egypt………………………….. 74
36 The proliferation of squatter settlement around Cairo in 1981…………………… 78
37 Cairo by SPOT Satellite……………………………………………………………………………. 79
38 Urban Transformation in the Great Cairo………………………………………………. 80
39 Population density in Cairo…………………………………………………………………….. 80
xxii
40 Net residential densities in the Great Cairo……………………………………………. 81
41 The causes of migration to Cairo in 2006……………………………………………….. 82
42 Distribution of families based on the number of rooms in Cairo…………….. 83
43 Distribution of population based on housing type in Cairo…………………….. 85
44 Squatter settlements in Cairo…………………………………………………………………. 87
45 Stretch indiscriminate of Squatter settlements in Cairo………………….……… 88
46 Mansura City site…………………………………………………………………………………… 89
47 Stages of the evolution of population until 2017……………………………………. 90
48 Squatter settlements sites in Mansura…………………………………………………… 93
Chapter V: Data Analysis
49 Location of Ezbet Bakhit within Manshiet Nasser……………………………………. 100
50 Location Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes with in Mansura…………………………………. 102
51 Duwaiqa disaster: Rockslide, destruction of many houses in Ezbet Bakhit.. 106
52 Ezbet Bekhit: Variation in the expanded road………………………………………….. 113
53 Comparative analysis of Block types………………………………………………………… 116
54 The most common plots in squatter settlements…………………………………….. 122
55 Comparative analysis of housing space (square meters)………………………….. 123
56 Comparative analysis of Family month income………………………………………… 126
57 Comparative analysis of Housing Tenure………………………………...... 129
58 The rate of expenditure on housing in two cases…………………………………….. 130
59 Ezbet Bekhit: Housing Type Accommodates……………………………………………. 132
60 Comparative analysis of Illiterate situation…………………….………………………… 134
xxiii
61 Comparative analysis of Family month income………………………………………… 136
62 A removal of some houses in Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes……………………………. 137
63 Comparative analysis of Employment status………………………………………….. 139
Chapter VI: Results
64 Projects empowering women in Manshiet Nasser by PDP……………………….. 147
65 Application of regulation lines in squatter settlements……………………………. 148
66 Alternative housing in el Doweiqa, Manshiet Nasser………………………………. 151
67 Participation Factors………………………………………………………………………………. 154
68 Model of partnership and participation………………………………………………….. 155
69 Blocks patterns and equivalent patterns in the planning………………………… 162
70 Process to take advantage from squatter settlements cases………………….. 168
71 Guidance to create a sustainable urban environment…………………………….. 171
72 Development of a pedestrian environment in the block…………………….…… 173
73 Guideline of the road and building height………………………………………….…… 175
74 Using natural paving adapted to the environment…………………………………. 175
75 Guideline of the squares proposed………………………………………………………… 176
76 Guideline of Walking distance to the main facilities………………………………… 179
77 Opportunities for Public Participation……………………………………………………… 180
xxiv
Chapter One: Introduction
This chapter sheds light on the housing crisis in the Middle East and the obstacles and limitations that prevent many poor people from obtaining adequate housing. The result of poor government policies and solutions to providing housing for all is squatter settlements. This chapter introduces the most important issues related to squatter settlements, including the definition of the housing problem, the reasons for squatter settlements, and the research questions and objectives that will be addressed.
1
Introduction
Housing is more than a place that protects people from the elements and provides them with privacy and security. It is a part of the urban environment, interconnected with surrounding facilities, roads, and places of work. But in many urban centers around the world, residents are unable to afford the cost of housing due to the prices of construction materials, land prices, and strict laws. The housing crisis of the poor is one of the problems that typically accompany modernization and it has been especially serious among poor nations and in the Middle East.
Providing adequate housing for residents has become the main dilemma that many Middle Eastern governments face. Residents are unable to afford the cost of housing due to the prices of construction materials, land prices, and strict laws. Squatter settlements have emerged as a result of government’s failure to provide effective solutions to the housing crisis. Many governments have tried to solve the housing problem by establishing programs for affordable houses, self‐construction, and charity housing, but these alternatives have been ineffective because they frequently did not meet the wishes and needs of the poor residents.
In order to solve the housing problem in urban areas, the causes must be identified and then addressed through sound regional planning and the provision of alternative housing for the poor consistent with their needs. This research will review the experience of one government, the government of Egypt, in dealing with squatter settlements in the Middle East, assess their experiences and the reasons for success or
2
failure, and propose effective solutions in dealing with this problem. The outcome of this research will be planning guidance’s that meets the needs of poor residents for alternative housing. Derivation of these criteria and standards will be based on a comparative analysis of the physical, social, and economic conditions found in actual squatter settlements.
Research Chapters “Explanation of the Parts of the Study”
As shown in Figure (1), this thesis is divided into seven main chapters:
1‐ Introduction: This chapter includes a definition of the problem, the causes of the
problem, and the objectives of the study.
2‐ Literature review: This chapter reviews research on the prevalence of the
problem in the Middle East, the role of governments, and the solutions proposed
by governments. This is a discussion of the reasons for the failure of
governments to solve the problem.
3‐ Research methodology: This chapter contains the research methods used in this
study, such as the theoretical approach, comparative analysis approach, and
methods and techniques to collect information.
4‐ Egypt’s experience with squatter settlements: This chapter reviews the
experience of Egypt’s government with squatter settlements, the distribution of
squatter settlements in Egypt, the nature and distribution of squatter
settlements in Cairo and Mansura.
3
5‐ Data analysis: This chapter provides a comparative analysis of squatter
settlements in Cairo and Mansura, assessing the current urban pattern and the
current social and economic situations.
6‐ Results: This chapter presents evaluate of the Egyptian experience in dealing
with squatter settlements, evaluate the actual situation, and provides planning
guidelines and standards that are consistent with meeting the needs of squatter
settlement residents.
7‐ Conclusions: This chapter presents a study summary, recommendations of the
study, and the difficulties faced by the researcher.
1
Introduction
3 Methodology Literature review 2 4
Egypt’s experience
5 Data analysis
Results 6
7 Conclusions
Figure (1): The Main Sections of the Thesis (1)
(1) Researcher.
4
Definition of the Problem “An Overview of the Concept of Squatter Settlements”
A squatter settlement is defined as a “residential area which has developed without legal claims to the land and/or permission from the concerned authorities to build; as a result of their illegal or semi‐legal status, infrastructure and services are usually inadequate.”(2) It also is defined as “residential buildings built in ‘planned’ and unplanned areas which do not have formal planning approval. They are characterized mostly by the low quality houses and the lack of adequate infrastructure and social services.”(3) Squatter settlements, then, are housing units that are established without a land title, and without getting permission from the city government or the property owner. They are the result of the absence of alternative cheap housing for the poor.
Poor people simply start building on government land without any legal claims. Squatter settlements are an encroachment on government land or private land. (4)
As shown in Figure (2), stringent government regulations are one of the reasons for the emergence of squatter settlements, as regulations drive up the cost of legal residential development.
(2) Srinivas, Hari. “Defining Squatter Settlements.” www.gdrc.org/uem/define‐squatter.html. (3) Ali, Mohammed Haji, and Muhammad Salim Sulaiman. “The Causes and Consequences of the Informal Settlements in Zanzibar.” In Informal Settlements: Policy, Land Use and Tenure. Presented at XXIII International FIG Congress, Munich, Germany, 8–13 October 2006, p. 2. (4) Ibid.
5
Figure (2): Stringent and Multiplicity Laws Are One of the Reasons for the Problem (5)
The Vienna Declaration (2004) on “National Regional Policy and Programmes
Regarding Informal Settlements in South Eastern Europe” provides the following definition for squatter settlements: “human settlements, which for a variety of reasons do not meet requirements for legal recognition (and have been constructed without respecting formal procedures of legal ownership, transfer of ownership, as well as construction and urban planning regulations), exist in their respective countries and hamper economic development. While there is significant regional diversity in terms of their manifestation, these settlements are mainly characterized by informal or insecure land tenure, inadequate access to basic services, both social and physical infrastructure and housing finance.”(6)
Squatter settlements are often characterized as “illegal” residential formations lacking basic services, such as water supply, electricity, sanitation, recreational space,
(5) Payne, Geoffrey and Michael Majale. The Urban Housing Manual, Making Regulatory Frameworks Work for the Poor. London: Earthscan, 2004, p. 19. (6) “Vienna Declaration on Informal Settlements in South Eastern Europe.” In Ministerial Conference on Informal Settlements in South Eastern Europe. Presented at OSCE Hofburg, Vienna, Austria, 28 September–1 October 2004, p. 1. (Retrieved 25 October 2007 from www.stabilitypact.org/humi/041001‐ conference.html.)
6
and paved roads. (7) In addition, educational services and medical facilities are severely limited, as are security of tenure, and adequate housing. Unfortunately, this is only the tip of the iceberg. Underneath there are many different and complex socio‐cultural processes that lead to the formation of informal settlements.(8) The United Nations
Habitat Agenda adopted in 1996 and the Declaration on Cities and Other Human
Settlements in the New Millennium adopted by the Special Session of the UN General
Assembly in 2001 reaffirm the commitment of governments to ensure that “everyone will have adequate shelter that is healthy, safe, secure, accessible and affordable and that include basic services, facilities and amenities, and will enjoy freedom from discrimination in housing and legal security of tenure. In order to achieve this fundamental goal, an emphasis was placed on collaboration between public and private actors and institutions, as well as the identification of enabling strategies.”(9)
In order to evaluate the situation of squatter settlements, it is necessary to analyze the underlying socio‐cultural context. As shown in Figure (3), the main features in the Zabaleen ‐Manshiet Nasser squatter settlement in Cairo (10) include narrow, unpaved roads, and garbage spread throughout the neighborhood. The conditions
(7) Abdelhalim, Khaled. “Participatory Upgrading of Informal Areas: A Decision‐Makers’ Guide for Action.” May 2010, pp. 2‐6. (8) Committee on Housing and Land Management. In Search for Sustainable Solutions for Informal Settlements in the ECE Region: Challenges and Policy Responses. Geneva, September 2008, pp. 22–23. (9) Ibid, p. 10. (10) Manshiet Nasser is a huge squatter settlement in Cairo that contains nine sub‐districts, including ”.which means: “garbage community زبالين :Zabaleen, in Egyptian Arabic
7
conflict with the residential environment for health that has been adopted in the UN
Habitat Agenda. (11)
Figure (3): Zabaleen Community ‐Manshiet Nasser in Cairo (12)
(11) Manshiet Nasser is a huge squatter settlement in Cairo that contains nine sub‐districts, including ”.which means: “garbage community زبالين :Zabaleen, in Egyptian Arabic (12) The Habitat Agenda Goals and Principles, Commitments and the Global Plan of Action, 2003. Text as stated in the report p.1 "The purpose of the second United Nations Conference on Human Settlements (Habitat II) is to address two themes of equal global importance: "Adequate shelter for all" and "Sustainable human settlements development in an urbanizing world". Human beings are at the centre of concerns for sustainable development, including adequate shelter for all and sustainable human settlements, and they are entitled to a healthy and productive life in harmony with nature". For more information on the web site: www.unhabitat.org
8
The Reasons for Squatter Settlements “The main causes of the problem”
There are six main reasons for the emergence of squatter settlements:
1. Regional planning: Little attention is paid to regional planning. Most Middle
Eastern countries are not interested in small cities and villages, and so focus
their attention on major cities. The result of this focus is the migration of people
from small towns to major cities. The accumulation of population in large cities
equates to more demand in housing, and therefore leads to high land prices and
high cost of living, which in turn makes it more difficult for poor people to get
proper housing.(13)
2. Alternative housing: There are no alternatives to cheap housing for the poor. In
large cities in the Middle East, the lack of government support for the poor. Has
meant few attempts at alternative housing, with no effective results. Most of the
housing alternatives available in the Middle East aimed at middle‐income or high
‐income groups. It duplicates housing units do not fit with the social and
economic considerations.(14)
3. Weak oversight: There is often weak oversight and leniency in the application of
regulations and laws pertaining to land use. In many Middle Eastern countries,
the spread of many informal neighborhoods is the result of lack of control by
(13) Allam, Ahmad, shidid Yahya, and Mahdi Majid. Renew of Neighborhoods, 1st ed., translated from Arabic version. Cairo: Egyptian Anglo Library, 1997, p. 48. (14) Ibid, p. 49.
9
municipal authorities, and the lack of qualified personnel to deal with the
situation.(15)
4. High cost and building regulation: Building regulations that are overly strict and
lack flexibly. This tends to raise the cost of legal housing beyond the means of
people of limited income. As a result, squatter settlements are the only housing
alternative for many.(16) As illustrated Figure (4), stringent laws regulations can
lead to using other methods for obtain housing like squatter settlements.
Figure (4): Lack of Flexibility in the Lows, One of the Reasons of the Problem (17)
Horacio Caminos (1975), a specialist in urban planning, said “the high
planning rates and standards are the ones who help in the establishment of the
squatter settlement areas, since most of the planning and construction’s laws
and instructions in the developed countries are a result of unreal rules because it
was directly taken from the rates that are used in the developed countries—
(15) Ibid, p. 50. (16) Doiades. General plan, the conditions for the residential area. Riyadh, Saudi Arabia: 1973, p. 1. (17) Payne and Majale (2004), p. 71.
10
Europe and America. And the fact is that only a small part of the inhabitants can
receive those rates, which results in mostly inhabitants without those high rates,
which in its turn results in the spread of the squatter settlements areas.”(18)
5. Subsidized housing: Subsidized housing or social housing is “People who have
low‐incomes pay 30% of their income towards rent, and the state or federal
government pays the difference between this amount and the actual costs of the
housing”. (19) A lack of subsidized housing also may lead to growth of squatter
settlements. By ignoring the need for substitute housing suitable for people of
limited income, local authorities in effect promote the development of squatter
settlements. Funds that government support does not cover the cost of housing.
in addition to the lack of plans and housing programs communion between the
public and private sector. (20)
6. Lack of growth in the housing stock: The failure of housing stock to keep up with
the increase in demand due to immigration promotes squatter settlements. This
is especially a problem in very large urban areas such as Cairo and New Delhi.
Increasing population leads to a lack of housing supply and thus leads to the
creation of squatter settlements.(21)
(18) Caminos, Horacio and Rienhold Goethert. “Urbanization Primer for Design of Sites and Services Projects. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1975. (19) http://www.massaccesshousingregistry.org (20) Samie, Mohamed Abdel. Lessons Learned From the Informal Housing in the Context of Affordable Housing. Research presented in Supreme Commission for the Development of Riyadh. Seminar on Housing II, Arabic version, 2004, p. 51. (21) Ibid.
11
Research Question “The main question in this thesis”
Given that squatter settlements are likely to be part of large cities in developing countries for some time, much research is needed about how to make these settlements better, more humane housing. That is the focus of this research.
Based on the urban, social, and economic condition found in two case squatter settlements (discussed in chapter five), this research will answer the following research question: What design guidelines for housing and urban form should be adapted to better meet the basic needs of the squatter settlement residents?
Objective “The main objective in this thesis”
The primary objective of this thesis is to understand the advantage and disadvantage patterns of the environment build for addressing the problems of squatter settlements. To reach a successful solution to the problem of squatter settlements, we must first understand the conditions of how settlement residents live.
What are their needs? How do they create their environment? How can we take into account the physical, economic, and social factors of residential needs? Ultimately, the final product of this research should be in actual squatter settlements suitable for settlement residents, since it stems from analysis of the existing considerations.
12
Sub Objectives
In addition to the primary objective, this research also has the following sub objectives:
1‐ Formulation of guidelines and solutions that fit with the culture and economics
realities of the settlement resident.
2‐ Development of guidelines for evaluating the experiences of governments in
dealing with the squatter settlements.
3‐ Development of guidelines for promoting the principle of popular participation
in solving the problem of squatter settlements.
13
Chapter Two: Literature Review
This chapter explains the most important literature that has addressed the squatter settlements issue in terms of economic, social, and environmental challenges facing the government policies in dealing with squatter settlements. This chapter reviews the ways of governments in dealing with squatter settlements and the reasons for failure according to the researcher’s view. At the end of this chapter are summaries of the governments’ trends in dealing with squatter settlements in the Middle East. The most important topics in this chapter are dealing with the economic, social, and environmental challenges, the ways of dealing with squatter settlements, and trends of governments in dealing with squatter settlements.
14
Challenges Facing the Government “The Economic, Social, and Environmental Challenges of the Problem”
Addressing the problems of squatter settlements requires better understanding of the driving forces contributing to their expansion and growth as well as understanding the factors that led to the problem. Countries in the region experiencing squatter settlements growth are grappling with the same set of systemic problems related to lack of access to affordable housing, inefficient spatial planning policies, and an incomplete system of land management, as well as growing urban poverty. There are three challenges facing governments in dealing with the problem of squatter settlements can be summarized as follows (1):
1. Economic Challenges
Squatter settlements “impact on the government’s ability to manage and plan
land use, as the owners illegally occupy parkland, former industrial zones that
are unsafe for residential development, or land that may have more productive
commercial or social uses. While this might not be the highest and best use of
the land, the squatting creates long‐term problems for the orderly development
and growth of the city, its servicing requirements and overall real estate
potential”.(2)
(1) For more details see: Gabriel, Bjoern. “Informal Settlements in SEE: A Regional Support Approach.” In Spatial Information Management Toward Legalizing Informal Urban Development. Presented at FIG Commission 3 Workshop, Athens, Greece, 28‐31 March 2007, pp. 29‐34. (2) COMMITTEE ON HOUSING AND LAND MANAGEMENT, In Search for Sustainable Solutions for Informal Settlements in the ECE Region: Challenges and Policy Responses. Geneva: 22–23‐2008.
15
2. Social Challenges
Residents of squatter settlements are often poor and disadvantaged, facing
higher unemployment, social hardships, and tenure insecurity. According to
World Bank (2007), because of the “lack of access to schools and social services,
peri‐urban settlers generally do not hold secure land or housing tenure, facing
potential threat of eviction. There are cases in the region where this might be.”(3)
On the other hand, the lack of social infrastructure, schools, medical clinics, and
social services perpetuates a spatial form of social exclusion. In addition, the
majority of the population unemployed or working in menial jobs, as shown in
Figure (5). In the Zabaleen community‐ Manshiet Nasser in Cairo, the majority of
the population is engaged in the collection of garbage and animal grazing.(4)
Figure (5): Collection of Garbage and Animal Grazing in Zabaleen Community (5)
(3) “World Bank Responses to the Problem of Informal Development: Current Projects and Future Action.” In Informal Settlements – Real Estate Markets Needs Related to Good Land Administration and Planning.” Presented at FIG Commission 3 Workshop, Athens, Greece, 28‐31, March 2007. (4) Zabaleen or garbage collectors used to live in areas around urban communities close to the garbage sources. During the development of the center of Cairo, those people became a burden to the urban communities and inhibited the city’s development. For that reason, the authorities decided to relocate them in Manshiet Nasser (GOPP, Manshiet Nasser District & GTZ) and (Al Wali, 1993). (5) www.alkhubr.biz.
16
3. Environmental Challenges
The environmental challenges in squatter settlements are associated with an
unplanned use of land, contributing to urban sprawl and defunct infrastructure.
“People lack access to pure water, adequate roads, public transport, and reliable
electricity. The situation also adversely affects the quality of life in the ‘formal’
areas of the city, where urban runoff, downstream pollution from garbage and
sewer discharged directly in rivers, create serious environmental threats. The
infrastructure deficit in informal settlements is significant. Often illegal
connections are the only means to gain access, which is unreliable and
inefficient.”(6)
(6) Deda, Luan. “The New Housing Market in Tirana.” In Housing Change in East and Central Europe: Integration or Fragmentation? Edited by Stuart Lowe and Sasha Tsenkova. Aldershot, England: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2003.
17
Ways of Dealing with Squatter Settlements “An Overview of the Main Approaches to Dealing with Squatter Settlements”
There are four major trends in the ways that governments deal with squatter settlements:
1. Demolition of Squatter Settlements
Based on the principle that squatter settlements distort the city, breed endemic
diseases and epidemics, and contain a large number of outlaws, therefore
encouraging the spread of crime, the successful resolution of this problem is to
clear the squatter settlement completely and return the population to the areas
from which they came.(7) As shown in Figure (6), bulldozers are used to
completely demolish squatter settlements.
Figure (6): Demolition as One of the Governmental Attitudes (8)
This is the method of dealing with squatter settlements that is applied in
many Middle Eastern countries, such as Turkey. Rusen Keles (2006) finds that
“clearance applies to squatter houses surrounding historical sites and
(7) Bello, Mustapha Oyewole. “Squatter Settlement, Accessibility and the Urban Poor.” In Surveyors Key Role in Accelerated Development. Presented at FIG Working Week 2009, Eilat, Israel, 3‐8 May 2009. (8) http://movies.ndtv.com & www.projectosurbanos.com.br/category
18
monuments. Governments formed during the 1970s and 1980s also ordered the
demolition of unauthorized buildings in specific locations when they did not
conform to the conditions stipulated by squatting legislation.”(9)
Instead of dealing with the housing problem, the demolition of squatter
settlements exacerbates the problem because it reduces the housing stock in the
city. As stated by Gabriel (2007), “This is not simply an urban planning problem,
but a rather more complex and intractable phenomenon which, unless rapidly
and efficiently addressed, may threaten the long‐term sustainability of urban
communities.”(10) The clearance of the squatter settlements is not a viable
solution to the problem, and instead may increase the problem in the future.
Turner (1969) “takes a positive outlook and portrays squatter settlements as
highly successful solutions to housing problems in urban areas of developing
countries.”(11) Turner believes that the negative perception of squatter
settlement represent a big mistake These areas represent a major victory for
self‐help low‐income people and great ability of individuals to resolve their
problems without the help of the government.(12)
(9) Rusen Keles, a professor of local government and urban studies at the Eastern Mediterranean University and Ankara University, is member of the Committee of Independent Experts in charge of monitoring the implementation of the European Charter of Local Self‐government in the Council of Europe. (10) Gabriel (2007), p. 5. (11) Srinivas. “Defining Squatter Settlements.” (12) Turner, John. “Uncontrolled Urban Settlement: Problems and Policies.” In The City in Newly Developing Countries: Readings on Urbanism and Urbanization. Edited by Gerald Breese. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1969, pp. 507‐534.
19
The ejection of squatters and the demolition of illegal structures generate
social, economic, and political problems along with their attendant security
implications. “It tends to portray government as insensitive to the plight of the
citizenry. Demolition also results in financial losses both to the squatters and the
government; and depletes the national housing stock.”(13) This approach is
socially destructive and involves high cost to the community. “The ultimate result
has been the loss of these dwellings and the dispersal of the populations either
into new slums or to swell the ranks of the existing slums.”(14)
Another application of this policy is for the government to create various
restrictions that cause the squatter settlements to be unlivable, and therefore,
easier to demolish as residents vacate them voluntarily. Here, “governments
attempt to solve the problem by eliminating low‐income communities. Exclusion
from urban services such as water, electricity, and sewage systems, and
educational and health care is one form of the restrictive policy. The lack of
services was viewed as a means of discouraging residents from residing in the
urban areas.”(15)
(13) “Lands Division, Federal Ministry of Works and Housing: Regularization of Squatter Occupation as a Tool of Land Management.” Presented at 18th Conference of the Heads of Lands Division/Departments in Federal and State Ministries, Akure, Ondo State Nigeria, 20‐22 August 1996. (14) Modupe, Omirin M. “Issues in Land Accessibility in Nigeria.” In Land Management and Property Tax Reform in Nigeria: Proceedings of a National Workshop. Edited by M.M. Omirin, T. Gbenga Nubi and S.A. Fawehinmi. Nigeria: Department of Estate Management, University of Lagos, 2003, pp. 49‐70. (15) Obudho, R.A. and G.O. Aduwo. “Slum and Squatter Settlements in Urban Centres of Kenya: Towards a Planning Strategy.” Journal of Housing and the Built Environment. Volume 4, Number 1, March 1989, p. 21.
20
2. Conservation of Existing Conditions
Many governments in the Middle East do not demolish squatter settlements
because they cannot afford to rebuild housing afterwards due to the lack of
adequate funding. Therefore, most governments resolve the problem by
conserving the squatter settlements. Similar situations have occurred with Latin
American housing settlements (LEDCs). “Demolition of squatter settlements [is]
not a workable solution as the LEDC cities do not have the resources to replace
the demolished homes with better quality ones and the pressure of population is
too great. In Latin America and SE Asia, governments have accepted shanties …
as permanent and have added basic amenities to them wherever financial
resources allow.”(16) The idea of this solution is based on maintaining the existing
physical structure. Squatter settlement are commonly utilized by governments as
a means for covering the shortage of housing, especially within the limitations of
financial resources of governments to continually provide housing for their
residents. Since the clearance of squatter settlements leads to a waste of housing
stock, the ideas is to maintain the good physical structure as much as possible,
and provide the necessary services for the population. In the end, this may
contribute to the creation of a healthy environment in the future. (17)
The benefit of squatter settlement conservation is to maintain the
economic structure and social current population, thus maintaining social
(16) “LEDC Cities: Responses to Problems of Urban Growth.” www.geographyjim.org. (17) Samie, Mohamed Abdel. Lessons Learned From the Informal Housing in the Context of Affordable Housing. Research presented in Supreme Commission for the Development of Riyadh. Seminar on Housing II, Arabic version, 2004, p. 51.
21
relations and harmony between members of these communities. Squatter
settlement conservation also contributes to the stability of the population in the
neighborhood through the conversion of those squatter settlements from an
informal area into a formal settlement. (18)
Governments have attempted to legalize areas of squatter settlements to
a very limited extent. In these cases, the government’s role has been largely
reactive, not proactive. Addressing the situation in this manner is a clear
indication of the inability of some governments to solve the problem of squatter
settlement. Also, the lack of alternative housing reveals the limit of material
resources that are necessary for development. Gabriel (2007) reports that
“municipal authorities are especially constrained in devising city‐wide planning
responses to the problem not just because of limitations in their capacities to
carry out comprehensive strategic planning exercises and city‐wide land
management plans, but often also because of structural problems in the
normative framework, often insufficient access to crucial land and property
information bases and inadequate equipment. Ad‐hoc, limited scale,
interventions of upgrading and limited resettlement is therefore the norm.
Meanwhile the same pattern of illegal occupation in all its different
manifestations continues and current interventions seem unable to provide a
long‐term answer to the unmet social demand for cheap land and housing.”(19)
(18) Soliman, Ahmed, Possible Way Out Formalization Housing Informality In Egyptian Cities .Maryland: University Press of America, 2004. (19) Gabriel (2007), p. 11.
22
3. Upgrading Squatter Settlements
The upgrading trend depends on the development of the physical structures that
are present. The main upgrades are re‐building some of the buildings that are
deteriorating; and improving the physical environment, including roads, utility
systems, electricity, water, telephone, sanitation, re‐paved roads, and
renovations of some areas. Ignacio and Geoffrey (2010) state that there are
“several developing countries have gone through great efforts to legalize
squatter settlements and illegal subdivisions by providing property title to
squatters. At best, however, these titling programs seem to have only a modest
effect on access to loans for upgrading housing and other property. As a result,
the integration of former illegal settlements into the city requires a generous
level of direct municipal government involvement.”(20)
Upgrading informal areas “results in a number of benefits not only for their
residents but also for governments. It is more feasible and resource efficient
than demolition and complete redevelopment. This does not only help the
government to achieve more with less resources, but it also helps to target the
poor mostly concentrated in informal areas, hence being a measure of poverty
alleviation. Therefore, upgrading low‐income informal neighborhoods can be
seen as leading to social justice and inclusion as well as a direct application of
rights‐based development. Thus, upgrading helps governments to abide by
(20) Navarro, Ignacio A. and Geoffrey K. Turnbull. “The Legacy Effect of Squatter Settlements on Urban Redevelopment.” Working paper No. 2010/3/25, UNU‐WIDER, 2010.
23
globally agreed‐upon objectives. At the same time, upgrading opens the door for
a real partnership between residents and the government with channels to
demand their rights, means to improve their living conditions and a sense of
belonging and social inclusion. The following paragraphs explain the objectives
that can be achieved through upgrading”. (21)
Terzi and Bölen (2003) reports that upgrading of squatter settlements is
not successful in dealing with them. The reasons for the failure of this policy,
from the viewpoint of this researcher is back to the two main upgrades. Firstly,
the regulations to upgrade squatter settlements resulted in developments that
are harmful for the natural environment due to legalization of the squatter
settlements that have been developed on lands with a slope in excess of 25%.(22)
This development and planning process has resulted in excessive utility costs and
ineffective services, and has not been able to provide sustainable development
strategies. Secondly, the expectations of households for ownership, such as
providing a house for their children and requesting additional stories on their
buildings, resulted in high land use. Besides, the plans for upgrading have faced
difficulty in improving building conditions due to the lack of a financial support
system. Lastly, the provision of affordable housing has not been achieved even
after the transformation of squatters with the upgrading plans. (23)
(21) Khaled Abdelhalim, Participatory Upgrading of Informal Areas,A Decision‐makers’ Guide for Action,May 2010. Images have been converted into sketches by the researcher. (22) Terzi, Fatih and Fulin Bölen. “Does the Upgrading Plan Help to Improve Squatter Settlements? Case Study: Kagithane, Istanbul.” Istanbul Technical University, 2003. (23) Ibid.
24
In the case study of Kagithane, Istanbul, Terzi and Bölen (2003)
demonstrates that the policy of upgrading led to many of the problems with the
development in the case study area. Apparently the area is not in harmony with
the natural environment. The roads with more than 16% slopes are inaccessible
for service facilities, such as garbage trucks, fire engines, and ambulances. The
inaccessibility of services to some housing units contributes to fatalities events in
emergency situations such as earthquakes and fires. As a result, the
transformation of the case study area has resulted in developments that are
contrary to sustainable development strategies.(24) Table (1) indicates that the
population density in the case study area is rapidly increasing. 80% of the
buildings had one or two floors before the upgrading plan was made in 1986.
Since then, many squatter houses have been transformed into apartments.
Upgrades have included adding more stories and enlarging the ground floor. At
the time of the study (2003), only 20% of buildings had one or two floors, while
70% of buildings had over four floors. Figures (7) and (8) show the distribution
and population density ratios in the neighborhood.
(24) Ibid.
25
Table (1): The Population Density in Kagithane, Istanbul
Net density (person/ha)** Number of lots Percent 0‐500 7 15 501‐750 8 17 751‐1000 10 22 1001‐1250 11 24 Over 1251 10 22 Total number of lots 46 100 * Source: Terzi and Bölen,2003, p. 4. **Ha: Hectare
Figure (7): The Population Density in the Neighborhood (25)
Figure (8): An Aerial View Shows the High Population Density (26)
(25) Researcher, adapted from Table (1). (26) www.spaceandculture.org/2006/07/29/unhousing‐kagithane‐istanbul
26
Terzi and Bölen (2003) mentions that “70% of squatter houses which
developed over 25% slope should be relocated to a place which is in harmony
with topography to provide sustainability before they turn into high‐rise
apartments. 98% of dwelling units, which were legalized by the upgrading plan,
have insufficient light and ventilation. Besides, 85% of lots have the density over
501 people/ha which is too high to provide sanitary housing environments.”(27) As
shown in Figure (9), physical deterioration and an unhealthy environment are
main features in the neighborhood. Therefore, the upgrading plan was not been
successful in improving housing conditions, and it becomes hard to provide
livable and sustainable environments after the transformation.
Figure (9): Urban Features in Yahya kemal‐Kagithane‐Istanbul(28)
4. Provision of Alternative Housing
Alternative housing solutions depend on several factors, including the patterns of
squatter settlements, the lifestyle of the population, economic conditions, and
the social situation for the production of housing suitable for these populations,
(27) Terzi and Bölen (2003). (28) www.spaceandculture.org/2006/07/29/unhousing‐kagithane‐istanbul
27
such as which type of construction using popular participation is employed:
affordable housing, public housing, or self‐construction. Housing programs in
Middle Eastern countries are sometimes characterized by bureaucracy and
inflexibility. For this reason, many alternative programs did not succeed.
4‐1 Affordable housing: Affordability of housing correlates to the affordability of
the materials and labor to build it. That means developers must search for
and find the best price for materials and labor in order to keep the housing
to a low enough cost to benefit poor residents. A guideline for housing
affordability is a housing cost that does not exceed 30% of a household's
gross income. (29) Several studies have proposed using patterns of slums in
the production of low‐cost housing to serve the poor. This method has
provided a significant role in the provision of housing units for those with
limited income. Squatter settlements could benefit from this same idea of
the cheap building materials such as mud, stone, and woods. (30) Gabriel
(2007) finds that “other alternative options have been backed by
policymakers dealing with informal settlements. A greater focus has been
placed on the creation of an enabling environment, a greater involvement of
communities into decision‐making process and mobilizing their resources for
low‐cost self‐help housing construction. Governments have promoted
(29) Calculated as percentage of renter households multiplied by percentage of renter households that is burdened by housing costs in excess of 30%‐ Renter Households Data. "http://www2398.ssldomain.com/nlihc/doc/lalihdrenterreport.pdf”. Retrieved 2008‐03‐19. (30) For more information see: Canadian affordable housing 1980s‐2006, editorial article by Canadian Architect magazine editor Ian Chodikoff. Retrieved March 8, 2007. "http://www.ctv.ca/CTVNews/TopStories/20080130/housing_affordable_080130”.
28
alternative housing finance systems that allow access to credit for the urban
poor and disadvantaged. These small credits, often microloans, encourage
the improvement of informal housing and assist with the legalization costs. If
an informal settlement is deemed fit for occupancy, local governments
should work with national bodies and civil society to promote affordable
finance tools that can be accessed by residents. This would encourage the
development of ‘fit’ settlements and make funds available for housing
improvements. It would be a mutually beneficial situation for residents and
local governments. Lending providers and local governments could justify the
expense as an initial investment that would have the impact of being a long‐
term investment. Upgrading in this way seems to be the least expensive
approach for government to deal with urban poverty.”(31)
4‐2 Public housing: Also called charity housing, this is a form of housing in which
the property is owned by a government authority—“government‐owned
housing units made available to low‐income individuals and families at no
cost or for nominal rental rates.”(32) Some governments in the Middle East
provide charitable housing programs. Construction of economic housing
units for the poor relies on long‐term soft loans payable in installments. The
funding for these public housing units comes from money collected as a
charity from the population as well as government support. Figure (10)
(31) Gabriel (2007), p. 60. (32) www.yourwebassistant.net/glossary/p21.htm
29
shows the general features of public housing in Saudi Arabia. These housing
units tend to be small and are inadequate to the needs of most poor families.
Figure (10): Examples of Charitable Housing in Saudi Arabia (33)
4‐3 Self‐construction (by participation): The idea of self‐construction, also called
the cooperative housing, is for the population to participate in building their
own houses [see Figure (13)]. Gabriel (2007) reports that “governments
cannot offer appropriate and flexible solutions due to a lack of sufficient
resources and capacity. This model is based on the belief that people and
communities have a great potential for self‐organization, mobilization and
management of their resources ‘from below.’ For the transformation of
squatter settlements to be successful, it is necessary that people and
communities actively participate and influence the way in which their needs
and future opportunities are addressed to prevent multiple disadvantages
accumulated in their settlements. However, it has also been argued that in
order for such a people‐based approach to work and be sufficiently organized
it must still be connected to and guided by administration at higher levels. In
(33) www.alriyadh.com
30
some countries with a tradition of a ‘strong’ State, it may take more time for
people and governments to create an enabling environment for self‐
organization and active participation, and thus some control is important.
Furthermore, a strong tendency toward individualistic consumption has
already had negative implications for mutual support and collective action.
Such a negative tendency is even stronger in some transition countries where
collective actions were a driving ideology to create egalitarian society in the
past.”(34) Figure (11) shows the process of decision making in the construction
of housing. Building housing units requires a ready design that is easy to
implement.
Population
Family Human effort
Friends
Final product Decision‐ making Building Funding sources materials
Services
Figure (11): The Process of Decision‐Making (35)
(34) Gabriel (2007), p. 61. (35) Suleiman, Ahmed. Housing and Sustainable Development in Developing Countries, p. 134.
31
There are no building regulations that specify that housing units need
to be prepared by professional labors, so the population can participate in
construction. Self‐builders could also use recycled components to lower their
construction costs. This type of housing unit is known as “Hassan Fathy
style,” referring to building concepts put forth in Fathy’s study. Fathy (1989)
finds that clay is an ideal building material for low‐income Egyptians to build
their own housing because it is reusable and inexpensive.
Fathy argues that the poor have to build for themselves and should
have their own architecture. Participation leads to self‐sufficiency and aids
the poor by making them less reliant on government support. In addition,
self‐construction makes it easier to make sure the housing units are
adequate for the needs of the poor population. (36)
Fathy believes that “one man cannot build a house, but ten men can
build ten houses.”(37) It takes at least one week to construct a housing unit
and requires the efforts of three to four men. Figures (12) and (13) illustrate
the stages and patterns of self‐construction efforts. (38)
(36) Suleiman, Ahmed. Housing and Sustainable Development in Developing Countries, p. 134. (37) Fathy, Hassan. “Architecture for the Poor.” The American University in Cairo Press, 1989. (38) For more details see Hassan fathy web site: www.hassanfathy.webs.com
32
Figure (12): Examples of Different Forms of Hassan Fathy Starter Units (39)
Figure (13): Population Meeting to Discuss Possible Improvements (40)
4‐3‐1 Wet‐core: Wet‐core housing is a type of unit consisting of a small
room with a bathroom and a kitchen—the core of the house. This
type of unit contributes to the reduction of expenditure on housing
and is commonly used in self‐construction builds. In the future, the
family may expand the housing unit when there is economic potential
(39) Attia, Maged Kamal Mohamed. “An Approach to Affordable and Sustainable Housing: A Contemporary Vision for a Chronic Egyptian Crisis.” Presented at Symposium of Housing II: Affordable Dwelling, Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, 28‐31 March 2004, p. 24. (40) Attia (2004), p. 24; and Payne and Majale (2004), p. 71.
33
for them (see core housing). This technique has spread across several
third‐world countries such as Turkey, Mexico, Brazil, and Egypt. (41)
4‐3‐2 Core housing: Core housing develops around a wet‐core, expanding
the housing unit according to the family’s needs. Expansion
possibilities depend on the availability of local materials. (42) Figure
(14) shows an example of the evolution of building a house according
to the needs and growth of the family.
1 2 3
Figure (14): Stages of the Development of Housing (43)
(41) Suleiman, Ahmed. Housing and Sustainable Development in Developing Countries, pp. 134‐136. (42) Soliman, Ahmed M. Possible Way Out: Formalizing Housing Informality in Egyptian Cities. Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 2004. (43) Ibid.
34
Trends of Governments in Dealing with Squatter Settlements “The most important trends of government in dealing with informal settlements”
The trends that governments use to deal with squatter settlements can be summarized based on three main categories:
1. Physical Trends
There are three main physical trends for how governments deal with squatter
settlements: the demolition of squatter settlement because they are harmful to
the city's environmental impacts and are a major source for the spread of
diseases and crimes; maintain the physical structures by giving the current
population the legal right to reside on the land; or the development of existing
housing conditions through the renovation of the neighborhood and the
provision of services and facilities. Governments also promote sustainable
housing such as wet‐core or core housing. The governments that follow the
physical trends are absent the social and economic trends in dealing with
squatter settlements. Physical trends deal with the slums to the point that it
distorts the urban fabric of the city.(44)
2. Social Trends
The social trends of how governments deal with squatter settlements are social
participation, and the promotion of social cooperation in building a housing unit
through charity work, that is, non‐governmental support such as from
companies, institutions, and people, for construction of housing for the poor.
(44) Caminos and Goethert, 1975, p. 227.
35
Governments following this trend focus only on the social side to resolve the
problem without a balance with the economic and physical trends. Governments
depend upon the solution resulting from the people. Most of these solutions
have been ineffective because they rely solely on the ideas and participation of
the population.(45)
3. Economic Trends
This trend focuses on the economic aspects of the materials provided by the
government, or the so‐called government support. The various means of
government support are through the lowering of rent prices, subsidizing housing
construction, flexibility in payments for construction, and encouragement of
using cheaper construction materials such as wood or clay. The governments
dealing in this trend focus only on the economic aspects in solving the housing
problem without paying attention to environmental aspects, or social or physical
trends. The top priority of the governments is to look for alternative cheap
housing. This conflicts with the social aspects such as family size and attending to
the needs of the population. In addition, the focus on economic aspects is
inconsistent with the physical aspect because the final product is cheap but lacks
quality.(46)
(45) Attia, 2004, p. 24. (46) Soliman, 2004.
36
Figure (15) summarizes the ways that governments deal with squatter settlements according to the three main trends.
Conservation New building of existing materials
Core housing Wet‐core
Construction as the Sustainable housing population wishes
Physical trends Cooperation of Government support the population
Economic Social Housing for all trends trends Self‐build
Affordable housing Charity housing
Cheap rent and materials
Figure (15): Trends of Governments in Dealing With Squatter Settlements (47)
(47) Summary of all the ideas by the researcher.
37
Summary of the Ways to Deal with Squatter Settlements
Table (2) summarizes the experiences some of governments in dealing with squatter settlements in Middle East:
Table (2): Summary of Government’s Experiences with Squatter Settlements
Politics In Negatives Positive
Reduces the housing stock in the Removes the visual
city. pollution caused by slum
of
Arabia Emergence of squatter settlements. settlements in other areas. Transforms the physical Saudi
squatter Superficial solution to the environment of an settlement Clearance problem, doesn’t address the unhealthy environment root. to healthy. Turkey,
The problem as it was persists. Maintains the existing of Continued population pressures physical structure.
in the provision of infrastructure, Maintains the housing
conditions facilities, and services. stock in the city.
Egypt Stabilizes the population in the neighborhood Conservation
existing without displacing them.
Encourages the population to Renewal of the encroach land of the government neighborhood and the
or the private sector in the stability of the population squatter
future. in the same area. Egypt
of Increased rates of overcrowding Transforms the and population density because neighborhood from settlement
Turkey, the neighborhood has become informal to formal. formal. Upgrading Raises land prices and rent.
The lack of appropriate housing Reduces the burden on alternatives for the population in the government to terms of family size, income, and provide housing family needs. alternatives. alternative
Arabia All housing alternatives are not An option to of
housing derived from the development of accommodate poor
Saudi the features of squatter people and reduce the settlements so it will not succeed. emergence of new Provision squatter settlements. *Sources: Researcher, adapted from summaries of all the theory studies.
38
Chapter Three: Methodology
This chapter addresses the research methodology used in this study, including the case study approach, comparative analysis, the methods of selection of the case studies, and the types of information and methods that are utilized in the study. This chapter summarizes the information required in detail and the mechanisms for collecting the information. At the end of this chapter is a summary of the effects of the information in formulating solutions that also addresses the indicators of information, and the ways to take advantage of them. The most important topics in this chapter are dealing with the methodology of the study, the implementation of research methods, information‐gathering mechanisms, and the implications of the information.
39
Methodology of the Study “Main Research Methodologies”
Methodology is “the way in which information is found or something is done.
The methodology includes the methods, procedures, and techniques used to collect and analyze information.”(1) This study uses two main methodological approaches:
1. Theoretical Approach
The theoretical approach includes information and data that is obtained through
books and references. This approach was used for the selection of topics that
relate to the subject of study and the analysis to draw conclusions and
recommendations. This thesis is based on a lot of studies and government
reports on squatter settlements in Egypt as a case study. Most of the statistical
information contained in this thesis based on government statistical reports, such
as Central Agency for Public Mobilization and Statistics in Egypt (CAPMAS),
Ministry of Economic Development (MOED). The study also relied on a number
of government research, reports, and organizations such as Participatory
Development Programme in Urban Areas, an Egyptian‐German development
project implemented by the Ministry of Economic Development (MoED) as the
lead executing agency, the German Technical Cooperation (GTZ) and the (KfW)
Entwicklungs bank (German Development Bank), with financial assistance by the
German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ). (2)
(1) www.lillytrials.com/docs/terminology.html (2) See bibliography
40
Some of the studies are written in Arabic; hence it will be translated into English.
Some studies and reports include extensive information on the squatter
settlement issue within terms of urban environment, and economic and social
information. Although many studies have addressed the squatter settlement
issue, they did not exploit the wealth of information to correctly contribute to
the solution of the problem. Therefore, this thesis will benefit from a lot of
theoretical information and analysis to ensure access to the results for the main
objective of this thesis.
2. Case‐Study Approach
A case study is “an in‐depth exploration of a particular context, such as a
classroom or group of individuals that involves the collection of extensive
qualitative data usually via interview, observation, and document analysis.”(3) As
shown in Figure (16), this approach consists of six major stages (4): At the plan
stage, researchers determine the location of the case study. Next is the design
stage, where the case study is mapped out. The design stage is also determined
by the quality of the information required by the study. The prepare stage is prior
to the collection of information where the researchers determine the type of
information they require and the purpose of the study objectives. At the collect
stage, the researchers gather the required information. This may lead to some
adjustments in the case study design. At the analysis stage, researchers use
(3) www.setda.org/web/guest/glossary (4) Yin, Robert K. Case Study Research: Design and Methods. Applied Social Research Methods Series, Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage Publications, Inc., 2006.
41
methods of analysis of the collected information to deduce solutions. Finally, the
share stage consists of the review of solutions and recommendations.
Figure (16): The Case‐Study Approach Process (5)
The research has selected two case studies Egypt on which to apply the case‐
study approach. First case should refer to the squatter settlement at the expense
of government land desert; on the other hand the second case study refers to
the settlement at the expense of agricultural areas. As shown in Figure (17),
comparative analysis of the contents of each case study can be used to extract
the positive and negative differences as well as the final results.
(5) Yin, Robert K. Case Study Research: Design and Methods. Applied Social Research Methods Series, Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage Publications, Inc., 2006, p. 1.
42
Figure (17): Basic Types of Designs for Case Studies (6)
Figure (18) summarizes the stages of the case study, starting from the
stage of definition and design, preparation, collection, analysis, and conclusion.
In the first stage is the selection of case studies and the type of information
required. In the second stage, a report is written individually for each case study.
The third stage involves drawing connections between each case study in order
to know the elements common to each study. Then theories and policy
development effects are identified. The final stage is writing the final report,
which includes a cross report of the case studies.
(6) Ibid, p. 46.
43
57.
p.
(2006),
Yin
Figure (18): The Case Study Method The Case Study (18): Figure *Source:
44
The Theoretical Foundation
The primary concern of the objectives of this thesis is the sustainability of squatter settlements. There first must be an understanding of what defines sustainability. The Brundtland Commission provides a simple definition of sustainability:
“meeting the needs of the present generation without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their needs.”(7) Adams (2006) defines sustainability as “the capacity to endure. For humans it is the potential for long‐term maintenance of well‐ being, which in turn depends on the well‐being of the natural world and the responsible use of natural resources.”(8) The official United Nations definition of sustainability has three dimensions, or three pillars, known as the “three E’s” of sustainability. These are environmental protection, economic development, and social equity.(9)
Warner and DeCosse (2009) explain, “Sustainability has now become a concern of virtually every sector of human society. It enjoys more popular support than environmental resource conservation because it focuses on human needs, but also because it provides a positive vision for the future of the human family. From a motivational perspective, few people are inspired by the notion of ‘being less bad’ in
(7) Edwards, Andrés R. The Sustainability Revolution: Portrait of a Paradigm Shift. Philadelphia: New Society Publishers, 2005. (8) Adams, W.M. “The Future of Sustainability: Re‐thinking Environment and Development in the Twenty‐ first Century”.Report of the IUCN Renowned Thinkers Meeting, 29–31 January 2006. Retrieved 16 February, 2009. (9) Edwards, 2005.
45
their environmental impact. In contrast, sustainability provides a framework and markers for making positive change.”(10)
Conflict of interest is the most important ethical issue facing planners. Because the planners are dealing with all members of society, it’s very difficult to balance between conflicting interests. Dealing with the public interest becomes very complicated, especially regarding planning projects that generate a good profit but in turn have negative effects on some social groups such as the poor and low‐income families. Figure (19) shows that the balance between the “three E’s” to serve the public interest.(11)
Figure (19): Factors That Must Be Studied in the Squatter Settlement (12)
(10) Warner, Keith Douglass and David DeCosse. “Lesson Four: The Ethical Dimension of Sustainability.” A Short Course in Environmental Ethics. Santa Clara University, May 2009. www.scu.edu/ethics/practicing/focusareas/environmental_ethics/lesson4.html. (11) Researcher, adapted from Erkins, Dr. Esther K. 23‐PLAN‐731. “Political and Ethical Issues in Planning.” Spring 2010; and Jackson, Kenneth, “The Cost of Good Intentions: The Ghettoization of Public Housing in the United States.” In Crabgrass Frontiers: The Suburbanization of the United States. New York: Oxford, 1985. (12) Researcher, adapted from Scheme of Sustainable Development: at the confluence of three constituent parts, 2006.
46
In order for sustainable alternative housing to be provided, the social, physical and economic factors of how people live must first be understood. This includes understanding how these people build their own environment in line with the income, family size, and needs of the population.
The Implementation of Research Methods
Based on the theoretical foundation, the three major factors of squatter settlements that must be known are social equality factors, economic efficiency factors, and urban environmental factors. In order to take advantage of the case‐study approach, a situation analysis (SA) of urban patterns, social status, and the current economic conditions will be used in order to identify the patterns of choice for the population. As shown in Figure (20), this thesis uses two case studies to derive the standards for planning for proposing housing alternatives.
Theoretical information
Case study (1) Case study (2)
Comparative analysis
Results
Figure (20): Basic Types of Designs for Case Studies (13)
(13) Researcher.
47
1. Social Equality Factors
Social equality is “a social state of affairs in which all people within a specific
society or isolated group have the same status in a certain respect”. (14) In this
factors will be a comparative analysis of family size, overcrowding, and the
methods of living of the population in squatter settlements will include
population density, educational status, and social classification. Figure (21)
demonstrates a comparative analysis between the densities of the case studies,
which shows the number of persons per acre.
Case study No. 1 Case study No. 2
Figure (21): Comparative Analysis to Derive the Mean Population Density (15)
Social factors must be taken into account when planning future housing
alternatives. Social factors give the impression of a pattern of the social life of
the population, the nature and size of families, and the traditions and customs of
the population. They also help with estimating the size and area of proposed
(14) Russell Blackford Genetic enhancement and the point of social equality Institute for Ethics and Emerging Technologies. July 20, 2006 (15) Abdel‐Kader (1997).
48
housing, the number of rooms needed, and the method of exploiting the cluster
and void, and the method for forming housing. (16)
2. Economic Efficiency Factors
A comparative analysis of the current economic situation of the population and
will include the income, expenditure, and economic needs necessary for the
squatter settlement. The two main areas of the study will be land economies and
the economies of the population. The objective of the study of the economic
factors is to identify the current economic situation of the inhabitants of
squatter settlements. That informs in developing new housing models that fit
the income, expenses, and economic situation of the population. (17)
3. Urban Environmental Factors
A comparative analysis of the urban environment will include the average
lengths of roads, and the compatibility of existing roads to vehicular traffic. This
will compare current patterns of roads such as patterns of longitudinal roads,
winding roads, and organic roads. The comparative analysis will also study the
ways of shaping the built environment and the favorite patterns of the
population, including both the urban fabric and urban form. Figure (22) shows
the different formations of blocks: U‐shaped blocks, rectangular blocks, and
(16) For more information see: Thorvaldur Gylfason and Gylfi Zoega Education, Social Equality and Economic Growth: A View of the Landscape CESifo Economic Studies, Vol. 49, 4/2003, 557–579. (17) Wilkinson, Richard; Pickett, Kate (2009). The Spirit Level: Why More Equal Societies Almost Always Do Better. Allen Lane. pp. 352.
49
organic blocks. All of these patterns are formed according to the environmental,
social, or economic conditions. (18)
Figure (22): Formation of Clusters in the Squatter Settlements (19)
Figure (23) illustrates the stages of the study and analysis of current patterns of
squatter settlements, including the study of the patterns of blocks and the
analysis of the roads, blocks, and spaces.
selected
studies
Case
fabric
urban
the
Derive
Figure (23): Steps to Study Urban Patterns of Squatter Settlements (20)
(18) Hathloul, Saleh. Arab and Islamic city, the impact of legislation on formation of the physical environment, i 1, Riyadh,1994. (19) Abdel‐Kader (1997). (20) Ibid.
50
Physical factors give an impression about the quality of the built
environment favored by residents. That helps in the development of future
scenarios of the environment of choice for residents. Some factors are the
number of floors, the quality of construction materials used, the method of
forming the housing, road patterns, and patterns of the formation of urban
clusters. In addition, the study must take into account the natural environmental
factors such as soil, water, climate, slope, and topography. This helps in the
design of future housing alternatives suitable for the population and the
environment. Figure (24) illustrates the advantage of squatter settlement
patterns in building a new urban environment suitable to the style and patterns
of population living. The formation of spaces and roads, and the distribution of
building blocks are according to analysis of the current situation of squatter
settlements.
Figure (24): Units Pattern Combined as a U‐shaped Block (21)
(21) Researcher.
51
Summary of Required Information
Table (3) summarizes the stages of the studies required of squatter settlement and the contents of each study.
Table (3): Major Information Required of Squatter Settlements
Urban environment Economic Social Patterns of roads: Residential property Educational status Lengths of streets, pavement, and patterns
formation of the blocks Land prices Overcrowding types of urban clusters fabric
pattern Facilities: Type of Housing cost: Lower Population density: Is economies services, coverage, and than the average density above the Urban Social
the distance from the Land price of construction normal rates? housing in the formal Compared with the neighborhood or standards more? Formation of buildings: Job status Family size: Is the size
The proportion of of the family above the spaces, type of normal rates?
construction, style The number of floors Income: Is the Average of family size form
economies income sufficient to classification cover expenses? Urban Building Condition Age groups Social Population Building materials: Wood, clay, concrete **Sources: Researcher, adapted from Soliman (2004); Fadan, Y. Urban Dwelling Environments in Jeddah Saudi Arabia. Riyadh, Saudi Arabia: King Saud University, 1979; & Symposium of Housing II: Affordable Dwelling. Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, 28‐31 March 2004.
52
Information‐Gathering Mechanisms
Mechanisms for information collection are divided into four main sections:
1. Maps and Aerial Images
An analysis of aerial images and redrawn maps of the residential blocks to are
used to extract patterns favored by the population. This information is
summarized in the form of maps showing the cluster and void, so that we can
learn the population’s favorite block patterns.
2. Government Reports
This includes information on social, physical, and economic factors of the current
situation. Useful information, such as the types of facilities available, the
proportion of residential use, and social and economic statistics are extracted
from reports. This information is summarized in the form of tables and graphs.
3. Previous Studies
This includes any information that can be learned from previous case studies. It
also includes any information contained in books and references.
4. Interview
Often this mechanism is used to obtain information on the current economic
situation of the population, such as income, prices of land, the rate of household
income, and expenditure and housing prices.
Table (4) summarizes the information‐gathering mechanisms used in this study.
53
Table (4): Information‐Gathering Mechanisms
Type of study Information details Gathering mechanisms
Patterns of roads Maps analysis, aerial photographers
fabric
Formation, lengths, area square Maps analysis, aerial info.
of the blocks photographers
Urban Facilities Maps, previous studies, books
Formation of buildings Maps analysis, aerial
photographers The number of floors Previous studies, books environmental
form
Condition of the building Government reports
Urban photographers Urban Building Materials Government reports photographers Type of study Information details Gathering mechanisms
Residential property Statistics, government reports
Land prices Interview Land
info. Housing cost Interview
economies
Job status Previous studies, books
Economic Income Statistics, government reports Pop. economies
Type of study Information details Gathering mechanisms
Educational Status Statistics, government reports Overcrowding Statistics, government reports pattern
Population density Dividing the number of people to Social info. land area
Family size Statistics, government reports Social Average of family size Division of family size on the number of housing Social Age groups Government reports classification
**Source: Researcher, adapted from Soliman (1996).
54
Implications of Information
Maslow (1954) classifies the major needs of human beings that bring them comfort, privacy, and security. Figure (25) shows the classification of these requirements necessary to subsidiary needs.
Figure (25): The Basic Human Needs to Serve the Public Interest (22)
An analysis of the comprehensive information on squatter settlements can contribute to the development of planning standards and criteria that will meet the needs of the population and be compatible with their economic and social conditions.
This may eventually lead to the provision of adequate housing for the poor residents.
According to the Habitat Agenda (1996), adequate housing means “more than a roof over one’s head. It also means adequate privacy; adequate space; physical accessibility;
(22) Maslow, Abraham. Motivation and Personality. New York: Harper, 1954, p. 236.
55
adequate security; security of tenure; structural stability and durability; adequate lighting, heating and ventilation; adequate basic infrastructure, such as water supply, sanitation and waste management facilities; suitable environmental quality and health related factors; and adequate and accessible location with regard to work and basic facilities: all of which should be available at an affordable cost. Adequacy should be determined together with the people concerned, bearing in mind the prospect for gradual development. Adequacy often varies from country to country, since it depends on specific cultural, social, environmental and economic factors.”(23)
Access to a stably built environment will mean achieving the needs of humans as identified by Maslow (1954). All the information collected gives an indication of the physical environment of choice for the population, as well as the quality of services and the proportion of facilities and utilities. This information can be utilized to help create an ideal environment that is safe and sustainable. Table (5) shows ways to take advantage of the current information and indications of this information in building future scenarios.
(23) “The Habitat Agenda Goals and Principles, Commitments and the Global Plan of Action,” Article 60. Habitat II Conference, Committee on Economic, Social, Cultural Right. Istanbul, 1996. Found in Smit, Warren. “The Impact of the Transition From Informal Housing to Formalized Housing in Low‐Income Housing Projects in South Africa.” Presented to the Development Action Group at the Nordic Africa Institute Conference on the Formal and Informal City – What Happens at the Interface? Copenhagen, 15‐ 18 June 2000.
56
Table (5): Implications of Information
Information Indications
Patterns of roads Existing per capita of the facilities.
Formation, lengths, The needs of the formation of patterns. area square of the Urban fabric gives us an indication of the fit with info. blocks the climate. Facilities Building materials of choice for the population. Formation of buildings Narrow roads that do not allow vehicles to enter indicate that the population does not need The number of floors vehicles. This information should be considered environmental when planning housing alternatives. Condition of the The lengths of blocks give an indication of
Urban building walking distances appropriate to the population. Building materials
Residential property The types of jobs provided to the population that meet their qualifications. info.
Land prices Construction materials, type of housing, which Housing cost fits with the income. Job status The ability of residents to afford housing. Economic Income Educational Status Social activities needed by the population, such as squares and the formation of the cluster.
Overcrowding Per capita of the building and the spaces.
info. Population density Type of facilities required (if the majority of the Family size society is young people, the need for schools,
Social playgrounds, etc.). Average of family size Per capita of the facilities based on population Age groups density. **Source: Researcher, adapted from Allam, and Ghaith, Mahmoud. Planning Neighboring Residential, Cairo, Arabic version, 1995.
57
Chapter Four: Egypt’s Experience
Egypt is one of the countries in the Middle East that most suffers from the spread of squatter settlements. For this reason, Egypt has been selected as a case study regarding housing for poor residents. This chapter explains the proliferation of squatter settlements in Egypt and examines the causes and the stages of growth of squatter settlements in the capital city, Cairo, and Mansura. At the end of this chapter is a summary of Egypt’s experiences dealing with squatter settlements. The most important topics in this chapter are an examination of the cause and growth of the squatter settlements in Cairo and Mansura, and an overview of Egypt’s experiences with them.
58
The Issue of Squatter Settlements in Egypt “Overview and causes of the problem”
Egypt is located in the northeast portion of the continent of Africa, covering an area of about 1,010,0090 square kilometers (390,000 square miles). Egypt is one of the most populous countries both in Africa and the Middle East. The current population is estimated at 84,348,000.(1) Figure (26) shows the site of Egypt and the neighboring countries, as well as and most of the major cities of Egypt.
Figure (26): Map of Egypt and the Major Cities(2)
The major cities in Egypt are Cairo, the capital of Egypt as well as the administrative and economic center; Port Said, one of the main ports in Egypt; and
(1) Central Agency for Population Mobilization and Statistics: Population Clock. www.msrintranet.capmas.gov.eg. Accessed July 2008. (2) www.valdosta.edu, http://kenanaonline.com/users/aaadawey/posts/112863
59
Alexandria, founded by Alexander the Great in 331 B.C.(3) Figure (27) shows the most important cities and major landmarks in Egypt.
Cairo Pyramids in Giza
Sharm el sheikh Mansura Figure (27): Urbanization and Development in Egypt(4)
1‐ Population Growth and the Housing Deficit
One of the main challenges facing the government is to deal with
population and density. The main problem is the uneven distribution of the
population in the regions. The concentration of population in certain areas leads
to increased consumption of housing, thus increasing the demand for informal
housing as a solution to the housing crisis. Table (6) and Figure (28) show the
(3) www.alexandria.gov.eg (4) www.google.com/images
60
population growth from 1950 to 2010, as well as population projections until
2050.
Table (6): Population Growth in Egypt from 1950‐2050 Year Population Year Population Period Rate 1950 21,198 2000 70,492 1950‐1960 2.4 1960 26,847 2001 71,902 1960‐1970 2.2 1970 33,574 2002 73,313 1970‐1980 2.4 1980 42,634 2003 74,719 1980‐1990 2.9 1990 56,694 2004 76,117 1990‐2000 2.2 1995 63,322 2010 84,348 2000‐2010 1.8 1996 64,705 2020* 97,295 2010‐2020 1.4 1997 66,134 2030* 109,044 2020‐2030 1.1 1998 67,602 2040* 119,010 2030‐2040 0.9 1999 69,067 2050* 126,921 2040‐2050 0.6 Source: Central Agency for Population Mobilization and Statistics: Population Clock. www.msrintranet.capmas.gov.eg. Accessed July 2008. * Note: Projected. ** Note: Population in thousand.
Figure (28): Population Growth in Egypt From 1950‐2050(5)
An analysis of Table (6) and Figure (28) shows a pronounced increase in
the population growth rate between 1950 and 1980, which was a crucial period
(5) Researcher adapted from: Central Agency for Population Mobilization and Statistics: Population Clock (July 2008), web site http://www.msrintranet.capmas.gov.eg,
61
in Egypt accompanied by many events such as war in Egypt (the Suez Crisis),
regime change from a monarchy to a republic, and industrialization. According to
Table (6), Egypt’s population is expected to reach 84,348,000 in 2010, thus there
is a need to increase services, particularly in the housing sector, to accommodate
the expected population increase. Table (6) also indicates that the rate of
population growth after 2010 will be down to 0.6 percent in 2050, and that the
population will be 126,921,000. Figure (29) shows that, in 2006, the vast majority
of the population was young or children. That indicates the amount of housing
that will be required to serve these groups in ten to fifteen years.
Figure (29): The Ages of the Population in Egypt in 2006(6)
The challenge facing the government is not in the population growth
exactly, but in the distribution of the population within the state. The focus of
(6) Central Agency for Population Mobilisation and Statistics ‐ Population Clock (July 2008), web site http://www.msrintranet.capmas.gov.eg
62
the services and facilities in some major cities are leading to increased
population density in the region, thus increasing the demand for housing. Table
(7) and Figure (30) show the population density per square kilometer in Egypt. (7)
Table (7): Population Density per Square Kilometer in Egypt No. City region Density No. City region Density 1 Cairo 2,523.93 16 Fayoum 414.11 2 Dakahlia 1341.55 17 Beni Suef 209.1 3 Albuhera 482.1 18 Damietta 1,200 4 Alexandria 1,786.99 19 Aswan 18.88 5 Sharkya 1087.37 20 Port Said 424.38 6 Giza 475.77 21 Suez 56.76 7 Garbia 2,059.17 22 North Sinai 12.33 8 Qalyubia 3,768.64 23 Matruh 1.94 9 Menoufia 1,308.69 24 New Valley 0.43 10 Sohag 339.9 25 Red Sea 2.42 11 Minya 129.47 26 South Sinai 4.78 12 Qana 277.96 27 6 October ‐ 13 Assiut 250.85 28 Luxor 187.29 14 Kafr El‐Sheikh 698.49 29 Helwan ‐ 15 Ismailia 186.07 Total 19,249.37 Source: Central Agency for Population Mobilization and Statistics: Population Clock. www.msrintranet.capmas.gov.eg. Accessed July 2008. Scrutinized by the researcher using Excel. **Note: On 17 April 2008, a presidential decree was issued about Helwan and 6 October as separate provinces, and on 9 December 2009, a presidential decree established the Luxor governorate. Table (8) and Figure (31) show the concentration of population based on
city regions in Egypt in 2006.
(7) Mona Khalifa, Julie DaVanzo, and David M. Adamson, Population Growth in Egypt ,A Continuing Policy Challenge. http://www.rand.org/pubs/issue_papers/IP183/index2.html#fnB19
63
Figure (30): Population Density in Egypt(8)
Table (8): Concentration of Population in Egypt No. City region Population No. City region Population concentration concentration 1 Cairo 13.5 % 16 Fayoum 2.2 % 2 Dakahlia 7.86 % 17 Beni Suef 1.61 % 3 Albuhera 7.26 % 18 Damietta 1.48 % 4 Alexandria 6.52 % 19 Aswan 1.41 % 5 Sharkya 6.37 % 20 Port Said 1.09 % 6 Giza 6.03 % 21 Suez 0.67% 7 Garbia 5.98 % 22 North Sinai 0.32 % 8 Qalyubia 5.11 % 23 Matruh 0.2 % 9 Menoufia 4.97 % 24 New Valley 0.2 % 10 Sohag 4.97 % 25 Red Sea 0.15 % 11 Minya 4.69 % 26 South Sinai ‐ 12 Qana 4.67 % 27 6 October ‐ 13 Assiut 4.59 % 28 Luxor ‐ 14 Kafr El‐Sheikh 4.55 % 29 Helwan ‐ 15 Ismailia 3.61 % Total 100 % Source: Azza, Abdul Aziz, Simon Shenouda Shenouda, urbanization and the housing problem In Egypt with reference to the Cairo seminar urbanization motives and problems of urban development policies and the Institute of National Planning, Cairo 1988. P. 335. Scrutinized by the researcher using Excel. *Note: On 17, April 2008, a presidential decree was issued about Helwan and 6 October as separate provinces, and 9 December 2009, a presidential decree established the Luxor governorate. **Note: Numbers correspond to the numbers attributed to city regions in Figure (32).
(8) Central Agency for Population Mobilisation and Statistics ‐ Population Clock (July 2008), web site http://www.msrintranet.capmas.gov.eg, Scrutinized by the researcher using Excel.
64
Figure (31): Major City Regions Where the Population Is Concentrated in Egypt(9)
An analysis of the previous tables and figures shows that population
density (population per square kilometer) is highest in the large city regions of
Cairo (1), 2,523.93; Qalyubia (8), 3,768.64; Garbia (7), 2,059.17; and Alexandria
(4), 1,786.99. Figure (32) shows a map of the concentration of population in
northern and central Egypt.
(9) Azza, Abdul Aziz, Simon Shenouda Shenouda, urbanization and the housing problem In Egypt with reference to the Cairo seminar urbanization motives and problems of urban development policies and the Institute of National Planning, Cairo 1988. P. 335. using Excel for Graph by researcher.
65
Figure (32): Population Concentration in Egypt(10)
The concentration of population in Egypt is moving towards the center
and north, such as Cairo (1), 13.5 percent; Dakahlia (2), 7.86 percent; Albuhera
(3), 7.26 percent; and Alexandria (4) 6.52 percent.(11) The total concentration of
population is 47.54 percent in the center and north, because of the proximity of
water sources, economic activity, and networks of the major ports. Equivalent to
half the population of Egypt is concentrated in an area not exceeding 20 percent
of the country. As is clear from Figure (32), the population concentration is
where the commercial, administrative, and economic activities are concentrated.
(10) Abdel‐Aal, Ahmed, squatter settlements in city of Fayoum, a geographical study seminar indiscriminate urbanization Egypt's Supreme Council of Culture in Cairo in May 2000, Arabic language version (11) Ibid.
66
The focus of services, the increase in the proportion of young people, the
high population growth rate, and interest in major cities, all contribute to the
increased frequency of internal migration. Zohry (2002) analyzes the population
data: “Rural to urban migration decreased as a proportion of total migration
from 24.6 to 13 percent between 1976 and 1986, while the percentage shares in
1986 and 1996 were about the same, but the volume of movement slightly
increased, in view of overall Egyptian population growth. In contrast, urban to
rural migration increased from 6.5 to 10.3 percent of the total inter‐governorate
flows between 1976 and 1986, then to 23 percent in 1996. Urban to urban
migration (inter‐urban) is the largest. It fluctuated from 64.3 to 72.9 then to 60.4
percent between 1976, 1986, and 1996 respectively. Rural to rural migration was
the least important type of movement, around 4 percent at each census. Urban
to urban migration is, almost certainly, greatly dominated by inter‐urban
migrations between the big urban governorates—Cairo, Giza, Qalyubia, and
Alexandria.”(12) The low‐income people such as new migrants, new students, and
job seekers in major cities cannot afford the high housing costs. Hence, they
prefer to live in the squatter settlements on the outskirts of cities. This gives us
an indication of the imbalance in the distribution of population and facilities, one
of the main causes for the spread of squatter settlements in Egypt.
(12) Zohry, Ayman G. “Rural‐to‐Urban Labor Migration: A Study of Upper Egyptian Laborers in Cairo.” Doctor of philosophy thesis. University of Sussex at Brighton, UK, 2002, p. 30.
67
2‐ Causes of the Squatter Settlements in Egypt
Population growth and internal migration to major cities and the lack of supply of
affordable housing are the main reasons for the emergence of squatter
settlements in Egypt. Squatter settlements have manifested in Egypt during the
period of 1952‐1960.(13) In this period there were several substantial changes in
the political, economic, physical, and social aspects; for example, war in Egypt
(the Suez Crisis in1956), regime change from a monarchy to a republic (in 1953),
construction of the High Dam in the Nile River (construction began in 1960), and
the focus on industrial strategies rather than agricultural strategies. The most
important reasons for the spread of squatter settlements in Egypt can be
summarized as follows:
2‐1 Price of the land: Land prices became high beginning in 1970 due to the lack
of supply, increased demand, and population concentration in large cities.(14)
As a result, much of the agricultural land that had been adjacent to the cities
has been converted from agricultural land to residential land because of the
lack of economic feasibility and population growth. Agricultural land adjacent
(13) Abdel‐Aal, Ahmed (2000), p. 4. (14) Alsofti,Madiha, Informal housing “Social Studies of the Egyptian Reality.” The first annual conference for the planning of cities and territories, unplanned growth around population centers in Egypt, the Egyptian Association of Planning, 26 January 1987, Arabic language version, p. 2.
68
to the city is a magnet for investors that are planning to sell it as residential
land.(15)
2‐2 Reduce the rental value of dwellings: Laws imposed by the state beginning in
1960 reduced the rental housing value, and led to withdrawal of the private
sector from investing in the housing sector. This policy affected the number of
housing units available for rent. Therefore, low‐income people tended to
make use of self‐construction efforts on the outskirts of cities.(16)
2‐3 Rural migration: The rapid shift of the national strategy from agricultural to
industrial after the end of the monarchy in 1953 contributed to the increase
in the pace of migration from rural to urban areas. In addition, the
proliferation of factories on the outskirts of cities while not providing any
alternative housing for the workers was one of the most important factors in
the spread of squatter settlements in those areas.(17)
2‐4 Housing laws: The Physical Planning Act of 1982 contains the laws for
planning construction and dividing the land space that will have a major
impact on urban land in Egypt. However, these laws do not distinguish
between one city or region and another. Therefore, many small investors
built in informal residential areas in order to avoid paying the fees equivalent
(15) Hazin, Abdel‐Fattah and Yousef, Walid, slums, cities of Mansoura Talkha (Alsfiih and Alhoyes ‐ Case Study) Annual Conference of the thirty‐seventh to the issues of population, 11‐13 December 2007, Arabic language version, p. 3. (16) Statistics Centre of Egypt, the concept of informal settlements in Egypt and its characteristics: www.msrintranet.capmas.gov.eg/ows‐img2/pdf/random/1st.pdf (17) Ibid, p. 3.
69
to 10 percent of the total cost of construction and to exploit as much as
possible from the ground in the building to get the best economic return.(18)
3‐ Proliferation Patterns of Squatter Settlements
Of the more than 10 million people living in Cairo, an estimated 2.19
million live in 79 squatter settlements,(19) making about 30 percent of the
population.(20) As shown in Table (9), the proliferation of squatter settlements in
Egypt in general was closely linked to the increased pace of urbanization in major
cities such as Cairo (1), Alexandria (4), and Ismailia (15). These cities have all the
attractions of various economic and social services, education, and health
services, making the regions attractive for migrants from both small towns and
rural areas.
Squatter settlements are one of the solutions offered by the population
to the housing crisis in Egypt. The way the governments deal with squatter
settlements then is through conservation and development of the squatter
settlements because the complete removal of them means the consumption of
housing stock, thus increasing the housing problem.
(18) Fouad, D., M., Unauthorized Residential Settlements: Causes, Determinants, Environmental Effects And Suggested Solutions, The 25th Annual Seminar on Population Issues In The Middle East, Africa & Asia , Cairo Demographic Center, Cairo, 1995, p. 50.
the term ashwa’iyat meaning “squatter settlement” is the only one used اﻟﻌﺷواﺋﻳﺎت :Egyptian Arabic (19) officially to indicate deteriorated or under‐served urban areas. It actually means “random,” implying that these areas are unplanned and illegally constructed. For more details see: Sims, D. The Case of Cairo, Egypt. Understanding Slums: Case Studies for the Global Report on Human Settlements, University College London/ DPU, London, 2003, p. 7. (20) Center for Statistics and packaging, Environmental development of the squatter settlement, Chapter IX, Arabic language version, Egypt, 2006, p. 214.
70
Table (9): The Distribution of Squatter Settlements and Development Cost in Egypt
No. City region No. of Area Squatter % of Development squatter sq. km settlement population cost (millions) settlements population 1 Cairo 79 28 2,193,000 32 $172.7 2 Dakahlia 109 5 648,000 56 $25.09 3 Albuhera 66 12 404,000 43 $32.5 4 Alexandria 41 13 1,113,000 35 $90.5 5 Sharkya 70 17 291,000 38 $9.3 6 Giza 34 44 2,259,000 60 $168 7 Garbia 47 13 558,000 35 $54 8 Qalyubia 67 20 938,000 64 $50.8 9 Menoufia 24 1 32,000 13 $0.9 10 Sohag 34 13 381,000 56 $9.09 11 Minya 30 8 291,000 49 $10.3 12 Qana 75 9 64,000 30 $126 13 Assiut 50 6 401000 25 $28.9 14 Kafr El‐Sheikh 46 6 209,000 34 $13.4 15 Ismailia 17 5 149,000 40 $21.8 16 Fayoum 28 5 100,000 23 $6.36 17 Beni Suef 51 4 144,000 32 $17.2 18 Damietta 86 16 179,000 64 $13.2 19 Aswan 33 3 193,000 30 $32.7 20 Port said 7 1 71,500 8 $5.09 21 Suez 14 2 43,000 11 $15.03 22 North Sinai 0 0 0 0 $0 23 Matruh 5 9 31,000 60 $5.09 24 New Valley 0 0 0 0 $0 25 Red Sea 21 28 69,000 36 $52.1 26 South Sinai 12 61 8,000 29 $9.81 27 6 October ‐ ‐ ‐ ‐ ‐ 28 Luxor ‐ ‐ ‐ ‐ ‐ 29 Helwan ‐ ‐ ‐ ‐ ‐ Total 1046 329 10,796,500 ‐ $969.86 Source: Fouad, D., M., Unauthorized Residential Settlements: Causes, Determinants, Environmental Effects And Suggested Solutions, The 25 Th. Annual Seminar on Population Issues In The Middle East, Africa & Asia, Cairo Demographic Center, Cairo, 1995, p. 50. Translation and conversion to the US dollar by the researcher. For more details, see Appendix No. (1‐A) and (1‐B). **Note: On April 17, 2008 presidential decree was issued about Helwan and 6 October as separate provinces and in the December 9, 2009 presidential decree was the establishment of Luxor Governorate.
71
Figure (33) shows the distribution of squatter settlements in Egypt,
indicating that they are concentrated in areas with high population density, such
as settlements in Cairo (1), 79; Dakahlia (2), 109; and Sharkya (5), 70. Figure (33)
also shows that some regions do not contain any squatter settlements, including
North Sinai (22) because it is a tourist area and most of the region’s population
have high income or are foreigners. New Valley (24) is a desert region with low
population density. It does not contain any squatter settlements due to the lack
of economic activity and development.
Figure (33): The Distribution of Squatter Settlements in Egypt(21)
(21) Abdel‐Aal, Ahmed, Ibid.
72
Figure (34) shows the number squatter settlements and the proportion of
them compared to the whole population. The numbers of squatter settlements
are concentrated in regions with high population density. For example, Cairo (1)
has 2,193,000 people living in squatter settlements, which is nearly 32 percent of
the population of Cairo, and Giza (6), an area adjacent to Cairo, has 2,259,000
people living in squatter settlements. This means that more than 4 million
people live in squatter settlements in an area not exceeding 5 percent of the
area of Egypt.
Figure (34): The Population Distribution of Squatter Settlements in Egypt(22)
(22) Ibid.
73
Figure (35) shows the concentration of population living in the squatter
settlements, compared to the total population for each region. For example, the
figure shows that the areas most affected by the increase in the proportion of
the population living in squatter settlements are Matruh (23), 60 percent; Giza
(6), 60 percent; and Cairo (1), 32 percent, respectively. This means that there are
some areas in Egypt where more than half of its population lives in informal
neighborhoods. On the other hand, some areas are free of squatter settlements
due to natural conditions or tourism, such as North Sinai (22) and New Valley
(24).
Figure (35): Population Proportion of Squatter Settlements in Egypt(23)
(23) Ibid.
74
Squatter Settlements in Cairo “Represents the Extension of the Squatter Settlements in Desert and Agricultural Areas”
The spread of squatter settlements in Cairo have gone through three main phases. The first phase (1922‐1952) consists of the emergence of squatter settlements.
This phase accompanied by the urban growth of the modern Cairo. During the second phase (1952‐1982), squatter settlements spread to the outskirts of the city. This phase accompanied the migration of the population and a housing deficit. The third phase
(1982‐present) is characterized by the expansion of squatter settlements. This phase has accompanied the expansion of the Greater Cairo area where the squatter settlements have appeared within the cordon of the city.(24)
1‐ Stages of Cairo Growth
The spread of squatter settlements in Cairo is a result of population growth and
rapid urban expansion. This growth is evident in this overview of three stages of
the city’s growth:
1‐1 First growth (1922‐1952): The first stage of growth in Cairo was during the
period of independence beginning in 1922. The city growth resulted in the
creation of buildings, bridges, and transportation. In addition, the city
expanded into the upscale neighborhoods of Garden City, Zamalek, and
Heliopolis.(25) Increasing the services, activities, and employment
(24) Adapted from: Cairo: A Model for Urban Planning. Ibid, p. 3 ; “World's Densest Cities.” Forbes. 21 December 2006. Website www.forbes.com/2006/12/20/worlds‐most‐congested‐cities‐biz‐energy‐ cx_rm_1221congested_slide.html. Retrieved 6 March 2010; Rose, Christopher and Linda Boxberger. “Ottoman Cairo.” Cairo: Living Past, Living Future. The University of Texas Center for Middle Eastern Studies, 1995. http://menic.utexas.edu/cairo/history/ottoman/ottoman.html. Retrieved 30 July 2009. (25) Raymond, André. Cairo. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2000, pp. 326–329.
75
opportunities in the city led to increased migration from small towns and
villages. The population in Cairo increased from 347,000 in 1882 to 1.3
million in 1937. The average rate of population increase over that fifty‐five‐
year period was 17,327 people each year.(26) The area of the city increased
from 1,000 hectares (10 square kilometers; 4 square miles) to 16,300
hectares (163 square kilometers; 63 square miles).(27) The area of the first
growth includes “‘Old Cairo’ with its narrow streets and handicraft shops.
This is surrounded by newer areas of high density, plus the affluent modern
urban development of Heliopolis, Maady, Helwan and later Nasr City.”(28) In
1950, near the end of this period, Egypt’s population was 21.198 million.(29)
1‐2 Urban expansion (1952‐1982): This stage started as the British departed
Cairo following the Egyptian Revolution of 1952. The result of this war was a
change in the government from a monarchy to a republic.
The new Egyptian republic then became ambitious switching to an industrial
strategy to catch up with global development. This strategy tried to quickly
transform Egypt into an industrialized country without paying attention to
the infrastructure of the farming community.(30) As a result, “Cairo has
experienced a large influx of people from rural areas. The new residents have
(26) Ibid, p. 319. (27) Ibid, p. 322. (28) “Cairo: Urban Planning Model.” May 2006, p. 3. www.rentalcartours.net/rac‐cairo.pdf. (29) Central Agency for Population Mobilisation and Statistics, Ibid. (30) Researcher adapted from: NGDC page on the Cairo earthquake. www.ngdc.noaa.gov/nndc.
76
come with few financial resources and the available government programs
have been insufficient to meet the need.”(31)
The spread of informal settlements in Cairo between 1960‐1980 was due to
the population concentration in Cairo and the lack of cheap housing
alternatives. (32) Figure (36) shows the spread of squatter settlements on the
outskirts of Cairo and the adjacent agricultural areas in 1981.
(31) “Cairo: Urban Planning Model” (2006), p. 3. (32) Soliman, Ahmed, Housing and sustainable development in developing countries, 1996. Arabic version. For more information about Stages of Cairo Growth see: 1. Demographia World Urban Areas & Population Projections, Demographia, April 2009, http://www.demographia.com/db‐worldua.pdf, retrieved 9 July 2009. 2. Population and Housing Census 2006, Governorate level, Population distribution by sex, Central Agency for Public Mobilisation and Statistics, http://www.msrintranet.capmas.gov.eg/ows‐ img2/xls/rep1ne.xls, retrieved 9 July 2009 . Adjusted census result, as Helwan governorate was created on 17 April 2008 from a.o. parts of the Cairo governorate. 3. "World's Densest Cities". Forbes. 21 December 2006. Retrieved 6 March 2010. http://www.forbes.com/2006/12/20/worlds‐most‐congested‐cities‐biz‐energy cx_rm_1221congested_slide.html. 4. Rose, Christopher; Linda Boxberger (1995). "Ottoman Cairo". Cairo: Living Past, Living Future. The University of Texas Center for Middle Eastern Studies. http://menic.utexas.edu/cairo/history/ottoman/ottoman.html. Retrieved 30 July 2009 5. Mortada, Hisham (2003), Traditional Islamic principles of built environment, Routledge, p. viii.
77
Figure (36): The Proliferation of Squatter Settlements Around Cairo in 1981(33)
(33) The map translated by the researcher from the source: El Sioufi, M, Urbanization of Agricultural land, unpublished Msc thesis, MIT, n.p,1981. 78
1‐3 Metropolitan area (1982‐present): This is the largest phase of urban
expansion and population growth in Cairo. The population of Cairo is 17.29
million according to the latest statistics in 2007,(34) equivalent to 20 percent
of Egypt’s population spread over 453 square kilometers (175 square miles).
At this stage, squatter settlements that were once located on the outskirts of
the city have become within the territory of the city. Figure (37) shows the
physical expansion of the city in all directions, and along Nile River.
Figure (37): Cairo by SPOT Satellite(35)
Figure (38) shows the stages of physical transformation in Cairo, noting
the enormous construction boom over the short period of time.
(34) These statistics for the Greater Cairo area (city and suburbs that have become part of the city) are as indicated by: Demographia World Urban Areas and Population Projections, Demographia, March 2010, www.demographia.com/db‐worldua.pdf. Retrieved March 2010. The population of the city of Cairo only, 7,787,000, is by: General Authority for Information. www.sis.gov.eg. Retrieved 10 July 2008. (35) http://gallery.spotimage.com/product_info.php?products_id=1006
79
Figure (38): Urban Transformation in the Greater Cairo Area(36)
2‐ Population in Cairo
The concentration of population in Cairo is affected by the factors of population
growth and annual migration.
2‐1 Population growth in Cairo: Figures (39) and (40) show the areas of
population concentration in Cairo, including the old areas and the interior
of the city where less than one million people live because it is
unattractive.
Figure (39): Population Density in Cairo(37)
(36) Housing and Building Research Centre (HBRC). For more details see Appendix No. 2. (37) Translation and modification by the researcher depending on: www.gisc.capmas.gov.eg
80
An analysis of Figure (39) finds that the areas adjacent to the city of
Cairo, where squatter settlements have spread, has reached a concentration
of population of more than 4 million people. Neighborhoods with high
population density (HD) such as Almatrih, Miyet Akqubh, and Albesatien, are
attractive to much population due to the cheap housing compared to the
modern districts in the city, such as Zamalek and Garden City.
Figure (40): Net Residential Densities in the Greater Cairo Area(38)
2‐2 Population migration in Cairo: Annual migration is one of the main reasons
that led to population growth in Cairo. Table (10) and Figure (41) show the
causes of migration to Cairo. An analysis of Table (10) finds that the
majority of migrants (88 percent) come to Cairo because of life changes,
(38) Sims, D. The Case of Cairo, Egypt. Understanding Slums: Case Studies for the Global Report on Human Settlements, University College London/ DPU, London, 2003.
81
including work (27.7 percent), marriage (34 percent), and accompanying
family (27.1 percent).
Table (10): The Causes of Migration to Cairo Causes Migrants Percent Work 222715 27.7% Study 28510 3.54% Marriage 273656 34% Divorce 6052 0.75% Accompanying 217657 27.1% Other 55813 6.94% Total 804403 100% Source: Central Agency for Population Mobilization and Statistics ‐ Population Clock (July 2008), web site http://www.msrintranet.capmas.gov.eg, Scrutinized by the researcher using Excel.
Figure (41): The Causes of Migration to Cairo in 2006(39)
3‐ Housing in Cairo
According to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, “The
amount of living space required to meet health and safety standards is not
consistently specified; measurable standards for overcrowding vary. The most
widely used measure assumes that a home becomes unhealthy and unsafe when
(39) Central Agency for Population Mobilization and Statistics: Population Clock. www.msrintranet.capmas.gov.eg. Accessed July 2008. Scrutinized by the researcher using Excel.
82
there is more than 1 person per room.”(40) Table (11) and Figure (42) show that
45 percent of families in Cairo live in houses or apartments not exceeding three
rooms, with an overcrowding rate of 1.11 people per room. Also, 13.2 percent of
families in Cairo live in one or two rooms, with an overcrowding rate of 1.12
people per room.(41)
Table (11): Families and housing in Cairo Rooms Families Individuals No. of rooms Percent Avg. Over‐ family crowding size 1 86,859 275,971 291,005.839 4.9% 3.2 0.95 2 147,253 527,208 493,345.338 8.3% 3.6 1.07 3 801,823 2,988,255 2,686,367.27 45% 3.7 1.11 4 598,865 2,319,731 2,006,392.1 34% 3.9 1.16 5 > 148,535 576,796 497,640.454 8.3% 3.9 1.16 Total 1,783,335 6,687,961 5,974,751 100% 3.8 1.12 Source: Central Agency for Population Mobilization and Statistics: Population Clock. www.msrintranet.capmas.gov.eg. Accessed July 2008. Scrutinized by the researcher using Excel.
Figure (42): Distribution of Families Based on the Number of Rooms in Cairo(42)
(40) Measuring Overcrowding in Housing, U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. www.huduser.org. (41) It should be noted that the rate of overcrowding here is the level of Cairo, by calculating the total number of rooms and the total number of population. When choosing a residential neighborhood specific or squatter settlement, the percentage of overcrowding will certainly increase. (42) Central Agency for Population Mobilisation and Statistics ‐ Population Clock (July 2008), web site http://www.msrintranet.capmas.gov.eg, Scrutinized by the researcher using Excel.
83
Table (12) and Figure (43) show that the main type of housing in Cairo is
an apartment—6,043,750 inhabitants like apartments, equivalent to 90.4
percent of the population. It should be noted that all apartments within the
squatter settlements in Cairo are informal, that is, they were built without
government approval. Villas house 1.65 percent of the population and are often
deployed in high‐end residential neighborhoods like Zamalek and Garden City. (43)
Table (12): Distribution of Population Based on Housing Type in Cairo No. Type of house No. of Percent inhabitants 1 Apartment 6,043,750 90.4% 2 More than apartment 48,396 0.72% 3 Villa 110,256 1.65% 4 Traditional house 27,880 0.42% 5 Rooms within the building 207,177 3.1% 6 Separate rooms 233,699 3.49% 7 Nests 4,936 0.07% 8 Graves (turub)* 8,300 0.12% 9 Other 3,567 0.05% 10 Total 6,687,961 100% Source: Central Agency for Population Mobilization and Statistics: Population Clock. www.msrintranet.capmas.gov.eg. Accessed July 2008. Scrutinized by the researcher using Excel. which means “Cemeteries containing the external wall.” Some of الترب :Turub: Egyptian Arabic * the poor live where they protect them from environmental conditions. It is better for them from live in the open.
(43) Central Agency for Population Mobilisation and Statistics ‐ Population Clock (July 2008), web site http://www.msrintranet.capmas.gov.eg, Scrutinized by the researcher using Excel.
84
Figure (43): Distribution of Population Based on Housing Type in Cairo(44)
Table (12) shows that 278,382 people live in places not suitable as a
dwelling, such as nests (4,936), graves (8,300), or traditional houses (27,880), a
combined 4.15 percent of the total population of Cairo.
The circumstances of the people must be taken into account in order to
provide housing alternatives to suit their requirements and meet their needs,
whether this is through the development of existing squatter settlements or
through the provision of affordable housing.
4‐ The Distribution of Squatter Settlements in Cairo
Cairo contains 79 squatter settlements covering an estimated total area of 28
square kilometers (11 square miles), housing more than 2.193 million people,
(44) Central Agency for Population Mobilization and Statistics: Population Clock. www.msrintranet.capmas.gov.eg. Accessed July 2008. Scrutinized by the researcher using Excel.
85
which represents 32 percent of the total population.(45) Table (13) shows the
names of the famous squatter settlements in Cairo.
Table (13): The Most Famous Squatter Settlements in Cairo No. Squatter settlement No. Squatter settlement 1 Samman 9 Manshiet Nasser * 2 Herrm 10 Telal Zeinhom 3 Harrania 11 Albesatien 4 Bulaq Dakrur 12 Tora 5 Miyet Akqubh 13 Helwan 6 Almneira 14 Alibdrhien 7 Shubra al‐Khaymah 15 Manial Shiha 8 Almatrih 16 Alknisa (Church) Source: El Sioufi, M. “Urbanization of Agricultural Land.” Unpublished. *Note: The first case study area, Ezbet Bakhit, lies within Manshiet Nasser. **Note: The numbers correspond to the numbers on the map in Figure (44).
These neighborhoods began as informal settlements on the outskirts of
Cairo. After the city extended, these settlements became residential
neighborhoods within the territory of Cairo. Figure (44) shows all the sites of
squatter settlements in Cairo; the sites are numbered as the most famous
squatter settlements in Cairo.
(45) Fouad, D.M.,Ibid.
86
Figure (44): Squatter Settlement Sites in Cairo(46)
Figure (45) illustrates the extension of the squatter settlements
throughout Cairo. The settlements are at the expense of agricultural areas and
(46) Redrawing of settlement sites by the researcher based on: Egyptian Environmental Affairs Agency (EEAA): www.eeaa.gov.eg/English/reports/SoE2008Ar/urban.pdf.
87
the desert, since the vast majority of squatter settlements are spread
throughout the agricultural areas around Cairo. This confirms that the value of
agricultural land has become very cheap in order to encourage owners into
convert the land to residential areas without requiring government approval.
Figure (45): Indiscriminate Spreading of Squatter Settlements in Cairo(47)
(47) Sims, D. The Case of Cairo, Egypt. Understanding Slums: Case Studies for the Global Report on Human Settlements, University College London, DPU, London, 2003, p. 5.
88
Squatter Settlements in Mansura “Represents the Extension of the Squatter Settlements in Agricultural Areas”
Mansura, the capital province of Dakahlia, lies on the east bank of the Damietta branch of the Nile, in the Delta region. Mansura is about 120 kilometers (75 miles) northeast of Cairo and in 2006 had a population of 437,311 people.(48) Dakahlia province contains 109 squatter settlements where more than 648,000 people live, representing
56 percent of the total population of the province.(49) Figure (46) shows the site for the city of Mansura and the surrounding cities.
Figure (46): Mansura City Site(50)
1‐ Population in Mansura
Mansura has been very attractive, drawing 25,902 migrants during the period of
1996‐2006, due to the availability of services, employment opportunities, and
infrastructure. This population increase became a burden on the city and its
(48) www.citypopulation.de/Egypt.html (49) Fouad, D., M., Unauthorized Residential Settlements: Causes, Determinants, Environmental Effects And Suggested Solutions, The 25 Th. Annual Seminar on Population Issues In The Middle East, Africa & Asia , Cairo Demographic Center , Cairo ,1995,P. 50 (50) http://knooz1.a3a3.com/showthread.php?t=24685
89
facilities, and led to encroachment on agricultural land, with a large number of
squatter settlements. The development of construction in Mansura was due
primarily to the evolution of population, which increased from 60,960 people in
1903, to 112,983 people in 1947, 255,310 people in 1986, 389,112 in 1996, until
it reached 437,311 people in 2006.(51) Table (14) and Figure (47) show the
growth in population in Mansura due to both natural growth and the increase in
the rates of migration from nearby villages and towns.
Table (14): Stages of the Evolution of Population Growth in Mansura 2017* 2012* 2006 1996 1986 Year 1.82 1.83 1.18 - - Growth rate 533,464 487,627 437,311 389,112 255,310 Population Source: Makkawy, Mohamed. The Comprehensive Urban Development of Egypt in the 21st Century. Mansura University, 2008, p. 9. Translated by the researcher. *Note: Projected.
Figure (47): Stages of the Evolution of Population Until 2017*(52) *Note: Projected.
(51) Makkawy, Mohamed. The Comprehensive Urban Development of Egypt in the 21st Century. Mansura University, 2008, p. 10. Translated by the researcher. (52) Sims, D. The Case of Cairo, Egypt. Understanding Slums: Case Studies for the Global Report on Human Settlements, University College London, DPU, London, 2003, p. 5.
90
2‐ Stages of Mansura Growth
Mansura went through six main growth stages, starting from the city’s founding
in 1219 A.D., until the present. Squatter settlements have been part of Mansura
since the end of the fifth stage of growth in 1979. Table (15) summarizes the six
stages of growth of Mansura and the emergence of squatter settlements.
Table (15): Growth Stages and Emergence of Squatter Settlements in Mansura Stage Description stage Growth form Stage (1) Urban block area of 1.1 sq. km along 1.3 1219‐1887 km of the Nile River with a depth of 0.84 km (these urban clusters are the heart of the current city). Stage (2) Urban block compact area of 2.1 sq. km 1887‐1903 along 2.0 km of the Nile River with a depth of 1.05 km.
Stage (3) Urban mass of 4.7 sq. km extended 1903‐1935 between the Nile River on the north and the south coast area of the canal.
Stage (4) Urban mass extended along the Nile in 1935‐1949 the north and an area in excess of 6 sq. km, punctuated by spaces and the movement of large arteries. Stage (5) Urban area of 10.2 sq. km. Notes the 1949‐1979 spread of squatter settlements at the end of this period.
Stage (6) Urban area that exceeds 19 sq. km. 1979‐Now Squatter settlements have increased throughout the city during this period, especially in terms of agricultural land.
Source: Makkawy, Mohamed, THE COMPREHENSIVE URBAN DEVELOPMENT OF EGYPT IN THE 21ST CENTURY, Mansura University, 2008, p. 8. Translated by the researcher.
91
3‐ The Distribution of Squatter Settlements in Mansura
The city of Mansura, with its 29 squatter settlements, is a clear example
of squatter growth at the expense of farming. The sizes of squatter settlements
in Mansura range between 7,000 square meters (about 1.67 acres) to 210,000
square meters (50 acres). High population density in some settlements is more
than 4,000 persons per acre.(53)
Table (16) lists all the squatter settlements in the city of Mansura, while
Figure (48) shows the distribution of squatter settlements throughout the city
and spreading to the outskirts and the agricultural areas.
Table (16): Names of Squatter Settlements in Mansura No. Squatter settlement No. Squatter settlement 1 Kalifa land 16 Hoad alkharnshfa 2 Garbala station 17 Hoad rezaa west 3 Zionist land 18 Hoad abo‐taha kids 4 Kalf outobes 19 Hoad kharos 5 Kalf port 20 Hoad zarka and thamania 6 Masrif omda 21 Hoad kalaa 7 Rashah area 22 Hoad taweel 8 Rouda 23 Hoad shayaka 9 New toril 24 Hoad abo‐lile 10 Rashah jadila 25 Hoad bosa ebliya 11 Masrif otrobi 26 Hoad khalah bahri 12 Toril extend 27 Hoad albashtameer 13 King saleh 28 Hoad albouma 14 Ezbeth Alsfih and Alhoyes * 29 Hoad almula 15 Hod alkala Source: Makkawy (2008), p. 10. Translated by researcher. *Note: The second case study area. **Note: Numbers correspond to the numbers on the map in Figure (48).
(53) Researcher based on Makkawy (2008).
92
Figure (48): Squatter Settlement Sites in Mansura(54)
(54) Hazin, Abdel‐Fattah and Yousef, Walid, slums, cities of Mansoura Talkha (Alsfiih and Alhoyes ‐ Case Study) Annual Conference of the thirty‐seventh to the issues of population from 11 to 13 December 2007. Arabic language version, p. 5.
93
Summary of Egypt’s Experience
Egypt has had a steady increase in squatter settlements due to the population growth in Egypt’s major cities as well as migration of the population. The lack of a clear strategy for regional development in Egypt since the regime change in 1952, in addition to the focus on industrial development at the expense of agricultural development that was prevalent before 1952, led to increased immigration and population concentration in cities such as Cairo, Giza, and Alexandria.(55)
The absence of controls or strict laws to prevent the division of agricultural land from residential land encouraged many farmers to convert their farmland on the outskirts of city into residential land or informal apartments to accommodate the new immigrants. In addition, the lack of supply of affordable housing contributed to the direction of many of the poor or new immigrants to live on the outskirts of the cities.
With continued immigration and the difficulty in obtaining suitable housing for the poor, residents formed informal settlements on the outskirts of cities and along farmland.
With the continued growth of the city, these squatter settlements have been absorbed within the cordon of the city.(56)
Despite the disadvantages of squatter settlements in Egypt in terms of the environment, the physical health and their impact on the population and the price of adjacent land, the Egyptian government has tried to maintain and improve those
(55) Cairo: A Model for Urban Planning, Ibid, p. 3. (56) Hazin, Abdel‐Fattah and Yousef, Walid, slums, cities of Mansoura Talkha (Alsfiih and Alhoyes ‐ Case Study) Annual Conference of the thirty‐seventh to the issues of population, 11‐13 December 2007. Arabic language version, p. 3.
94
neighborhoods. The Egyptian government’s experience in dealing with informal settlements is to preserve them as long as they solve the housing crisis. Even though these squatter settlements are built without obtaining permits and in violation of laws and building regulations in terms of narrow roads, lack of open areas,(57) the government of Egypt has dealt with them as formal residential neighborhoods. As a result of population pressures, the government has been delivering electricity and water, paving roads, beautifying the facades, and providing all the necessary facilities, such as schools and health clinics.(58) These settlements have become one of the solutions to the housing crisis that the government has offered to residents.(59) They have continued to appear around the major cities in Egypt, representing a model of the government’s deficiency in providing affordable housing for all.
In dealing with squatter settlements, the Egyptian government tends toward conservation of the settlements and improvement as funding becomes available. The
Egyptian government’s experience does not have favorable results with the complete elimination of the squatter settlements or re‐construction because that consumes too much of the financial resources. During the period between 1990‐2010, the government began to demolish squatter settlements, particularly those that were built at the
(57) Kamel Abdel Nasser, Azza Djaid, a study for the development of residential areas, slums in the city of Egypt, a case study on the path of Aghannamp city of Assiut, the Fourth International Conference on Architectural, Architecture and Urbanism on the outskirts of the third millennium, 28 to 30 March 2000, Arabic language version, p. 2. (58) Al‐wali, Mamdouh, the inhabitants of the nests and squatter, the map of housing to the provinces, the Egyptian Engineers Syndicate, Cairo 1993, Arabic language version, p. 173. (59) Center for Statistics and packaging, Environmental development of the squatter settlement, Chapter IX, Arabic language version, Egypt 2006. p. 216
95
expense of agricultural areas, because their presence was a violation of the Physical
Planning Act of 1982 criminalizing building on agricultural land.(60) The cost of addressing squatter settlements in Egypt is $969.86, and $172.7 in Cairo.(61)
Egypt’s experience in dealing with squatter settlements is not full of only drawbacks. There have been many positive efforts, as well. For example, “On 18
October 2008, President Mubarak decreed the establishment of the Informal
Settlements Development Facility, a fund run by the Prime Minister’s cabinet and mandated to coordinate government efforts to deal with informal settlements in
Egypt.”(62) In addition, “between 1982 and 2002, the government built 1,142,000 economic housing units and 945,700 more between 2002 and 2007. According to the
2006 population census, shortage of economic housing continued as these represented
11.8 percent of (formal) housing units in Egypt.”(63)
But all these solutions need to be critiqued and evaluated to benefit from the advantages in the development of squatter settlements. Therefore, the study in this thesis will be on the particulars of actual squatter settlements cases in order to find ways to deal with the current housing situation.
(60) Prevention Act to build on agricultural land. See: http://arlawfirm.com/ADVdetails.asp?id=1130 (61) Fouad, D., M. Ibid. (62) Amnesty International, Buried Alive Trapped By Poverty And Neglect In Cairo’s Informal Settlements Housing Is A Human Right. 2009, p. 36. (63) See Central Agency for Population Mobilization and Statistics, Study of Current and Future Needs for Housing Units in Egypt, Central Agency for Population Mobilization and Statistics, April 2008, pp. 33‐36.
96
Chapter five: Data analysis
The previous chapter discussed the experience of Egypt in dealing with squatter settlements, which were adopted to maintain and develop according to available resources. Despite the government’s efforts to reduce the spread of squatter settlement in Egypt, the statistics point to an increase in squatter settlements. (1) In addition, the supply of affordable housing still does not accommodate all of the poor. Proposing a successful way to deal with squatter settlements must be based on a philosophy to take advantage of the existing squatter settlements in order to develop standards and criteria that meet the needs of the population in terms of physical, social, and economic development.
To achieve this, presented here is a comparative analysis of two squatter settlements in Egypt. These studies will look at the physical formations most commonly used in these settlements in terms of plots, blocks, roads, and urban fabric. In addition, there will be an analysis of the social and economic situation of the actual population in terms of overcrowding, income, and educational status. At the end of this chapter is a summary of the current status of squatter settlements in Egypt through the samples for these two cases. This will help in the formulation of planning standards in the next chapter based on the most common development of urban patterns, bearing in mind that those standards are consistent with the economic and social status of residents.
(1) See Chapter IV.
97
Squatter settlements in Egypt (case studies)
There are more than 1,046 squatter settlements in Egypt.(2) Most of these settlements emerged on the outskirts of major cities at the expense of agricultural areas or on government land at the expense of desert areas. This study consider the current situation of squatter settlements, and considering the existing features of the built environment, as well as the social, and economic necessary for the development of successful squatter settlements.
Most of the solutions and programs for affordable housing create alternative legal physical environments without the benefit of understanding the actual conditions of the inhabitants of squatter settlements. These legal environments do not take into account the needs of residents. Resident who been removed return to squatter settlements, as they provide an environment compatible with their economic and social realities.
In order to understand the experience of Egypt in dealing with squatter settlements, and to develop an understanding of benefits and the lessons learned, two squatter settlements have been selected. The first case is Ezbet Bekhit - Manshiet Nasser in Cairo, (3) as a representative of a settlement at the expense of desert government
(2) Fouad, D., M., Unauthorized Residential Settlements: Causes, Determinants, Environmental Effects and Suggested Solutions, The 25th Annual Seminar on Population Issues in the Middle East, Africa and Asia, Cairo Demographic Center, Cairo, 1995, p. 50.
.which means: Bekhit community ﻋزﺑﺔ ﺑﺧﻳت :Egyptian Arabic (3)
98
land. The second case is Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes in the city of Mansura (4) as a representative of a settlement on agricultural areas.
1‐ Ezbet Bekhit -Manshiet Nasser in Cairo “Represents the extension of the squatter settlements in desert areas”
Ezbet Bekhit is a typical community as part of the squatter settlement of
Manshiet Nasser. It has a population of 28,900 made up of 6,600 households
living in 1,500 buildings extending over 18.5 hectares. The net residential density
is 2,200 persons per hectare. Ezbet Bekhit is strategically located in a crossroads
near major traffic arteries and is close to the city center and major facilities. On
its northwest side lies the highway connecting downtown Cairo to the Nasr City
neighborhood. Its northeast border is a dead‐end street (Tayaran Street)
terminating at a security forces camp. (5)
.which means: Tin and Alhoyes community ﻋزﺑﺔ اﻟﺻﻔﻳﺢ واﻟﻬوﻳس :Egyptian Arabic (4) (5) Due to deficient and contradictory data on the estimated population, the study adopted the median between the three most recent studies estimated at 28,900 inhabitants. These studies: 1. In 2003, Zeinab Nour‐Eddine Tag‐Eldeen, Participatory Urban Upgrading: The Case of Ezbet Bekhit. Indicates 28,200 inhabitants. 2. Faraj, Osama, and others, Improve environmental conditions through the development of sustainable trees as a component of improving the environment, Ezbet Bakhit case study, Mansura University, Egypt, 2003, Arabic version. Indicates 28,900 inhabitants. 3. In 2003, Sims, D. The Case of Cairo, Egypt. Understanding Slums. Indicates 37,000 inhabitants. Ibid. 4. In 2001, the Project Team estimated the figure at 38,000 inhabitants (GOPP, 2001). 5. In 1998, according to the Department of Social Affairs, Cairo Governorate, the estimated number was 28,200 (The Project Team & Federal Republic of Germany, 1998). In 1996, the Central Statistics Organization estimated the population figure at 20,253 inhabitants.
99
It is surrounded from the east and south by other areas of Manshiet Nasser.(6)
Figure (49) shows Ezbet Bekhit site within Manshiet Nasser.
Figure (49): Location of Ezbet Bekhit within Manshiet Nasser (7)
The whole area of Manshiet Nasser is a squatter settlement built on
government‐owned land among the low foothills of the Mokattam plateau in the
governorate. The area was used as quarries to extract limestone. In 1960,
reconstruction of the district began.(8) Most of the population originated in the
cities near the Suez Canel, and migrated to Cairo after the Six‐Day War in 1967 in
search of a livelihood and to get a better chance of living. By the end of 1967, the
population was estimated in the thousands. At that time, President Jamal Abdel
(6) ,which means: Nasser settlement, referring to President Jamal Abdel Nasser ﻣﻧﺷﻳﺔ ﻧﺎﺻر :Egyptian Arabic whose the presidential term was from 1956‐1970. (7) Faraj, Osama, and others, Improve environmental conditions through the development of sustainable trees as a component of improving the environment, Ezbet Bakhit case study, Mansura University, Egypt, 2003, p. 2. Translation and modified by the researcher (8) egypt‐urban.pdp‐gtz.de1.cc/pilot‐areas/manshiet‐nasser
100
Nasser order to connect water and electricity, for this reason, the district came
to call “Manshiet Nasser.”(9) By the end of the 1970s, the population figure was
estimated at 100,000 inhabitants.(10) The lack of secure tenure has discouraged
investment and deepened the sense of insecurity among the residents. The area
does not have proper administrative infrastructure.
Manshiet Nasser includes nine sub‐districts are Ezbet Bekhit, Al‐ewah
and Al‐ahali, Ghazan, Almahajer, Al‐razaz, Zabaleen,(11) Al‐maadasa, Aljabl, and
al‐herafeen.(12) All urban features, social and economic that found in Manshiet
Nasser are part of the problems existing in all the settlements within the cordon
area such as Ezbet Bekhit. The illiteracy rate in Manshiet Nasser is 52.9%.(13)
There is no high school, either public or industrial, so only 1.6% of the population
has a high‐school equivalent education.(14) There is a government health center
in Manshiet Nasser, but Its health services are “very rudimentary” and most
inhabitants turn to private specialist doctors and clinics when they are sick. The
costs of these services mean that for poor families “an illness can mean a serious
financial crisis."(15)
which means: Nasser settlement, referring to President Jamal Abdel" ﻣﻧﺷﻳﺔ ﻧﺎﺻر :Egyptian Arabic (9) Nasser, whose the presidential term was from 1956‐1970". (10) Zeinab Nour‐Eddine Tag‐Eldeen, Ibid, p. 30.
.which means: garbage Community زﺑﺎﻟﻳن :Egyptian Arabic (11)
.which means: artisan community اﻟﺣرﻓﻳﻳن :Egyptian Arabic (12) (13) According to recent statistics issued by the National Centre for Social and Criminological Research (14) For more details, see distribution of illiteracy in Cairo, appendix No. 3. (15) Sims, D., Ibid, p. 19.
101
2‐ Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes in Mansura “Represents the extension of the squatter settlements in agricultural areas”
Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes is a squatter settlement built on agricultural
government land located on the outskirts of Mansura, to the east of the city. It is
aligned with the Nile River and is close to major facilities. It is bounded by
Gaafrah on the north, by Jadela on the south, by agricultural land on the west,
and by the main road in Mansura on the east. Figure (50) shows the Ezbet Alsfih
and Alhoyes site within Mansura, and the major traffic hubs near the settlement.
Figure (50): Location Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes with in Mansura (16)
(16) http://uqu.edu.sa/msmandoer/ar/104838. Translation and modified by the researcher
102
Several factors have encouraged the growth in this squatter, including
the proximity of the industrial area (Sandob), cheap land, and the proximity to
the main road in Mansura. The estimated population is 1,783, mostly working in
agriculture and unskilled occupations. Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes occupies 358,260
square meters, occupying the land space of more than 56.2% of the total area.
Residential land area is 24.9% and agricultural is 18.9% of the total area.(17) Ezbet
Alsfih and Alhoyes were created by the squatter areas on agricultural lands.
Despite the strict laws against development on agricultural land, many
houses are built right next to agricultural land. An estimated 74.8% of the
buildings were constructed during the period of 1980‐1990.(18) Whereas, during
the period between 1990‐2010, only 25.2% of the buildings were constructed.(19)
Table (17) shows the stages of squatter settlements at the expense of
agricultural areas. It started as a few housing units.
(17) Walid Yousef, Urban community in the city of Mansura, Master Thesis, University of Zagazig, Egypt, 2005, p. 181. (18) Ibid, p. 178. (19) Resolution No. (1) of the Council of Ministers on 5 November 1996, which criminalizes the bulldozing of agricultural land for construction, had a major impact in the loss ratio of buildings constructed during the period from 1990‐2010, which reached 25.2% of the total buildings. This resolution prohibits the following: 1. Commission of any action that would set aside fertile agricultural land . 2. Leveling of agricultural land or the transfer of dust, including for non‐agricultural purposes of improving or maintaining soil fertility . 3. The establishment of any buildings or facilities on agricultural land or the taking of action on the division for these purposes. Article II provides that without prejudice to any severer penalty provided for in the Penal Code or any other law shall be punished with imprisonment not less than two years and not exceeding five years for anyone who violates any provision of the preceding articles. Governed as well as punishment and confiscation of all means of transport, machinery and equipment used in committing the crime and materials derived from them. In all cases, the Minister of Agriculture can order the workers to stop the violation and return the case to what it was at the expense of the violator until the verdict is determined in the case. For more details, see: arlawfirm.com/ADVdetails.asp?id=1130
103
Once the area was stabilized, the population began to grow into the settlement
until residential use dominated over agricultural activity, and then increased to
become an urban fabric that is complex and intertwined.
Table (17): The stages of squatter growth at the expense of agricultural areas
Phase (1) Beginning of the urban fabric Phase (2) Urban growth
The proportion of agricultural land 99% The proportion of agricultural land 82% Phase (3) Expansion of urban Phase (4) Squatter settlement
The proportion of agricultural land 52% The proportion of agricultural land 18% *Source: Mohamed Abdel Samie, Lessons learned from the informal housing in the context of affordable housing, research presented in: Supreme Commission for the Development of Riyadh, Seminar on Housing II, 2004 (Arabic version), p. 55. Charts added by the researcher. **Note: Images contained in the table above represent a simulation of the squatter growth at the expense of agricultural areas in Egypt in general; they are not pictures of the study area.
104
Comparative analysis of urban environment “Compare urban features of the squatter settlements”
Examination of the current situation of the squatter settlements in Egypt is be done through the analysis of the urban environment prevailing in the two representative samples (cases studies). The comparative analysis of the urban environment is based on three main levels. The first level is to analyze the general physical features of the locations in terms of facilities, services, and roads, and the current problems afflicting the population. The second level is the comparative analysis of the current patterns of urban fabric (PAT), the cluster and void. The third level deals with the current housing situation and housing patterns, and the physical condition of housing.
1‐ General physical features
The current situation of Ezbet Bekhit is characterized by deterioration in terms of
construction standards, health, utilities, construction materials, and aesthetics.
There is no architectural character of the area, where there are any
requirements or determinants of the building. In addition, the district is not
eligible for human habitation because of the area quarries. Residents of Ezbet
Bekhit and all the inhabitants of Manshiet Nasser still face hazard from falling
rocks.(20) Figure (51) shows the extent of the damage to houses in Ezbet Bekhit
as a result of a rock fall in 2008.
(20) Amnesty International, Buried Alive Trapped by Poverty and Neglect in Cairo’s Informal Settlements Housing Is a Human Right, 2009.
105
Figure (51): Rockslide destruction of many houses in Ezbet Bekhit (21)
(21) Human Rights Watch report says “Between 8:30 A.M. and 9:20 A.M. on 6 September 2008, huge boulders and rocks crashed down Al‐Muqattam Hill in Al‐Duwayqa onto Ezbet Bekhit in the Manshiet Nasser neighborhood of east Cairo. After the roar subsided, 107 people were dead and 58 lay injured, according to officials. Survivors put the toll much higher, saying that the bodies of their relatives and entire families remain buried under the rubble. Nearly 100 buildings were destroyed. Survivors searched desperately for their relatives and neighbors—dead or alive—with the help of a small number of civil protection personnel. They poured out their anger at the authorities for failing to prevent the rockslide or relocate residents, despite repeated warnings about the impending rockslide. Survivors threw stones at visiting officials and clashed with the riot police cordon. They believed that no one had listened to them because they were seen as poor, powerless and less than human. Studies initiated by the government following a deadly 1993 rock fall in the neighboring Al‐Zabaleen informal settlement had identified danger zones all around Al‐Muqattam Hill, including the area in Manshiet Nasser devastated by the 2008 rockslide. Residents living in the vicinity of the hill had informed the authorities that cracks were appearing in the walls of their homes, and they feared for their safety. A contractor hired by local authorities to secure rocks on the hill repeatedly warned the authorities about the high risk of a rock fall. Egypt’s Speaker of Parliament began a speech in parliament by saying: “How similar today is to yesterday!” referring to the rock fall of 1993. Over the next few days, survivors began to move into the Suzanne Mubarak dwellings. The Egyptian Red Crescent and charities helped to equip some but not all of the flats. This welcome and quick response was marred by irregularities in the allocation of the flats, including alleged corruption. In the days following the rockslide, the Ministry of Social Solidarity offered compensation of up to 5,000 Egyptian pounds (EGP – approximately US$900) to families for each member killed, and up to EGP 1,000 for each person injured”. For more information refer to: Amnesty International, Buried Alive Trapped by Poverty and Neglect in Cairo’s Informal Settlements Housing Is a Human Right, 2009, p. 6.
106
The settlement consists of mostly low buildings, which is contrary to the
laws and requirements of construction. The population has suffered from
pollution due to the disparity in the height and configurations of the asymmetric
sizes and forms of the buildings and the absence of the necessary maintenance
of the buildings. In addition, the settlement lacks green spaces and open areas,
with no recreational services for children.(22)
The settlement Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes was constructed in a random
approach in a linear pattern. The population suffers from a lack of main facilities,
such as potable water, electricity, and sewage disposal, as well as the
proliferation of waste. The settlement does not contain any basic facilities such
as schools or clinics. The vast majority of the population depends on government
hospitals in the city of Mansura. Statistics indicate that 93% of the population
use public hospitals in the city of Mansura,(23) while 3% rely on folk remedies.(24)
Since the population lives on land owned by the state, the people live in constant
anxiety, especially after the 1996 law to remove encroachments on farmland.
Table (18) shows a comparative analysis of the general physical and visual
features of each of case (1) Ezbet Bekhit -Manshiet Nasser in Cairo, and case (2)
Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes in Mansura.
(22) Ibid. (23) Ibid, p. 12. (24) Folk remedies: A home remedy is a treatment to cure a disease or ailment that employs certain spices, vegetables, or other common items.
107
Table (18): Comparative analysis of physical features of the cases study Case (1) Ezbet Bekhit – Cairo Case (2) Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes – Mansura
city
the
for
site
Settlement
Case (1) Urban current situation Case (2) Urban current situation
fabric
Urban
Case (1) Details of construction Case (2) Details of construction
Plan
Site
*Source: Aerial maps from Google, Maps Location from: Hazin, Abdel‐Fattah and Yousef, Walid, Ibid.
108
2‐ Utilities Features
Public utilities in Ezbet Bekhit are deteriorating. The existing networks do
not cover the whole area and need considerable maintenance, especially the
sewage network. A partial sewerage network was introduced to Ezbet Bekhit in
1970.(25) Around 60% of the housing units are connected to the potable water
system, while only 56% are connected to a sewage system.(26) However, the
sewage is completely undersized for the current population and most
households must rely on soak‐away pits. These pits need regular emptying by
cart or suction truck, which can cost up to LE 30‐50 per month (US: $6–10).(27)
The flooding of wastewater in the area is a daily feature. Sewage floating on the
roads has become a breeding ground for insects. This leads to pollution and the
spread of infectious diseases is rapidly among the population. The electricity
grid, compared with the other basic physical infrastructure, is in good shape.
Most of the housing units are connected legally to the main electricity network
and the residents pay their bills regularly. Nevertheless, the level of maintenance
is good, but nevertheless requires some further improvement. (28) Typical
monthly electricity bills are LE 15‐30 ($3–6), depending on consumption. (29)
On the other hand, the current situation in Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes is no better
than previous. Because the number of residents of the settlement does not
(25) Sims, D., Ibid, p. 18. (26) Zeinab Nour‐Eddine Tag‐Eldeen, Participatory Urban Upgrading, Ibid, p. 44. (27) Sims, D., Ibid, p. 18. (28) Zeinab Nour‐Eddine Tag‐Eldeen, Ibid, p. 44. (29) Sims, D., Ibid, p. 18.
109
exceed 1,783 people,(30) they do not constitute a pressure on the government to
obtain water, electricity, and sewage, as is the case in Ezbet Bekhit. Pure water is
available to only 17.1% of the population and the rest of the population has
access to water through either public taps (73.4%) or pumps (6.3%).(31) Unlike in
the case of Ezbet Bekhit, the settlement does not have a sanitation system.
About 31% of the population is dependent on agricultural channels for the
disposal of organic waste. This affects negatively on the environment and
agricultural production as it participates in the formation of contaminated
swamps. About 69% of the population depends on pits tanks for their houses
and use trucks to empty tanks each month. Most of the population works on
farms nearby and live in primitive situations. Their work day ends after sunset,
but many people don’t have electricity. The current situation for electricity is
very bad compared with Ezbet Bekhit, as 22.6% of the population is dependent
on kerosene or gas for lighting and heating. The rest of the population receives
electricity through legal connections 67.8% or illegally 9.6%.(32) Table (19) shows
the comparative analysis of the level of utilities in case (1) Ezbet Bekhit and case
(2) Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes, specifying the current situation of water and
sewage systems, and access to electricity.
(30) Hazin, Abdel‐Fattah and Yousef, Walid, Slums, cities of Mansoura Talkha (Alsfiih and Alhoyes ‐ Case Study) 37th Annual Conference on the issues of population, 11‐13 December 2007. Arabic language version, p. 7. (31) Ibid, p. 11. (32) Ibid, p. 13.
110
Table (19): Comparative analysis of utilities Means of access to water in the study areas
Example of a public water taps** Case (1) Ezbet Bekhit – Cairo Case (2) Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes
Water system 60% Water system 17% Public taps 40% Public taps 73% Other 0% Other 10%
Means of sewage disposal
Sewage network 56% Sewage network 0% Cistern 44% Cistern 69% Channels agricultural 0% Channels agricultural 31%
Electricity: Most of the housing units Electricity: 22.6% use gas, the rest use are connected legally. electricity legally or illegally connected. *Source Hazin, Abdel‐Fattah, Ibid, p. 12, and Sims, D., The Case of Cairo, Egypt. Understanding Slums: Case Studies for the Global Report on Human Settlements, University College London/DPU, London, 2003, p. 18. Zeinab Nour‐Eddine Tag‐Eldeen, Participatory Urban Upgrading, Ibid, p. 44. **Note: The images above are to clarify the means of obtaining water from public taps. The pictures are not taken from the site. ***Note: People buy a gallon of water at 75 Egyptian pounds (US: $.10). Every family needs at least 9 gallons of water per day. almasry‐alyoum.com/article2.aspx?ArticleID=20921
111
3‐ Fabric Features
The urban fabric in Ezbet Bekhit is compact and complex, and has many
disadvantages relating to lighting and ventilation. Roads are very narrow and
jagged. They range from 2‐5 meters in width, which eliminates any safety area
on the side.(33) The settlement “has been developed randomly following the
pattern of housing construction. As shown in figure (52) the roads are very
narrow, often cul‐de‐sacs, and do not allow fire fighting and emergency vehicles
access to the area. In some cases, road width is barely sufficient for three
pedestrians to walk side by side and there are almost no open spaces. Different
types of activities have been developed—such as small‐scale industries (leather
treatment, painting, etc.), workshops, and handcrafts etc., which increase the
impact of pollution on the housing environment.”(34) In general, the houses have
been constructed in unplanned patterns and without consideration of the basic
health and hygienic conditions such as ventilation and sun penetration. Joint
walls attach the housing into blocks. Each block covers almost the whole plot,
thus reducing the width of the street. Usually, the first floor (or ground floor) of
the building is used as housing units with shops or workshops in the rooms that
face the streets. The roof is mainly used to dry laundry and in some cases for raising
chickens and as storage.(35)
(33) Nemat Mohamed Nazmi, Ibid, 2007, p. 161, Arabic version translated by researcher. (34) Zeinab Nour‐Eddine Tag‐Eldeen, Participatory Urban Upgrading: The Case of Ezbet Bekhit, Cairo, Master of Science Thesis in the Subject of Built Environment Analysis, Division of Urban Studies, Department of Infrastructure Royal Institute of Technology, 2003, p. 36. (35) Ibid, p. 36.
112
Figure (52): Ezbet Bekhit: Variation in the expanded road (36)
In comparison, Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes were founded in a linear pattern
in the formation of voids and clusters. The proportion of construction areas is
24.9% of the total land in Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes, while 18.9% is agricultural
land, and 65.2% is vacant land.(37) Roads are almost linear and straightforward.
Given the increase in the proportion of spaces and farmland surrounding the
houses, an optimal pattern of the physical composition of the settlement, as
favored by the population, has not yet been determined. Table (20) shows the
comparative analysis of clusters and vacant in case (1) Ezbet Bekhit ‐Manshiet
Nasser in Cairo, case (2) Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes in Mansura. The analysis notes
that the formation of urban clusters in the first case depends on exploiting the
largest amount of space. In addition, it shows the diversity of urban blocks,
roads, and spaces. The second case finds that the urban fabric tends to be in a
linear pattern with mostly agricultural areas spread between the blocks.
(36) Zeinab Nour‐Eddine Tag‐Eldeen, Ibid, p. 36. (37) Ibid.P.3
113
Table (20): Comparative analysis of clusters and vacant
Case (1) Ezbet Bekhit – Cairo Case (2) Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes
plan
Site
of
formation
clusters (1) clusters (2) clusters (1) clusters (2) the
of
Patterns
clusters (3) clusters (4) clusters (3) clusters (4)
spaces
of Pattern space (1) Pattern space (2) Pattern space (1) Pattern space (2) formation
The
Pattern space (3) Pattern space (4) Pattern space (3) Pattern space (4) *Source: Researcher based on: Participatory Urban Upgrading Manshiet Nasser / Cairo – Egypt, B.U.S. ‐ Urban Management and Environmental Planning: Project References, 1998‐2001, p. 2, and Hazin, Abdel‐Fattah and Yousef, Walid, Ibid.
114
4‐ Blocks features
The composition of the urban environment through the distribution patterns of
the blocks themselves and in isolation of the requirements of the government
regulations is remarkable. The composition of the patterns of the blocks is a
reflection of the social and economic conditions of the population. The
development of these patterns is in line with the health conditions and
considerations of the general environment and provides access to the urban
environment. It is a perfect fit with the situation of the population and meets
their needs. Table (21) shows the comparative analysis of the block types in case
(1) Ezbet Bekhit ‐Manshiet Nasser in Cairo, and case (2) Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes
in Mansura, and the overall average of the two cases. The table refers to the
main variables for block types: blocks containing the square, cul‐de‐sac, semi‐
regular, organic, and linear. Figure (53) explains the statistical information
contained in the table with a graph.
Table (21): Comparative analysis of block types Variable Case (1) Ezbet Bekhit - Case (2) Ezbet Alsfih and Block types Manshiet Nasser Alhoyes Contains the square 12% ‐ Cul‐de‐sac 63% ‐ Semi‐regular 5% ‐ Organic 20% ‐ Linear ‐ 100% Total 100% 100% *Source: Research based on the maps and aerial photos from Participatory Urban Upgrading Manshiet Nasser / Cairo – Egypt, B.U.S. ‐ Urban Management and Environmental Planning: Project References, 1998‐2001, p. 2, and Hazin, Abdel‐Fattah and Yousef, Walid, Ibid.
115
Figure (53) Comparative analysis of block types (38)
The Analysis of the previous table and the accompanying graph shows that the
vast majority of the blocks in Ezbet Bekhit are formed by cul‐de‐sac (63%) or
blocks that contain the square (12%).(39) This gives an indication that people
prefer patterns that maintain the privacy of social groups, and confirms that
most of the population has a social fabric with similar characteristics. In contrast,
the analysis finds that the only one type of block in Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes is a
linear longitudinal pattern. This is due to the flat nature of the area, as this is a
style common in agricultural land. Table (22) shows the comparative analysis of
the most common types of block in case (1) Ezbet Bekhit ‐Manshiet Nasser in
Cairo, and case (2) Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes in Mansura. There are four main
types of blocks in the first case: cul‐de‐sac (63%), organic (20%), blocks that
contain the square (12%), and semi‐regular (5%). In contrast, the linear pattern is
the single most common pattern in the second case.
(38) Researcher based on the above table. (39) Based on the above table.
116
Table (22): Comparative analysis of the most common types of block
Block type Contains the square Block type Cul‐de‐sac Bekhit
Prevalence 12% Prevalence 63% Ezbet
(1)
Case
Block type Semi‐regular Block type Organic Prevalence 5% Prevalence 20%
Alsfih
Ezbet
(2)
Block type Linear Case Prevalence 100% *Source: Researcher redrawing based on the maps and aerial photos from Participatory Urban Upgrading Manshiet Nasser / Cairo – Egypt, B.U.S. ‐ Urban Management And Environmental Planning: Project References, 1998‐2001, p. 2, and Hazin, Abdel‐Fattah and Yousef, Walid, Ibid.
117
5‐ Housing and plots features
There is great diversity in housing patterns in Ezbet Bekhit, a product of the
topography of the surfaces and the forms of land parcels. Ezbet Bekhit is
characterized by diversity in building height. The floor area ratio (FAR) of the
housing varies. Some houses have one floor, while others have even more than
five floors. Land subdivisions are between 50‐250 square meters (40), while the
surfaces of housing units range from 50‐100 square meters. Residents locate
buildings of squatters or hire workers or craftsmen to carry out the construction
of housing.(41)
Housing patterns in Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes are different from Ezbet
Bekhit, especially in terms of the diversity of building height. The vast majority of
houses have less than three floors, representing 88.3% of the total housing.
Therefore, there is no diversity in terms of height of buildings in Ezbet Alsfih and
Alhoyes.
Table (23) shows the comparative analysis of the visual features in case
(1) Ezbet Bekhit ‐Manshiet Nasser in Cairo, and case (2) Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes
in Mansura. Visual features show the deterioration of both urban settlements.
The main differences are variations in the height of the buildings in the first case,
whereas the height of the buildings in the second case is two or three floors.
(40) Faraj, Osama, and others, Improve environmental conditions through development of sustainable trees as a component of improving the environment, Ezbet Bakhit case study, Mansura University, Egypt, 2003, Arabic version, pp. 7‐8, and Walid Yousef, Urban community in the city of Mansura, Master Thesis, University of Zagazig, Egypt, 2005, Arabic version, pp. 177‐181. (41) Nemat Mohamed Nazmi, and others, Ibid, p. 161.
118
Table (23): Comparative analysis of visual features of the cases study
Case (1) Ezbet Bekhit – Cairo Case (2) Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes
elements)
architectural
and
(urban
features
Visual
Ezbet Bekhit – Cairo Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes – Mansura
Line
Sky
Diversity in the construction Monotonous repetition *Source: Hoda Mahrous, architectural and urban composition and the identity of some areas of the city of Cairo, the Conference: "Architecture and Urbanism in the context of sustainable development,” Cairo University ‐ Faculty of Engineering, 2004, p. 5. **http://jelajahunik.blogspot.com/2010/04/woww‐perkampungan‐paling‐kumuh‐di‐kairo.html and www.7okokia.blogspot.com
119
The most common types of housing can be summarized in both squatter
settlements as follows:
5‐1 Type I Large plots: This style of old structure is built on large tracts of land
about 250 square meters. It consists of one story with a square (housh)
compound represented by separate rooms, each with private residential
units and with shared bathrooms. The structure’s walls are made from
irregular stone and have a small opening. The roof is usually constructed of
light materials such as wooden beams, or tree branches covered by leaf
stalks. Most of these buildings are without proper foundations. This is the
style of the poorest quality housing in Ezbet Bekhit.(42) In Ezbet Alsfih and
Alhoyes, this style of residential units is built on land area of about 150
square meters and accounts for 19.6% of the total housing in the
settlement.(43)
5‐2 Type II medium plots: In Ezbet Bekhit, most of this style of the old structure
is built on spare land in a medium space about 120 square meters. The
structure is usually composed of two or three floors, with all the housing
units on one floor. Each unit consists of two or three bedrooms. Sometimes
the toilets are within the residential units, and sometimes they are shared.
(42) Faraj, Osama, and others, Improve environmental conditions through development of sustainable, trees as a component of improving the environment, Ezbet Bakhit case study, Mansura University, Egypt, 2003, Arabic version, pp. 7‐8, and Walid Yousef, Urban community in the city of Mansura, Master Thesis, University of Zagazig, Egypt, 2005, Arabic version, pp. 177‐181. (43) Hazin, Abdel‐Fattah and Yousef, Walid, Slums, cities of Mansoura Talkha (Alsfiih and Alhoyes ‐ Case Study) 37th Annual Conference on the issues of population 11‐13 December 2007, Arabic language version, pp. 10‐11.
120
The structure consists of brick walls and a ceiling made of reinforced
concrete.(44) On the other hand, in Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes, housing units are
built on the land area ranging from 50‐150 square meters, averaging 75
square meters, and account for 77% of the total housing in the settlement.
5‐3 Type III Small plots: In Ezbet Bekhit, the majority of this style of modern
structure is built on small to medium land area usually consisting of three to
five floors. Each floor houses units with two to four rooms in addition to the
services (kitchen and bathroom) for the unit. The structure’s walls are
constructed of red brick and the ceilings are reinforced concrete. There is
great diversity in this pattern, and cases vary from acceptable to good.(45)
However, in Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes, residential units are built on land area
of less than 50 square meters, and represent 6.7% of the total housing in the
settlement.(46)
Figure (54) shows the sizes of land plots that are most common for
the squatter settlement cases, ranging from land area of 50‐250 square
meters.(47)
(44) Faraj, Osama, Ibid, pp. 177‐181. (45) Hazin, Abdel‐Fattah, Ibid, pp. 10‐11. (46) Faraj, Osama, Ibid, pp. 177‐181. (47) Hazin, Abdel‐Fattah, Ibid, pp. 10‐11.
121
Figure (54): The most common plots in squatter settlements (48)
Table (24) shows the comparative analysis of housing space (in square
meters) in case (1) Ezbet Bekhit ‐Manshiet Nasser in Cairo, and case (2) Ezbet
Alsfih and Alhoyes in Mansura, and the overall average of the two cases. The
table refers to the main variables for housing space types, which is divided into
less than 50 square meters, from 50 to 100 square meters, and more than 100
square meters. Figure (55) explains the statistical information contained in the
table with a graph.
(48) Modified by the researcher based on: Soliman, A., A tale of informal housing in Egypt, 1995, in Aldeich, B. and Sandhu, R., eds., Housing the urban poor: policy and practice in developing countries, Zed Biik, Ltd., London, pp. 297‐316.
122
Table (24) Comparative analysis of housing space (in square meters) Variable Case (1) Ezbet Bekhit - Case (2) Ezbet Average space M2 Manshiet Nasser Alsfih and Alhoyes < 50 15% 7% 11% 50 ‐ 100 79% 27.80% 53.40% >100 6% 65.20% 35.60% Total 100% 100% 100% *Source: Statistics of Manshiet Nasser from: Nemat Mohamed Nazmi, and others, The development of squatter settlements as a model for housing in Egypt corresponds to a case study Nasser area facility in Cairo, Research Institute of Architecture and Housing ‐ National Center for Research on Housing, Building ‐ Cairo – Egypt, 12‐14 April 2007, p. 162, Arabic version, and Statistics of Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes from: Walid Yousef, urban community in the city of Mansura, Master Thesis, University of Zagazig, Egypt, 2005.
Figure (55): Comparative analysis of housing space (in square meters)(49)
The Analysis of the previous table and the accompanying graph shows that the
vast majority of the population in both settlements lives in houses ranging in size
from 50 to 100 square meters, representing 53.40% of the total housing. Table
(25) shows examples of the most common housing units in case (1) Ezbet Bekhit
‐Manshiet Nasser in Cairo, and case (2) Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes in Mansura. The
analysis notes more diversity of multi‐story housing in Ezbet Bekhit than in Ezbet
Alsfih and Alhoyes.
(49) Researcher based on the above table.
123
Table (25): Comparative analysis of the most common types of houses
Nasser
Manshiet -
Bekhit
Ezbet
in
housing
of
Types
Alsfih
Ezbet
in
housing
of
Types
Source: Participatory Urban Upgrading Manshiet Nasser / Cairo – Egypt, B.U.S. ‐ Urban Management And Environmental Planning: Project References, 1998‐2001, p. 2, and dvmetals.com **Note: The example given in Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes is an imagining based on the information contained on the average the number of rooms and unit space. For more information, refer to: Walid Yousef, Urban community in the city of Mansura, Master Thesis, University of Zagazig, Egypt, 2005, p. 181.
124
Comparative analysis of social and economic situation “Compared to social and economic characteristics”
The analysis of the current situation of the squatter settlements is not adequate to build a comprehensive vision for squatter settlements in Egypt. The solutions based on physical characteristics only, without taking into account the social and economic characteristics, will be limited. The physical environment created by the final product, whether it is affordable housing or public housing, must take into account the characteristics of the population and their way of life, considering their income, family size, and overcrowding. The physical environment must be consistent with the population and meet their needs. The current social and economic situations of the squatter settlements in Egypt will be extracted through the analysis of the socio‐ economic profiles of the representative samples (cases studies). These features include comparative analysis of monthly household income, employment status, literacy, length of residence, housing tenure, and occupancy rates and overcrowding.
1‐ Monthly household income
The household income is the financial gain (earned or unearned) accruing
over a given period of time. (50) The monthly income of households in squatter
settlements is indicative of the current economic situation of the population.
This indicates the affordability of rental costs and maintenance costs of housing.
Table (26) shows the comparative analysis of monthly household income in case
(1) Ezbet Bekhit ‐Manshiet Nasser in Cairo, and case (2) Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes
in Mansura, and the overall average of the two cases. The table refers to the
(50) wordnetweb.princeton.edu/perl/webwn
125
main variables for monthly household income, which is divided into less than
$44 (in US dollars), from $44‐$88, and more than $88. Figure (56) explains the
statistical information contained in the table by the graph.
Table (26): Comparative analysis of monthly household income Variable Case (1) Ezbet Bekhit - Case (2) Ezbet Alsfih Average Income US Manshiet Nasser and Alhoyes <$44 15.2% 16.6 15.90% $44‐$88 50.1 69.2 59.60% >$88 34.7 14.1 24.40% Total 100% 100% 100% *Source: Statistics of Ezbet Bekhit -Manshiet Nasser from: Sims, D., And The Case of Cairo, Egypt. Understanding Slums: Case Studies for the Global Report on Human Settlements, University College London/ DPU, London, 2003, p. 17, and Statistics of Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes from: Walid Yousef, Ibid. **Note: Currency has been converted from Egypt pounds to U.S. dollars by the researcher. Income groups were merged into three main categories.
Figure (56): Comparative analysis of monthly household income (51)
The Analysis of the previous table and the accompanying graph shows that the
vast majority of the population of squatter settlements has monthly income
ranging between $44‐$88. The average income does not exceed $66 for more
(51) Researcher based on the above table.
126
than 59% of the total population. The global poverty line (PL) is defined as “$1
per person per day.”(52) In other words, per capita income above the poverty line
should be $30 per month. Since the average number of family members in both
cases is equivalent to 4.6 people,(53) the average household income above the
poverty line should be at least $138 per month. As shown in the table above, all
households in the cases have monthly incomes below the poverty line. There are
no household incomes in the upper poverty line (UPL). In addition, the average
income of the inhabitants of squatter settlements is less than the average in
Egypt ($115.21 per month). (54) Thus the population not only suffers from
housing spending, but also is unable to provide essential needs.
Income is divided by the essential needs of the households, such as
housing rent, food, transportation, and medicine. More than 30% of income is
spent on housing.(55) From this logic, any physical development programs or the
provision of housing for this population must be accompanied by support from
the public or the government. Therefore, the proportion of spending on housing
should be reduced to less than 30% of the total income.
(52) http://ucatlas.ucsc.edu/glossary.html (53) See table (29) Comparative analysis of persons per room (overcrowding). (54) http://ucatlas.ucsc.edu/glossary.html (55) Board of Trustees of the Investment Authority in Egypt: www.arabianbusiness.com
127
2‐ Housing tenure
Housing tenure refers to “the financial arrangements under which someone has
the right to live in a house or apartment. The most frequent forms are tenancy,
in which rent is paid to a landlord and owner occupancy.”(56) Table (27) shows
the comparative analysis of housing tenure in case (1) Ezbet Bekhit ‐Manshiet
Nasser in Cairo, and case (2) Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes in Mansura, and the overall
average of the two cases. The table refers to the main variables for housing
tenure, which is divided into owners, renters, and other. Figure (57) explains the
statistical information contained in the table with a graph.
Table (27): Comparative analysis of Housing Tenure Variable Case (1) Ezbet Bekhit - Case (2) Ezbet Alsfih Average Tenure Manshiet Nasser and Alhoyes owners 44% 72.2% 58.1% renters 52% 26.3% 39.15% Other** 4% 1.5% 2.75% Total 100% 100% 100% *Source: Statistics of Ezbet Bekhit - Manshiet Nasser from: Zeinab Nour‐Eddine Tag‐Eldeen,, Ibid, p. 40, and Statistics of Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes from: Walid Yousef, Urban community in the city of Mansura, Ibid, p. 180. ** Families living in huts or tents because of the collapse of their homes. In Ezbet Bekhit others mean that some housing units accommodate their inhabitants relatives permanently
(56) Guide to tenancies and tenancy agreements, http://www.letsuni.org/information/contracts
128
Figure (57): Comparative analysis of housing tenure (57)
The Analysis of the previous table and the accompanying graph shows that
regarding international standards, “a commonly accepted guideline for housing
affordability is a housing cost that does not exceed 30% of a household's gross
income. Housing costs considered in this guideline generally include taxes and
insurance for owners, and usually include utility costs. When the monthly
carrying costs of a home exceed 30–35% of household income, then the housing
is considered unaffordable for that household.”(58)
In Ezbet Bekhit, “market rates prevail. A typical small two‐room flat will
rent for $20–$30 and a single room for $7–$10, plus a negotiated down
payment. Given that the median family income is probably around $50, these
market rental rates are quite burdensome, even though they are among the
(57) Researcher based on the above table. (58) A Tale of Two Town Houses, Atlantic Monthly, November 2007. For more details refer to: NLIHC: National Low Income Housing Coalition ‐ Out of Reach 2006. http://www.nlihc.org/oor/oor2006/?CFID=26410704&CFTOKEN=24486575. Retrieved 2008‐03‐19.
129
lowest in the whole city.”(59) Table (28) and figure (58) refer to the rate of
expenditure on typical housing, assuming that the model is equivalent to $20 a
month in the two settlements.(60)
Table (28): Comparative analysis of the rate of expenditure on housing Variable Case (1) Ezbet Bekhit Case (2) Ezbet Alsfih Average Income US -Manshiet Nasser and Alhoyes Pop.% H. Spe. Pop.% H. Spe. Pop.% H. Spe. <$44 15.2% 57% 16.6 57% 15.90% 57% $66 50.1 38% 69.2 38% 59.60% 38% >$88 34.7 28% 14.1 28% 24.40% 28% Total 100% ‐ 100% ‐ 100% ‐ *Source: Statistics of Ezbet Bekhit - Manshiet Nasser from: Sims, D., Ibid, 2003, p. 17, and Statistics of Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes from: Walid Yousef, Ibid. **Note: $25 has been chosen as the average of public expenditure in squatter settlements. ***Note: Currency has been converted from Egypt pounds to U.S. dollars by the researcher. Income groups were merged into three main categories.
Figure (58): The rate of expenditure on housing in two cases (61)
(59) Sims, D. The Case of Cairo, Egypt. Understanding Slums: Case Studies for the Global Report on Human Settlements, University College London/ DPU, London, 2003, p. 18. (60) Housing spending started from $7 to more than $ 30, therefore, $25 has been chosen as the average of public expenditure for housing in squatter settlements per month. (61) Researcher based on the above table.
130
The Analysis of the previous table and the accompanying graph finds that 15.9%
of the population in both cases of settlements spend 57% of their income on
housing, while 59.60% of the population in the two cases spend 38% of their
income on housing. Thus, more than 75% of the total squatter settlements
population spends more than 38% of income for housing. This percentage is
much higher than international averages.(62)
3‐ Occupancy rates and overcrowding
Crowding is “a situation in which people or things are crowded together.”(63)
Table (29) summarizes the information related to overcrowding and the average
number of members per household in case (1) Ezbet Bekhit and case (2) Ezbet
Alsfih and Alhoyes.
Table (29): Comparative analysis of persons per room (overcrowding) Variable Case (1) Ezbet Bekhit Case (2) Ezbet Alsfih Average -Manshiet Nasser and Alhoyes crowding 1.58** 1.30 1.44 Household Size 5.2** 3.7 4.45 *Source: Statistics of Ezbet Bekhit from: Sims, D., The Case of Cairo, Ibid, 2003, p. 17, according to the Ministry of Social Affairs (1998, p 4). Statistics of Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes from: Walid Yousef, urban community in the city of Mansura, Ibid, p. 181. **Note: There is no information about overcrowding in Ezbet Bekhit. The rate mentioned above is for Manshiet Nasser in general. Household Size average from 4.4‐6=5.2 . All studies based on this rate act as a representation of Ezbet Bekhit. From Sims, D., Ibid, p. 14.
The Analysis of the previous table shows that the average of overcrowding in
two squatter settlements is equivalent 1.44 persons per room, which is more
than the general average in Egypt, 1.13 persons per room. However, the average
(62) Housing cost should not exceed 30% of houshold income. (63) http://wordnetweb.princeton.edu
131
household size is 4.45 persons, which exceeds the overall average household size
in Egypt, 4.19 persons. (64) Ezbet Bekhit is very crowded. “The net residential
density is 2,200 persons per hectare. Over 30% of families live in one single
room, sharing toilets. (For all Cairo the proportion is 8.2%.) The remaining
families live mostly in small two and three room apartments with internal toilets.
The average gross floor area per person in Ezbet Bekhit is 6.2 square meters and
thr average room rate of 2.6 room per unite.(65) In Ezbet Bekhit there are
practically no vacant dwelling units (under 2%), whereas the vacancy rate for all
Cairo is said to be 18%.”(66) Figure (59) illustrates the pattern of a typical room
and the amount of space between rooms in Ezbet Bekhit.
Figure (59): Ezbet Bekhit: Type of housing accommodations (67)
Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes does not differ much from Ezbet Bekhit. The total
number of housing units is 270. The settlement contains 794 rooms, with the
average room rate of 2.9 room per unite (overcrowding is 1.3 persons per room).
(64) Central Agency for Population Mobilization and Statistics ‐ Population Clock (July 2008), website http://www.msrintranet.capmas.gov.eg (65) Zeinab Nour‐Eddine Tag‐Eldeen,, Ibid, p. 38. (66) Sims, D. Ibid, p. 17. (67) Zeinab Nour‐Eddine Tag‐Eldeen, Ibid, p. 38.
132
The average gross floor area per person in Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes is 19 square
meters. (68) The housing units have a minimum area of 50 square meters,
representing 6.7% of the total unit. In these units, the rate of overcrowding is
more than 3.6 persons per room. However, the vast majority of housing units in
the settlement range in size from 100‐150 square meters and represent 45.6%
from the total. The rate of crowding in these units is 1.1 persons per room.
4‐ Literacy
The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO)
defines illiterate as the "inability to identify, understand, interpret, create,
communicate, compute and use printed and written materials associated with
varying contexts."(69) According to a UNESCO report, 37.8% of the population was
illiterate in 1986. By 2003, the report said that 29.8% of the population was still
illiterate, “although this is an improvement."(70) Despite the marked
improvement in literacy in Egypt, the current rates of illiteracy in squatter
settlements are very high. Table (30) shows the comparative analysis of literacy
in case (1) Ezbet Bekhit ‐Manshiet Nasser in Cairo, and case (2) Ezbet Alsfih and
Alhoyes in Mansura, and the overall average of the two cases. The table refers to
the main variables for literacy, which is divided by gender, as well as by those
(68) By dividing the median area of the housing unit is 70 with the average number of persons is 3.7 (69) Mentioned definition is the opposite of the UNESCO definition of the concept of literate. http://www.unesco.org/en/efa (70) http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2003/654/eg2.htm
133
who are illiterate, and those who are educators. Figure (60) explains the
statistical information contained in the table with a graph.
Table (30): Comparative analysis of literacy
Variable Case (1) Ezbet Bekhit ** Case (2) Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes Gender Total Males Females Total Males Females Illiterate %52 %45.1 %59.6 %22.5 %48.2 %51.8 Educators %48 %54.9 %40.4 %77.5 %54 %46 Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% Variable Average Gender Total Males Females Illiterate %37 %47 %55.7 Educators %63 %53 %44.3 Total 100% 100% 100% *Source: Statistics of Manshiet Nasser from: Sims, D. The Case of Cairo, Ibid, 2003, p. 17, (% of total age 9+) Statistics of Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes from: Walid Yousef, urban community in the city of Mansura, Master Thesis, Ibid, p. 187. **Note: For all of Cairo the 1996 Census gives illiteracy rates (for those over nine years of age who cannot read or write) of 24.2%. The similar rate for Manshiet Nasser is 52.0%, over twice as high. (Ezbet Bekhit is not separately counted in the census.)
Figure (60): Comparative analysis of literacy (71)
The Analysis of the previous table and the accompanying graph shows that 52%
of the population of Ezbet Bekhit is illiterate, and 33% of the population in Ezbet
Alsfih and Alhoyes is illiterate. The overall average of illiteracy in selected
(71) Researcher based on the above table.
134
squatter settlements is 37%. The highest rate of illiteracy in Egypt is 29.8%. The
illiteracy rate is significantly high among women in squatter settlements due to
the lack of educational programs for women and the fact that women in squatter
settlements often work within the home or in the upbringing of children. The
high illiteracy rate in squatter settlements is a main reason for the proliferation
of those settlements because they provide the population with an informal
working system that does not require skills or high education. Therefore, it is
important when creating a new urban environment to take into account the
provision of educational and rehabilitation programs to help provide the
population with jobs. Otherwise, they will return to the same settlements.(72)
5‐ Length of residence
The length of stay of residents in squatter settlements gives an indication of the
stability and livelihoods of the people, and sets a historical timeline for the
settlement. Table (31) shows the comparative analysis of length of residence in
case (1) Ezbet Bekhit ‐Manshiet Nasser in Cairo, and case (2) Ezbet Alsfih and
Alhoyes in Mansura, and the overall average of the two cases. The table refers to
the main variables for length of residence, which is divided into less than 15
years, from 15‐25 years, and more than 25 years. Figure (61) explains the
statistical information contained in the table with a graph.
(72) Readings for: Laila R. Iskandar Kamel, Mokattam Garbage Village, Cairo, Egypt, 1994, and Mark Kramer, Dispossessed, Life in our word’s urban slums, New York, 2009.
135
Table (31): Comparative analysis of Length of Residence Variable Case (1) Ezbet Bekhit - Case (2) Ezbet Alsfih Average Years Manshiet Nasser and Alhoyes <15 59.5% 53% 56.25% 15‐25 24.8% 47% 35.9% >25 15.7% No info. available** 15.7% Total 100% 100% 100% *Source: Statistics of Ezbet Bekhit -Manshiet Nasser from: Sims, D., The Case of Cairo, Ibid, 2003, p. 17, and Statistics of Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes from: Walid Yousef, Urban community in the city of Mansura, Ibid, 2005. ** There is no information available about the length of residence in Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes for more than 25 years, because it is a new settlement compared to Ezbet Bekhit.
Figure (61): Comparative analysis of length of residence (73)
The Analysis of the previous table and the accompanying graph shows that the
vast majority of the population in both settlements has stayed less than 15
years—59.5% for case (1), and 53% for case (2). There is an imbalance in the
population staying for more than 15 years. While 15.7% of the population in
Ezbet Bekhit has stayed more than 25 years, no information was found of
population staying more than 25 years in Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes. That gives an
indication of the state of stability experienced by the population in Ezbet Bekhit
(73) Researcher based on the above table.
136
compared with Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes. Whereas the government in case (1)
recognized (indirectly) to establish a population within the settlement and
provided some necessary utilities such as electricity, sewer, and water, the
government did not recognize the establishment of the population in case (2).
Often, people face the demolition of their non‐structured homes held on
agricultural land. Figure (62) shows the status of instability experienced by the
population Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes.
Figure (62): Removal of some houses in Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes (74)
6‐ Employment status
The Current Employment Statistics (CES) is the key to the stability of populations
within the settlements, as it is one of the main causes of migration from villages
to cities in searching of better income. Most of the government housing projects
or the affordable housing did not succeed because it they did not take into
(74) On 12 March 2009, dozens of people in Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes gathered in front of their homes to protest the forced removal of a number of homes and to act as human shields to stop the removals. Three women fell down in front of their houses, which allowed entry to remove the houses without completely clearing them. For more details, see: http://75.125.134.85/viewarticle.php?id=3061
137
account the economic aspect. Housing is not a place for accommodation of
population only, but it is a comprehensive system of life. Table (32) shows the
comparative analysis of employment status in case (1) Ezbet Bekhit ‐Manshiet
Nasser in Cairo, and case (2) Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes in Mansura, and the overall
average of the two cases. The table refers to the main variables for employment
status, which is divided into government, private sector, and unemployed. Figure
(63) explains the statistical information contained in the table with a graph.
Table (32): Comparative analysis of employment status Variable Case (1) Ezbet Bekhit Case (2) Ezbet Alsfih Average Employment -Manshiet Nasser and Alhoyes Government 12.2% 11.9% 12.05% Private sector** 57.83% 78.5% 68.2% Unemployed 13.61% 9.6% 11.6% Total 83.6%*** 100 % 91.8% *Source: Statistics of Ezbet Bekhit - Manshiet Nasser from: Zeinab Nour‐Eddine Tag‐Eldeen, Participatory Urban Upgrading: The Case of Ezbet Bekhit, Cairo, Master of Science Thesis in the Subject of Built Environment Analysis, Division of Urban Studies, Department of Infrastructure Royal Institute of Technology, 2003, p. 35, Statistics of Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes from: Walid Yousef, Urban community in the city of Mansura, Ibid, 2005. ** The vast majority of the population that works in the private sector are self‐employed persons, laborers, or craftsmen. *** Although the researcher tried to obtain information from a variety of sources, 16.3% of the total population is not calculated in Ezbet Bekhit, perhaps because of the statistics dealt with the working‐age (+18) population only. The statistics in Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes dealt with the entire population without limitation of age to work.
138
Figure (63) Comparative analysis of employment status (75)
The Analysis of the previous table and the accompanying graph shows that the
vast majority of the inhabitants of squatter settlements work in the private
sector or on their own. The rate of those who work in the private sector was
57.83% in Ezbet Bekhit and 78.5% in Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes.(76) Most people
who work in the private sector in Ezbet Bekhit work as craftsmen, and in Ezbet
Bekhit in agriculture. Coffee shops represent the only recreation facility in both
cases,(77) but especially in Ezbet Bekhit “these are used mainly for casual workers
gathering to discuss and agree about work systems. These coffee shops are well
known in Cairo as sources of labours manpower according to types of skill
required.”(78) Residents of squatter settlements are often self‐reliant in the
management of life, work, and construction. This is evident from the overall
(75) Researcher based on the above table. (76) Based on the above table. (77) Each coffee shop belongs to one or more category of activity such as laborers in building construction and handicrafts. (78) Zeinab Nour‐Eddine Tag‐Eldeen, Participatory Urban Upgrading: The Case of Ezbet Bekhit,Cairo,Master of Science Thesis in the Subject of Built Environment Analysis, Division of Urban Studies, Department of Infrastructure Royal Institute of Technology, 2003, p. 36. 139
percentage of workers in the public sector from the squatter settlements, which
is 12.05%. The unemployment rate in both settlements do not exceed 11.6%,
which is not much different from the general unemployment rate in Egypt of
9.3%.(79) This gives an indication that the squatter settlements provide job
opportunities for the population. Therefore, most of the inhabitants of those
settlements are linked to work. From this premise, the provision of any housing
program must be accompanied by programs that contribute to job creation of
the population in order to ensure stability.
(79) Mohamed Hassan, Cyrus Sassanpour, and Labor Market Pressures in Egypt: Why is the Unemployment Rate Stubbornly High? International Conference on “The Unemployment Crisis in the Arab Countries” 17‐18 March 2008, Cairo, Egypt, p. 3. 140
Summary of the current condition “Summary of urban environment, social, and economic situation”
The growth of the squatter settlements in Egypt take two forms: growth at the expense of government land in the desert, is in the case of Ezbet Bekhit, or growth at the expense of agricultural land, is in the case of Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes. The settlements are located near the major facilities in the city, to take advantage of such factors as roads, services, accessibility, and the city center.(80)
Residents have formed their own homes, roads, blocks, and land according to their social and economic situations, variable as to family size, affordability, and the proximity of services. Residents in Ezbet Bekhit conducted pressure on the government to provide essential services such as water, electricity, and sanitation. Eventually, they managed to receive most of the basic utilities. On the other hand, residents in Ezbet
Alsfih and Alhoyes were unable of apply any pressure on the government to provide immediate needs such as drinking water.(81) This is due to the small population, and the feeling of the population of the illegality of building on agricultural land, particularly with a clear law to criminalize the construction on agricultural land.(82)
The roads are narrow and winding, and are not suitable for the movement of vehicles.(83) Residential blocks cover almost the whole plot of land. There are some
(80) Based on the information related with general features. (81) Based on the information related with utilities features. (82) Resolution No. (1) Of the Council of Ministers on 5 November 1996 criminalized the bulldozing of agricultural land for construction. (83) Based on the information related with fabric features.
141
spaces between the blocks and they reflect the urban social pattern and the desire to form a homogeneous urban environment. Construction of the settlement is not completed so there can be no judgment on the patterns of planning blocks or deal with them as patterns of choice among the population. Generally, it pursues a linear pattern that is common in agricultural land.(84)
The vast majority of housing in the squatter settlements selected as case studies have degraded despite building regulations, and there is a lack of the bare necessities of a healthy environment suitable for humans. Housing units range in size from 50‐100 square meters. Building heights vary in Ezbet Bekhit, from one floor to more than five floors, while in Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes the buildings do not exceed more than three stories. The patterns of land that is most common in these cases of squatter settlements start from an area of 50 square meters, and can be 75 square meters, 120 square meters, 150 square meters, or 250 square meters.(85)
All residents in squatter settlements live under the poverty line. They can not afford housing, where the vast majority of the population spends more than 38% of their income on housing only.(86) In addition, most of them work in unskilled occupations in workshops, in maintenance, or as farmers, as in the case of Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes.
The average overcrowding in the two squatter settlements is 1.44 persons per room, which is more than the general average in Egypt, 1.13 persons per room. However, the
(84) Based on the information related with blocks features. (85) Based on the information related with housing features. (86) Based on the information related with monthly household income and employment status.
142
average household size is 4.60 persons, which exceeds the overall average household size in Egypt, 4.19 persons. (87)
The overall average of illiteracy in these selected squatter settlements is 37%, compared to the highest rate of illiteracy in Egypt, 29.8%. Women do not get any kind of care education, so the illiteracy rate in women is much higher than in men, and consists of 55% of the total illiteracy in the settlements.(88)
(87) Based on the information related with occupancy rates and overcrowding. (88) Based on the information related with literacy.
143
Chapter six: Results
The previous chapter analyzed the actual conditions of squatter settlements in
Egypt through the selection of an example of a settlement at the expense of public land
(Ezbet Bekhit) and an example of the settlement at the expense of the agricultural areas
(Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes). Comparative analyses of the urban environment of these settlements have been in terms of the urban fabric, utilities, blocks, roads, and housing units. In addition, comparative analysis of the social and economic situation has been in terms of family size, income, residence, literacy, and housing rents. This chapter will lay out the guidelines extracted from the analysis that are compatible with the needs of the residents of squatter settlements regarding the built environment, and the social and economic conditions. This chapter begins with an evaluation of Egypt’s experience in dealing with squatter settlements through the two case studies. Then there is an evaluation of the actual situation in terms of the urban fabric, blocks, and housing units.
There is also an evaluation of the social and economic situation of the case study settlements in terms of suitability with urban patterns and environmental conditions. At the end of this chapter is a proposal to deal with the squatter settlement situation with guidelines that meet the needs of the residents of squatter settlements based on positive results from experiences dealing with actual housing conditions.
144
Evaluation of Egypt’s Experience “Evaluate the Features of Egypt’s Experience in Dealing with the Cases”
Egypt’s experiences in dealing with squatter settlements have taken place through several stages and different approaches. The government dealt with squatter settlements in different ways depending on the sources of funding, the importance of spatial location, the intervention of donors, popular pressure, and the critical issues or disasters.(1) In both case studies, several solutions and strategies have been tried. Some of these modes used the participation of the private sector, donors, or people’s participation.
A summary of the evaluation of Egypt’s experience in dealing with squatter settlements follows:
1‐ Servicing Informal Areas
This intervention mode provides physical infrastructure and basic public services
to squatter settlements. The approach focuses on the physical improvement of
squatter settlements by improving access to the area, paving and lighting main
roads, installing or upgrading infrastructure (water, sanitation, electricity), and
organizing street markets and microbus stops.(2) Abdelhalim (2010) states, “The
Egyptian government has adopted this mode since the 1990s. It is based on the
argument that physical interventions provide the bare minimum of humane
(1) Ahmad Allam, shidid Yahya, Mahdi Majid, Renew of Neighborhoods, 1st ed. Cairo: Egyptian Anglo Library. Translate from Arabic version, 1997. (2) Ignacio A. Navarro and Geoffrey K. Turnbull, (2010). The Legacy Effect of Squatter Settlements on Urban Redevelopment. Working Paper No. 2010/3/25.UNU‐WIDER.
145
living conditions that are of higher priority than other types of development.”(3)
The government has implemented this approach on many of squatter
settlements, including Ezbet Bekhit in an earlier stage. The criticism of this
approach is that it gives legal legitimacy to the inhabitants of squatter
settlements, providing infrastructure like electricity and water is an indirect
recognition of the government in establishing the population, and will encourage
the growth of squatter settlements in the future.(4)
2‐ Sectorial Upgrading
Sectorial upgrades are initiatives in which the government or the private sector
works to improve conditions in squatter settlements. They are often aimed at a
category or a specific sector such as health, education, or poverty. According to
Abdelhalim (2010), “These may be the initiatives coming from ministries, donor
agencies, the private sector or large NGOs. Examples are the upgrading of
schools in poor and informal areas as part of the ‘100 schools project’
implemented by the NGO Heliopolis Services under the auspices of Suzan
Mubarak;(5) Upgrading of youth centers in poor neighborhoods by the Coca‐Cola
Company; and the upgrading of infrastructure and community facilities in
Manshiet Nasser through the Egyptian‐German development cooperation PDP,
(3) Abdelhalim, Khaled. “Participatory Upgrading of Informal Areas: A Decision‐Makers’ Guide for Action.” May 2010, p. 6. (4) Depending on analysis result. (5) Suzanne Mubarak, wife of the Egyptian President, provided many housing projects for supporting poverty.
146
GTZ.”(6) Figure (64) shows one of the social and economic projects that promote
the role of women through an Egyptian‐German development project
implemented (PDP) in Manshiet Nasser, including Ezbet Bekhit.
Figure (64): Projects Empowering Women in Manshiet Nasser by PDP(7)
These initiatives took place in different times, but have become focused
since 1990 after the occurrence of humanitarian disasters in squatter
settlements, such as happened in Ezbet Bekhit.(8) The criticism of this approach is
that it focuses on the development of social sectors only, such as the
recreational or educational sector, without paying attention to the development
of the current status of housing. It also depends on public pressure and the
ability of the public to transfer the problems and suffering, and their needs to
the international media in order to spur reaction from philanthropic foundations,
the private sector, and donor countries. Another criticism is that support of
these initiatives comes from donors; therefore, the population has not ensured
(6) Abdelhalim, 2010, p. 7. (7) Ibid, p. 52. (8) Amnesty International. “Buried Alive Trapped by Poverty and Neglect in Cairo’s Informal Settlements Housing Is a Human Right,” 2009.
147
the sustainability of these projects because they are subject to the terms and
provisions of the donors.
3‐ Planning and Partial Adjustment
This approach relies on the progressive development of informal settlements
through widening main streets and creating vacant lots. The idea is based on
drawing future regulation lines and rebuilding dilapidated housing according to
new regulations. Often this approach is used with the settlements that are
severely degraded. Thus, the eligible housing units are those that are liable to
collapse at any time, that can then be re‐constructed to the new regulations.(9)
This method has not been applied in any of the selected case studies, but
is mentioned here to discuss the intervention used in the development of urban
guidelines of squatter settlements. Figure (65) illustrates the application of
regulation lines for the progressive development of squatter settlements.
Figure (65): Application of Regulation Lines in Squatter Settlements(10)
(9) Afifi, Ahmad, Studies in Urban Planning, University of Al Ain, United Arab Emirates, 1998. Arabic version. (10) Researcher depending on Afifi, Ahmad, Ibid.
148
Abdelhalim (2010) states about the partial adjustment approach: “It is
particularly applicable to areas where housing conditions are good but
residential density is high and space for public facilities is scarce.”(11) The
criticism of this approach is that it takes a long time to implement, and
regulation lines may change and be outdated by the time reconstruction of the
housing units is completed.
4‐ On‐site Redevelopment of Informal Areas
The idea of this intervention is based on the gradual changing of the physical
structures in squatter settlements, replacing them with modern constructions
and allowing the residents to reside in the same place. This approach was not
applied in the settlements that have been selected either. However, Abdelhalim
(2010) points out, “There are few pilot projects of this type in Egypt
implemented by leading NGOs that are capable of mobilizing government
support and guard the interest of residents to stay in the same location, such as
the Hadayek Zeinhom project or the Old Agouza project.”(12)
Although this approach provides an opportunity for residents to stay in
the same place after it is developed, the criticism of this method is that it does
not take into account market forces. The upgrading of squatter settlements
means high value of the land, rentals, and public services. The increase in the
market value of the property tempts people to abandon their homes through
(11) Abdelhalim,(2010) , p. 7. (12) Ibid.
149
sale or lease.(13) Also, the market value of real estate encourages investors to
own property and thus raises the rental value. In this case, market forces drive
the indigenous people outside of those settlements.(14)
5‐ Redevelopment and Relocation
This approach consists of the complete demolition of squatter settlements and
relocation of the residents to alternative housing. Abdelhalim (2010) explains,
“This mode is [applied] to squatter settlements that are hazardous to their
residents, as in the case of relocation of some residents of Doweiqa living
underneath the Mokattam Hills to 6th of October City following the rock slide in
October 2008.”(15) Currently, this approach is applied to the settlements of parts
of Ezbet Bekhit that constitute a great danger to the population. Some residents
in high‐risk sites are being relocated to the Suzanne Mubarak Housing near the
settlement. However, some residents have been unable to obtain alternative
accommodation because of administrative bureaucracy. The criticism of this
mode is that it deals with the issue of squatter settlements as a housing crisis
only, with the absence of economic and social factors.(16)
(13) C. N_IL UZUN, Residential transformation of squatter settlements: Urban redevelopment projects in Ankara, Journal of Housing and the Built Environment, Department of City and Regional Planning, Ankara, Turkey, 2005. (14) The National Center for Smart Growth Research and Education with funding from the National Association of Home Builders, Housing Market Impacts of Inclusionary Zoning, February 2008. (15) Abdelhalim, 2010, p. 7. (16) Gans, Herbert J. “The Human Implications of Current Redevelopment and Relocation.” Journal of the American Planning Association. www.informaworld.com/smpp/title~content=t782043358.
150
Most of the residents of squatter settlements are associated with their
work, whether they are craftsmen, farmers, or labors. Providing housing for
these people without consideration of finding work opportunities for them is
making the workers return to the squatter settlements.(17)
Figure (66) shows examples of affordable houses near Ezbet Bekhit. The
housing here is not combatable with low‐income residents.
Figure (66): Alternative Housing in el Doweiqa, Manshiet Nasser(18)
(17) Mustapha Oyewole BELLO, The focus has always been on squatter or informal settlements and not on the urban poor, or their inaccessibility of land, Working Week 2009 Surveyors Key Role in Accelerated Development Eilat, 3‐8 May 2009. (18) Khaled Abdelhalim,Participatory Upgrading of Informal Areas,A Decision‐makers’ Guide for Action, Cairo, May 2010.p. 7
151
6‐ Unregulated Styles
The unregulated approach is random interference or intervention by the
government in applying the laws of a municipality or government regulations.
The application of this approach is often the removal of the buildings in these
settlements, as has been done in Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes and most of the
settlements built at the expense of agricultural land in accordance with the
Resolution No. 1 (1996), which criminalizes building on agricultural land.(19) The
Egyptian government still uses this approach with Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes,
which has led to clashes between the population and the implementing
agencies, and contributes to increased aggression among the population.(20)
In Ezbet Bekhit, this unregulated approach has been applied to many
governmental solutions, such as whether support for housing is to come from
the private sector, participation, or donors. In Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes, this
approach has been applied approach to only the removal of the buildings. This is
due to several factors, such as public pressure calling for utilities and services,
the settlement site in central Cairo, the arrival of the inhabitants voted to the
international media, and the critical status of the situation in Ezbet Bekhit
compared with Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes.(21) The criticism of this approach is the
(19) Resolution No. (1) Of the Council of Ministers on 11/5/1996 which criminalizes the bulldozing of agricultural land or construction. (20) www.dakahliaikhwan.com/viewarticle.php?id=3061 (21) Depending on the results of comparative analysis and Ahmad Allam, shidid Yahya, Mahdi Majid, Renew of neighborhoods, 1 edition, Cairo: Egyptian Anglo Library. Translate from Arabic version, 1997.
152
random application of the laws and regulations and that alternative housing
solutions are not provided to the residents of squatter settlements.
7‐ Participatory Approach to Upgrading
This approach depends on the residents participating in the development and
upgrading of the squatter settlements by encouraging the establishment of
development projects, the use of workers in construction, and the support of the
local population. This model provides effective solutions to the squatter
settlements because it gives an opportunity for residents to stay in the same
place and also provides them with career opportunities.(22)
The principle of participation reduces the financial burden on
governments in the Middle East, and at the same time helps to unify the efforts
to resolve the problem of squatter settlements. In addition, Abdelhalim (2010)
points out “that participatory upgrading brings about an integrated development
approach, whereby it is more possible to coordinate local development efforts
and achieve a higher impact on the improvement of living conditions of residents
and the upgrading of their locality. For example, packaging a project for
improving the solid waste collection system together with an awareness raising
campaign at schools as well as a micro‐credit scheme promoting small business
for youth in recycling will definitely have a better impact on the local community
(22) For more information refer to: 1. André Alexander, Leh Old Town, Ladakh ‐A Participatory Approach to Urban,Conservation, Community‐based Upgrading and Capacity‐building, 2005. 2. TSION LEMMA, RICHARD SLIUZAS and MONIKA KUFFER, A participatory approach to monitoring slum conditions: an example from Ethiopia, April, 2006.
153
than each individual project alone. An integrated development approach,
however, requires coordination among sectorial agencies and among
governmental and non‐governmental and private sector partners.”(23)
This model is used in some informal settlements in Egypt with the
support of the civil institutions and international donor agencies. At present,
there are efforts for international and governmental organizations to apply this
approach in Ezbet Bekhit, as well as the whole of Manshiet Nasser.(24)
Figure (67) shows the application of the partnership approach through
the cooperation of the private sector, the government, and the population for
the development of squatter settlements.
Figure (67): Participation Factors (25)
The Egyptian‐German development project in Manshiet Nasser was
implemented by the Ministry of Economic Development (MoED) as the lead
(23) Abdelhalim, 2010, p. 8. (24) Ministry of Urban Development. “Report on Study Tour to Egypt and Lessons, Learned on Approaches to Informal Settlements.” 2006. (25) Abdelhalim, 2010, p. 48.
154
executing agency, the German Technical Cooperation (GTZ), and the (KfW)
Entwicklungs bank (German Development Bank), with financial assistance by the
German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ).(26)
Figure (68) shows the committees involved in the development, where the
debate between each committee is to know the needs as requirements, as to
reach consensus among all parties. The committees often involve non‐
government organizations, public service management, natural leaders, local
residents, and local businesses.
Figure (68): Model of Partnership and Participation (27)
(26) For more information refer to: 1. The Participatory Development Programme in Urban Areas (PDP), funding organization: German federal ministry for Economic (BMZ) term 2004‐2011. 2. Zeinab Nour‐Eddine Tag‐Eldeen, Participatory Urban Upgrading: The Case of Ezbet Bekhit, Cairo, Master of Science Thesis in the Subject of Built Environment Analysis, Division of Urban Studies, Department of Infrastructure Royal Institute of Technology, 2003. (27) Abdelhalim, 2010, p. 48.
155
The criticism of this model is that it focuses on the development
strategies and popular participation without studies of the site regarding natural
hazards and whether the site is convenient for the population. For example, a
large part of the settlement of Manshiet Nasser is not suitable for housing
construction because it is prone to rockslides. The case study shows that, in case
of a rockslide such as occurred in 2008, residents of Ezbet Bekhit would need to
evacuate immediately and would require the provision of appropriate housing
alternatives for them.(28)
Table (33) shows a summary of the evaluation of Egypt’s experience in
dealing with squatter settlements. Evaluation is on the basis of both the positive
and negative factors. The negative factors are excluded from the subsequent
phase of developing the main guidelines for squatter settlements in Egypt.
(28) Amnesty International, Buried Alive Trapped by Poverty and Neglect in Cairo’s Informal Settlements Housing Is a Human Right, 2009.
156
Table (33): Evaluate of Egypt’s Experience in Dealing With Squatter Settlements Egypt’s Evaluation experience Approach Positives Negatives Servicing Development of inexpensive. Focuses on the physical improvement. informal areas Depends on materials financed by the government, so there Often focuses on critical facilities and are no conditions from the infrastructure. donor. Promotes squatting because the government provides infrastructure. Sectorial Reduces the burden of the Often focuses on recreational upgrading government. facilities, health or education. Enhances the participation of Unsustainable projects because they the private sector. are subject to donor conditions. Enhances the participation of donors and charities. Planning and Development of inexpensive The development of partial with high partial housing. priority. adjustment Needs a long time. On‐site Freedom of residence in the The impact of market forces on real redevelopment same place. estate. Takes advantage of the features of the site. Redevelopment Provides ready housing. Absence of economic and social factors. and relocation Evacuates people from their environment. Unregulated Removes the degraded built Does not provide any alternative styles environment. housing. Wastes housing stock. Random application. Participatory Consistent with economic and Absence of analysis of natural factors. social factors. approach Absence of analysis of physical Stimulates the private sector. factors. Promotes the principle of participation. Reduces financial burdens. Source: Researcher based on Abdelhalim (2010); and Soliman (2004).
157
Evaluation of Existing Conditions “Evaluate the Existing of Urban, Economic, and Social Environments in the Case Studies”
The evaluation of the squatter settlements that have been selected is based on knowledge of the relationship between the constructional status and social and economic situations of the population, the adequacy of these conditions for the population, and the positive factors in shaping the built environment. The evaluation of the actual situation and experience in both cases will help to draw the positives and exclude the negatives for developing basic guidelines for dealing with squatter settlements that will meet the needs of the population and fit with economic and social conditions. Evaluation of the actual situation will be implemented in three phases: evaluation of the actual physical conditions in terms of the urban fabric, blocks, and housing; and evaluation of the social and economic situations in terms of suitability with urban pattern and environmental conditions.(29)
1‐ Evaluation of the Actual Urban Environment
Evaluation of the actual urban environment of the case studies depends on the
relationship between the formation of the urban pattern and the social and
economic characteristics; the suitability of these patterns for the population; and
the compatibility of these patterns with the standards of planning in Egypt.
Evaluation starts from the level of the urban fabric, and covers the most
common blocks, plots of land, and housing.
(29) Will be measuring how positive of urban, social, and economic situation of the inhabitants in squatter settlements that have been selected by comparing current situation with Egyptian standards planning, or global standards in case of absence the standards in Egypt.
158
1‐1 Evaluate urban abric: In both case studies, the existing urban fabric is not
subject to the foundations of specific planning. The urban fabric is irregular
and is not suitable for vehicles. There are no paved roads or pathways
dedicated to pedestrians. There is no discharge of sewage and most of the
streets turn into contaminated swamps during the rains. Utilities are
generally operated without standards and the population suffers from lack of
water and sanitation. Electricity is available because it is relatively easy to
provide there. Atuahene (2004) points out that “the provisions for adequate
food and clothing are difficult to measure. Yet, the fact that informal housing
conditions are linked with a woefully inadequate supply of basic services,
including clean drinking water,”(30) indicates that food supplies likely are not
adequate and cleaniless is probably lacking. The lack of these basic services
“are primary causes of many injuries, psychological stresses, and both
communicable and chronic diseases.”(31)
The study found that public pressure and the population affect the
possibility of connecting utilities in squatter settlements. Utilities need to be
developed in line with the population and on the Egyptian standards of per
capita services.
(30) Atuahene, Bernadette. “Legal Title to Land as an Intervention Against Urban Poverty in Developing Nations.” 36 George Washington International Review, 1109, 1123‐24, 2004. (31) Soliman, 2004, p. 15.
159
The population takes advantage of the maximum amount of space to
build their houses at the expense of roads. Therefore, most of the roads did
not exceed 10 meters (32 feet) in width and some were narrower. Therefore,
fire trucks and ambulances cannot enter some areas. Urban fabric that built
at the expense of agricultural areas cannot be evaluated because it is not yet
completed. However, the overall style of the settlement is linear, roads are
closer to the systematic pattern, and the settlement included a number of
vacant lots.
In the existing situation of the squatter settlements in the case
studies, the urban fabric, facilities, utilities, and social services do not meet
the global standards of the Universal Declaration’s article 21, which states
that: “everyone has the right to equal access to public service in his
country.”(32) Fonseca (2002) explains that even if the State were willing “to
provide services to informals, their inability to keep tabs on people existing
outside of the legal regime effectively precludes them from doing so. The
fact that urban informals have almost no contact with the State, unless they
commit a serious crime, underscores their deprivation of services.”(33) As
Miller (2006) puts it, if even “the police avoid informal settlements, then it
(32) Miller, Brett J. “Living Outside the Law: How the Informal Economy Frustrates Enforcement of the Human Rights Regime for Billions of the World’s Most Marginalized Citizens.” Northwestern University School of Law, Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights, Volume 5, Issue 1, Fall 2006, p. 140. (33) Fonseca, Claudia. “Inequality Near and Far: Adoption as Seen From the Brazilian Favelas.” 36 Law and Society Review, 2002, p. 401. 160
can come as no surprise that social services rarely visit such dwellings
either.”(34)
Squatter settlements can benefit from the development of the roads
in line with safety standards which allow the allocation of water sources (i.e.,
fire hydrants) for emergencies in the narrow roads. Other improvements
include paving the streets, converting some roads to be one direction only,
and allocating certain spaces as parking lots for vehicles or children’s
playgrounds.
1‐2 Evaluate blocks: Blocks are shaped without controls or planning standards,
as they begin when housing units combine to form a block. Based on the
analysis, the most common types of blocks are cul‐de‐sacs, while the linear
modes are found particularly in agricultural settlements. Most of the blocks
contain spaces or include an outlet street. The existing situation of the blocks
are in line with the social aspects. However, they need to be developed so
the spaces encourage the strengthening of social relations and social
participation, or used as playgrounds for children.
Figure (69) illustrates the patterns of common blocks in squatter
settlements, where each pattern established by the population is equivalent
to a standard pattern after development.
(34) Miller (2006).
161
Cul‐de‐sac Square Regular Linear
Figure (69): Block Patterns and Equivalent Patterns in the Planning(35)
The blocks that contain spaces or cul‐de‐sacs maintain privacy for
each social group, so the residents of a group demonstrate the same social
characteristics.
The population preferences of the blocks patterns most common in
squatter settlements must be taken into account. It is necessary to maintain
these patterns with the development of the built environment in order to
achieve sustainability of the population.(36)
1‐3 Evaluate housing: Plots in squatter settlements are distributed randomly
according to the exploitation of the area. Areas of plots range from 50‐250
square meters (538‐2,691 square feet). Often multi‐story residential units are
(35) Researcher redrawing of blocks based on chapter 5. (36) Based on data analysis in chapter 5.
162
spread among small plots. Most of the units have deteriorated and lack the
minimum health and safety standards. The average area of the housing units
in settlements range from 50‐100 square meters (538‐1,076 square feet).
Some units do not have toilets, so residents are dependent on public toilets
or shared toilets.
The existing situation of housing in the squatter settlements in the
case studies violates the requirements of construction in Egypt in terms of
construction without permits, urban spaces, and a lack of bathrooms and
kitchens. In addition, the built environment does not accommodate the
current population density based on the criteria of neighborhoods in
Egypt.(37)
Despite the deteriorating situation of housing in squatter settlements,
the evaluation shows that the most common housing units in such
settlements can be developed to fit the standards of construction while at
the same time simulating the current conditions of the population.(38) Table
(34) shows the characteristics of the current housing units in squatter
settlements and compares them with the standards of construction in Egypt.
There are no significant differences between the current situation and the
standards of construction. This indicates the possibility of developing such
(37) Ahmad Allam, Ghaith, Mahmoud, Planning neighboring residential, Cairo, Arabic version, 1995. (38) Based on data analysis in chapter 5.
163
housing units in accordance with official standards, while maintaining the
properties of the residential units.
Table (34): Comparing the Actual Aituation With the Standards Items Average in Regulation Ratio* squatter Min. area Max. area settlements Room** 11.35 2.7 10 Kitchen 3.12 1.5 3 Bathroom 2 1.5 2.25 Hall 2.6 3 7.5 Avg. area per person 12.6 15 Avg. rooms per dwelling 2.8 3.5 Avg. persons per room 1.44 1.5 Source: Calculating the average by the researcher depending on: Zeinab Nour‐Eddine Tag‐ Eldeen, Ibid, p. 38. & Walid Yousef, urban community in the city of Mansura, Ibid, p. 181. *Note: Area is in square meters. **Note: There is no specific information on the two case studies about room, kitchen, bathroom, and hall area. It has been replaced by the information on the squatter settlement in Egypt in general through: Egyption Building Ragulations, Low No. 106, 1976 (dimensions are in meters and square meters); and Soliman, A. in G. Dix et al. Housing in Alexandria, report submitted to ODA, Liveropool, Liverpool University Press, 1992.
Table (35) summarizes the actual urban environment in squatter
settlements and the evaluation of positive and negative aspects. (39)
(39) The previous analysis in chapter 5. With the benefit of: 1. Planning the neighborhood: standards for healthful housing, American Public Health Association. Committee on the Hygiene of Housing,Chicago : Public Administration Service, 1960. 2. Ghaith & Allam, Planning neighboring residential, Cairo, Arabic version, 1995. Central Agency for Public Mobilization and Statistics.
164
Table (35): Evaluation of the Actual Urban Environment Actual situation in two cases Evaluation Electricity often reaches to the site legally The existing situation of utilities is depending on the public pressure. substandard. 56.5% of the population in squatter Lack of sewage system in squatter settlements depends on water taps. settlements is a major cause for the spread of diseases. 56.5% of the population in squatter settlements not connected to a sewage. Development of the network,
Utilities sanitation, and utilities reduce the Electricity is the best utility in squatter burden on the population both in settlements due to the ease delivery the transfer of water or the costs compared with others. for the disposal of contaminated Waste disposal constitutes an extra burden to water. the population where they spend $6‐10 per month. The formation of the urban fabric is suitable The current situation fits with the
to the social and economic conditions. circumstances of the pedestrian environment. Spaces are spread in the agricultural tissue, but less in the desert tissue. Narrow roads are appropriate to the Features population. Most use simple means Roads are very narrow and jagged ranges such as bicycle or bus. But they do from 2‐10 meters.
Fabric not conform to safety standards (fire trucks, ambulances). Cul‐de‐sac blocks are the most common, and Cul‐de‐sac blocks promote social
linear in the agricultural area in particular. relationships among residents. Blocks are formed so as to enhance social Spaces between the blocks are
Blocks convergence in the population. opportunities to create small playgrounds and recreational areas. The most common land area is from 50‐ 250 The existing situation of housing is
sq. m. substandard. 53.4% of housing area from 50‐100 sq. m. Social and economic conditions plots control the housing type, space, Number of floors ranges from one floor to
and and number of floors. more than five floors, depending on population density and the needs of the Some houses have inadequate family. health standards in terms of
Housing lighting, ventilation, and provided toilets. *Source: The previous analysis in chapter 5. With the benefit of: Planning the neighborhood: standards for healthful housing, American Public Health Association. Committee on the Hygiene of Housing,Chicago : Public Administration Service, 1960. and Ghaith & Allam, Planning neighboring residential, Cairo, Arabic version, 1995. Central Agency for Public Mobilization and Statistics.
165
2‐ Evaluation of the Actual Social Situation
The evaluate of the actual social situation of the inhabitants in the squatter
settlements selected is through the appropriateness of the existing social
situation with the planning standards in Egypt or the global standards in the case
of the absence of local standards. Positive and negative factors are evaluated in
terms of population density, household size, overcrowding, literacy, and social
stability. Table (36) summarizes the evaluation of the social situation of squatter
settlements.
Table (36): Evaluation of the Actual Social Situation
Actual situation in two cases Evaluation Disparities in the population of squatter The average of population in
settlements are 28,900 and 1,783 people. squatter settlements is more than Egyptian residential The average number of residents in the environment standards, which squatter settlements chosen is 15,341.
Population must not exceed 7,500 people.
Average household size in selected squatter Average household size is more Size
settlements is 4.45 persons. than the average in Egypt—4.29 persons. Overcrowding in squatter settlements of Overcrowding is within the 1.44 persons per room. existing standards in Egypt.
Household Total percentage of illiterates in selected Illiteracy rate of more than the squatter settlements is 37%. overall rate in Egypt 29.8% Development should include Percentage of illiterate females is 55.7%. educational services, particularly Literacy Percentage of illiterate males is 47%. to support women.
Residents who have lived in settlement for Supports population stabilization less than 15 years is 56.25%. through ownership of the
stability For 15‐25 years is 35.9%. property.
For more than 25 years is 15.7%. Stimulate the population to stay through employment programs. Social *Source: The previous analysis in chapter 5. With the benefit of: Planning the neighborhood: standards for healthful housing, American Public Health Association. Committee on the Hygiene of Housing, Chicago: Public Administration Service, 1960; and Ghaith & Allam, Planning neighboring residential, Cairo, Arabic version, 1995. Central Agency for Public Mobilization and Statistics.
166
3‐ Evaluation of the Actual Economic Situation
The evaluate of the economic situation of the inhabitants in the squatter
settlements that have been selected is through the appropriateness of the
existing situation of economic with the planning standards in Egypt or the global
standards in the case of the absence of local standards. Positive and negative
factors are evaluated in terms of household income, housing tenure,
expenditure on housing, and employment status. Table (37) summarizes the
evaluation of the social situation of the squatter settlements.
Table (37): Evaluation of the Actual Economic Situation Actual situation in two cases Evaluation
Average monthly income of the Average monthly income of the inhabitants of squatter settlements inhabitants of squatter ranges from $44‐$88. settlements less than the global spending poverty line ($138). Proportion of tenants is 39.15% of the total population. Average monthly income of the income,
inhabitants of squatter More than 75% of the squatter settlements less than the settlements population spends more average in Egypt ($115.21). than 38% of income for housing. Must reduce proportion of Household spending on housing of 30%. 68.2% of the population of squatter Development of squatter settlements work in the private sector. settlements or the creation of new residential environments status Majority of the population are self‐ of the population must include employed. the private sector to support Unskilled occupations are prevalent in the population, employment, squatter settlements such as and rehabilitation. maintenance, agriculture, paint, sewing, Employment and labor workers. *Source: The previous analysis in chapter 5. With the benefit of: Planning the neighborhood: standards for healthful housing, American Public Health Association. Committee on the Hygiene of Housing, Chicago: Public Administration Service, 1960. and Ghaith & Allam, Planning neighboring residential, Cairo, Arabic version, 1995. Central Agency for Public Mobilization and Statistics.
167
Guidelines for Dealing with Squatter Settlements “Taking Advantage of the Positives in the Evaluation in the Case Studies”
The development of guidelines for dealing with squatter settlements is based on preserving the positive aspects of the actual urban environment, and social and economic situations. Improving the negative aspects depends on measuring the adequacy of those situations with Egyptian standards, whether physical, environmental, health, or international standards. The guidelines benefit from the experience of the
Egyptian government in dealing with squatter settlements in that the positive aspects of the physical, social, and economic situations have been identified and incorporated.
Figure (70) illustrates the importance of taking advantage of the positive experience and the actual conditions in both case studies to provide effective guidelines that are compatible with the squatter settlements population.
Positive Take advantage from Evaluate experience in both cases positive ways Negative Guidance for
squatter settlements Positive
Evaluate condition in both cases Final product compatible with population Negative
Figure (70): Process to Take Advantage From the Squatter Settlements Cases(40)
(40) Researcher depending on the process of the study.
168
1‐ Decision to Develop the Squatter Settlements “Guidelines for the Responsibility of Governments in the Development”
The right to development is “rooted in the United Nations Charter, the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights and the two International Human Rights
Conventions.”(41) According to the Declaration on the Right to Development:
1‐1 The right to development is “an inalienable human right by virtue of which
every human person and all peoples are entitled to participate in, contribute
to, and enjoy economic, social, cultural and political development, in which
all human rights and fundamental freedoms can be fully realized.”(42)
1‐2 The human right to development also “implies the full realization of the right
of peoples to self‐determination, which includes, subject to the relevant
provisions of both International Covenants on Human Rights, the exercise of
their inalienable right to full sovereignty over all their natural wealth and
resources.”(43)
2‐ The Suitability of the Site for Development “Guidelines for Government Intervention in Squatter Settlements”
Before proceeding with the development of squatter settlements, the area must
be evaluated in terms of site safety, public health, and natural hazards. Most
squatter settlements are built in places that are difficult to access or are
(41) Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Right to Development: Background at www.unhchr.ch/development/right‐01.html (last visited Mar. 10, 2006). (42) Brett J. Miller, Living Outside the Law: How the Informal Economy Frustrates Enforcement of the Human Rights Regime for Billions of the World’s Most Marginalized Citizens, Northwestern University School of Law, Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights, Volume 5, Issue 1, Fall 2006, p. 133. (43) Declaration on the Right to Development art. 1, paras. 1, 2, G.A. Res. 41/128 (1986), available at http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/74.htm (last visited Mar. 10, 2006).
169
controlled by the government planning agencies. Therefore, construction of the
settlements is often at the expense of agricultural land, plains, or hills, or is close
to water sources. Although the Egyptian government have made efforts to
develop Ezbet Bekhit in the past, it was found through this study that both
settlements are not appropriate to upgrading or developing the physical
situation. Ezbet Bekhit was built at the expense of the limestone mining area and
is very dangerous because of rockslides. The study suggests immediate
evacuation of the population first, and then planning to establish a physical
environment appropriate for them. Ezbeit Alsfih and Alhoyes was built at the
expense of agricultural land surrounding the city of Mansoura. The settlement is
not suitable for development due to environmental considerations.(44)
3‐ Sustainable Urban Environment “Guidelines for the Government in Providing Affordable Housing”
Affordable housing or public housing should emulate the urban patterns of
development in the squatter settlements to become suitable for building
standards in Egypt. However, these models should meet the needs and
preferences of residents in terms of the urban fabric, urban blocks pattern, and
residential units.(45)
Figure (71) shows the guidelines to create a sustainable urban
environment based on the principle of maintaining the current patterns of urban
(44) Based on data analysis in chapter 5. (45) Mohamed Abdel Samie, lessons learned from the informal housing in the context of affordable housing, research presented in: Supreme Commission for the Development of Riyadh. Seminar on Housing II, 2004. (Arabic version).
170
squatter settlements and developing settlements that compatible with the
planning standards.
Informal settlements Formal settlements
Urban fabric Urban fabric
Blocks Blocks
Housing Housing
Incompatible with the standards Incompatible with the inhabitants
Compatible with inhabitants Compatible with the standards
Maintain the patterns and adapt to the standards
Sustainable urban environment
Figure (71): Guidelines to Create a Sustainable Urban Environment(46)
3‐1 Block patterns: The development of urban block patterns should be
silimar to the current situation while also in line with the planning
standards. Table (38) shows the urban block patterns developed for the
residential blocks of the squatter settlements in the case studies.
(46) Researcher based on: ElBaradei, Abdel‐Moneim. Ph.D thesis, Egypt, 1990.
171
Table (38): Development of Urban Blocks in Squatter Settlements
Current status Emulator model After development
1‐ Cul‐de‐sac: Prevalence rate proposed for this type is 63%
2‐ Square: Prevalence rate proposed for this type is 12%
3‐ Linear: Prevalence rate proposed for this type is 25%
4‐ Linear with walkway: Prevalence rate proposed for this type is 25% *Source: Modified models developed by the researcher and taken from: http://www.cyburbia.org/gallery/showphoto.php/photo/19482 **Redrawn by researcher based on the maps and aerial photos from Participatory Urban Upgrading Manshiet Nasser / Cairo – Egypt, B.U.S. ‐ Urban Management And Environmental Planning: Project References, 1998‐2001, p. 2, and Hazin, Abdel‐Fattah and Yousef, Walid, Ibid.
172
3‐2 Block length: Residential blocks lengths should not exceed 250 meters
(820.21 feet) in order to facilitate access between the units and services.
In the case of block lengths of exceeding 250 meters, the blocks must be
punctuated by internal pedestrian pathways.(47) Figure (72) shows the
development of the pedestrian environment within blocks that exceed a
length of 250 meters so as to strengthen the principle of accessibility.
Figure (72): Development of a Pedestrian Environment in the Block(48)
3‐3 Housing types: Affordable housing or public housing should be diversified in
terms of area, height, and type of housing, and be similar to the housing
units in squatter communities while also in line with the standards of
construction. Table (39) shows the building heights proposed and the
standards of construction in proportion for each type.
(47) Law of Urban Planning in Egypt, the law of the division of land, No. 3, 1982. (48) Researcher.
173
Table (39): The Proportion of Built‐up Area to the Total Area Guidelines/standards Building height Building height: one story. The proportion of built‐up area: 100% of total plot. Often used as separate residential units. Building height: two stories. The proportion of built‐up area: 50% of total plot. Often used for more than one family. Building height: five stories. The proportion of built‐up area: 20% of total plot. Often used as apartments or in groups. Source: Ghaith & Allam. Planning Neighboring Residential, Cairo, Arabic version. 1995, p. 105.
3‐4 Road width: The width of the roads proposed should be from 3‐10 meters
(10‐32 feet), while having pedestrian pathways with a width not less than 2
meters (7 feet). In addition, the width of the roads should be compatible with
building heights so that residents feel comfortable.(49)
Figure (73) illustrates the guidelines for the relationship between the
road and building height according to international standards.
(49) For more information see: County of San Bernardino, California, Road Planning and Design Standards, 1993.
174
Figure (73): Guidelines of the Road and Building Height(50)
3‐5 Street pavement: The study shows that most of the streets in the squatter
settlements in the case studies are not paved but instead use asphalt.
Guidelines propose minimizing the use of asphalt in the streets, particularly
in the streets with width of less than 3 meters (10 feet), and replacing it with
materials taken from the natural environment, such as small stones. Figure
(74) shows examples of pavement of the streets using natural materials so as
to enhance the principle of environmental sustainability.
Figure (74): Paving Using Natural Materials Adapted to the Environment(51)
3‐6 Squares and space: The study shows the importance of squares within
squatter settlements. The alternative housing proposed must include a
hierarchy of square spaces starting from semi‐private spaces within the
(50) ElBaradei, Abdel‐Moneim. Ph.D. thesis, Egypt, 1990. (51) www.pavingexpert.com
175
blocks, to public squares and the main square. Figure (75) shows the
hierarchy of squares within the urban environment proposed.
Figure (75): Guidelines of the Squares Proposed(52)
4‐ Sustainable Social and Economical Environment “Guidelines for the Government in Providing Affordable Housing”
4‐1 Population density: The population of the settlements proposed must
comply with planning standards. The actual population of one of the squatter
settlements chosen exceeds the residential planning standards. The
population of Ezbet Bakhit is 28,900 people, higher than the official
standards). On the other hand, the population of Ezbet Alsfih and Alhoyes is
1,783 people, within the official standards.(53) The population in the proposed
(52) Researcher depending on: Ghaith & Allam, p. 219. (53) Based on data analysis in chapter 5.
176
residential neighborhoods should not exceed 7,500 people for each
neighborhood.
4‐2‐ Work opportunities: The proposed affordable housing should be close to
possible sources of jobs and services.(54) Amnesty International (2009)
suggests, “Consider the destructive effects of relocating people far from their
source of livelihood and their community where they can find work and
afford costs of life.”(55)
4‐3 Standard facilities: Guidelines must include the development of standard
facilities, services, and commercial areas on the basis of the proposed
population of 7,500 people for each residential neighborhood.(56) Table (40)
shows the standard facilities that are proposed and the appropriate
population density within the level of the person and the family.
Table (40): Area Standards of Facilities Proposed for 7,500 People Facilities Acres Schools 3.00 Playground 7.00 Public green area 4.00 Commercial center 3.71 Others 2.90 Total 20.62 Acre per 1,000 people 2.75 Sq. m per family 58 Sq. m per person 11 *Source: Ghaith & Allam. Planning Neighboring Residential, Cairo. Arabic version, 1995, p. 147.
(54) Ahsan, Reazul. “Informal Housing and Approaches Towards the Low‐income Society in Developing Countries.” University of South Australia, 2010. (55) Amnesty International. “Buried Alive Trapped by Poverty and Neglect: In Cairo’s Informal Settlements Housing Is a Human Right.” 2009, p. 39. (56) ElBaradei, Abdel‐Moneim, Ph.D. thesis, Egypt, 1990.
177
4‐4 Accessibility: The facilities in the affordable housing must encourage people
to walk through the area bridging the distance between the housing unit and
facilities as much as possible.(57) Table (41) shows the distance between the
standard facilities and residential units in a manner consistent with the
principle of promoting pedestrian environment in the settlements.
Table (41): Walking Distance Proposed to the Facilities in the Community Type of facilitie Maximum walking distance Day nursery 400 m Kindergarten 400‐800 m Elementary school 400‐800 m Playground 400‐800 m Social activity 800 m Health center 800 m Middle school 1000‐1500 m High school 1500‐2000 m Mosque or church 1500‐2000 m Commercial center 1500‐2000 m Recreational services 1500‐3000 m *Source: Ghaith & Allam, Planning neighboring residential, Cairo, Arabic version, 1995. Egyptian standards, pp. 35, 113.
As shown in Figure (76), guidelines for the walking distance to the
main facilities are appropriate for the population in a manner consistent with
the rates of planning in Egypt.
(57) For more information see: Vermont Pedestrian and Bicycle Facility Planning and Design Manual, Prepared for the Vermont Agency of Transportation by the National Center for Bicycling & Walking, December 2002.
178
Figure (76): Guidelines of Walking Distance to the Main Facilities(58)
5‐ Other Guidelines “Guidelines for Particpation of the Privite and Public Sectors”
5‐1 Private sector participation: The study shows that most of the residents of
squatter settlements work as craftsmen, laborers, or farmers. Therefore, the
private sector must be encouraged to utilize the human resources by
establishing projects that serve those populations, such as maintenance
projects, sewing, recycling waste, and painting. The guidelines include
granting free land to the private sector, renting out land in the long term,
and granting loans to investors.
5‐2 Public participation: The population should be involved in the development
of the existing physical environment or new urban environments. In this way,
the final product will comply with the needs and perferences of the
residents. The participation of the population must be throughout the
development process, from the initial plan, to the final plan, and the actual
implementation. Figure (77) shows a program of public participation in the
development of guidelines, as well as reviews and hearings regarding them.
(58) Researcher based on table (41).
179
Public participation in the development process consists of the following
stages:(59)
a) An agency prepares a draft of project‐specific guidelines.
b) The agency circulates the guidelines to identified interested parties and
announces their availability for public comment.
c) A review panel receives the written comments and conducts meetings.
d) The review panel prepares the final project‐specific guidelines.
Figure (77): Opportunities for Public Participation(60)
(59) Canadian Environmental Assessment Agency: www.ceaa.gc.ca (60) Ibid.
180
Chapter Seven: Conclusion
The previous chapter addressed the results of the study and the guidelines in dealing with squatter settlements. These guidelines are based on the philosophy of taking advantage of the actual conditions of those settlements to develop standards consistent with the planning conditions of the population and meet their needs. This chapter contains summaries of the results of the study from the previous chapter in the form of key points, as well as the final recommendations, based on the results of the study. The final recommendations will address the elements of the main issue, whether they were caused by the problem, affected by the problem, or part of the problem. The recommendations will include the community, the government, and the residents of the squatter settlements. At the end of this chapter there are summaries of the stages of the study, the difficulties faced by the researcher, and the findings and recommendations.
181
Results of the Study "Summary of the Main Results of the Study"
Based on the analysis of the actual situation in both squatter settlements case, and evaluate government’s approaches. Number of positive led to developed guidelines for dealing with squatter settlements and in line with urban standard. The most important results of Egypt’s experience in dealing with squatter settlements are as follows:
1‐ The Regional Dimension of the Problem
The study shows that in spite of the government’s efforts to solve the problem of
squatter settlements in Egypt, the phenomenon of the unplanned growth of
settlements remains one of the biggest challenges facing the government. The
study shows that the focus of development in the major cities at the expense of
the villages and small towns has led to the increased migration of the
population. In addition, the lack of supply of affordable housing is one of the
main reasons for the limited accessibility of housing for the poor. This situation
has contributed to the building of settlements on the outskirts of cities in an
informal manner.
The study emphasizes the importance of the regional dimension in solving the
problem of squatter settlements in the long term and preventing their spread in
the future. The majority of the population is near major cities; 47.54 percent of
Egypt’s population is concentrated in the areas of Cairo, Dakahlia, Albuhera, and
Alexandria. The balance in the development, the distribution of services in rural
182
areas, and structuring equal population density within cities must all be priorities
for the regional plans in Egypt.(1)
2‐ The Positive Role of Government
The study shows that the government has made many positive efforts to
improve and develop squatter settlements. Although these settlements were
built on an informal basis, the government has provided many of the facilities,
utilities, and services, even if they are limited. The government has also provided
affordable housing programs, economic housing, and funds to support the poor.
Despite their efforts, these development programs were not sufficient to cover
all squatter settlements in Egypt. However, that does not eliminate the positive
role of government in trying to resolve the problem. The issue of squatter
settlements cannot be solved by the government alone, but needs contributions
from several parties, including the private sector, public participation, and
donors.(2)
3‐ Egypt’s Experience Affected by External Factors
The study shows the impact of external factors on the development of squatter
settlements in Egypt. The government provided many of the projects and
solutions to the housing in Ezbeit Bekit, such as partial development, alternative
(1) See chapter 4: dealt at length with a regional dimension, population concentration, and stages of the spread of squatter settlements. (2) See chapter 6: comprehensive assessment of the experience of the Egyptian government in dealing with squatter settlements and concludes the positive features.
183
housing, and, recently, an Egyptian‐German development (PDP). Meanwhile, the
study did not find any solutions or programs to deal with Ezbeit Alsfih and
Alhoyes where people still suffer from the indiscriminate destruction of housing.
This gives the impression that Egypt’s experience in dealing with squatter
settlements is affected by the importance of the settlement, the influence of the
media,(3) external donors, and public pressure.
4‐ Egypt’s Experience Includes a Variety of Approaches
The study shows that Egypt has used many approaches in dealing with squatter
settlements. Some of these approaches have relied on the government’s vision,
such as on‐site redevelopment of informal areas, partial adjustment, and
servicing informal areas. On the other hand, some approaches benefited from
the participation of the private sector, donors, or popular participation. The
study shows the benefit of evaluating past experience and taking advantage of
positive features to support development projects for squatter settlements.(4)
5‐ The Absence of a Comprehensive Strategy
The study shows that despite the diversity of the government’s approaches to
dealing with the squatter settlements, there was no comprehensive strategy to
deal with all squatter settlements in Egypt. The approaches are applied
(3) Human Rights Watch addressed the issue of population in Ezbet Bekhit and Manshiet Nasser in detail, especially after a rockslide disaster in 2008. That had a major impact on the government to accelerate the pace of development in this settlement in particular. (4) See chapter 6: evaluate the experience of the Egyptian government, concludes the positive features.
184
selectively to each settlement separately, and this has a negative impact on
public resources, government efforts, and human resources. In addition, the
development of some squatter settlements in Egypt and the removal of other
settlements do not take into account the principle of social justice, where some
residents gain social welfare, development, and services while the rest of the
settlements are deprived of the slightest attention.(5)
6‐ Squatter Settlements Are Not Full of Drawbacks
The study shows that squatter settlements do have some positive aspects. Many
lessons have been learned from the population’s ability to form their urban
environments without relying on the government. The study concludes that
many formations in urban squatter settlements are similar to formal settlements
in terms of the types of blocks, housing units, and the urban fabric. Therefore,
planners can take advantage of those models and develop housing to fit the
standards of formal planning when proposing alternative housing. Achieving that
means the formation of new urban environment in accordance with planning
standards that at the same time meet the needs of the population.(6)
7‐ Lessons Learned From the Inhabitants in Popular Participation
The study shows that the residents of squatter settlements depend on
themselves in terms of building the physical environment, self‐employment, and
(5) See chapter 5: the comparative analysis of squatter settlements. (6) Ibid.
185
self‐management. Despite the negative aspects of those settlements, the study
shows that many lessons have been learned from popular participation.
Therefore, any solutions or future projects that do not support people’s
participation in decision‐making are incomplete.
8‐ The Economic and Social Dimensions of the Problem
The study shows that some of the solutions and projects did not take into
account the social and economic dimensions of the problem.(7) The provision of
affordable housing for the poor is one alternative solution to squatter
settlements, but is not enough to solve the problem. Planners must prepare
solutions that also provide job opportunities for the population, social programs,
activities that support popular participation, and access to land. Any attempt to
resolve the problem of squatter settlements without this realization will amount
to an effort in futility. The government’s vision of alternative housing should be
sustainable living environment, not a place to merely accommodate the
people.(8)
(7) For more information see: Reazul Ahsan, Informal Housing and Approaches towards the Low‐income Society in Developing Countries,University of South Australia,2010. (8) Mustapha Oyewole BELLO, The focus has always been on squatter or informal settlements and not on the urban poor, or their inaccessibility of land, Working Week 2009 Surveyors Key Role in Accelerated Development Eilat, 3‐8 May 2009.
186
Recommendations "The Final Recommendations of This Study"
The recommendations of this study deal with issues related to government institutions, population of the squatter settlements, the private sector, donors, and research institutions. After reviewing the results of the study, the evaluation of the current situation of squatter settlements, and the evaluation of the experience of the government in dealing with squatter settlements in Egypt, recommendations of the study are summarized as follows:
1‐ Building Databases of Squatter Settlements
The apparent lack of data related to squatter settlements in Egypt is one of the
main reasons that solutions are provided that do not correspond with the needs
of the population. Most of the housing units provided to the population as a
solution are not compatible with the family size, income, and social and
economic conditions of the population. The study recommends building a
comprehensive database of squatter settlements in Egypt that include a
geographic information systems (GIS), including accurate information on the
construction, population, and economic conditions. Yaakup and Healey (1994)
explain: “The quality of the planning and decision‐making process can be
substantially improved when valid data are appropriately and efficiently
handled.”(9) From this standpoint, the focus should be on developing solutions
and strategies that are compatible with the conditions of the population and
(9) Yaakup A B, Healey R G, 1994, "A GIS approach to spatial modelling for squatter settlement planning in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia" Environment and Planning B: Planning and Design 21(1) 21 – 34
187
economic conditions. The construction of a comprehensive database of squatter
settlements in Egypt will help in the development of a comprehensive strategic
plan to deal with squatter settlements, and avoid development of individual
plans that are not sustainable because they do not address the physical, social,
and economic needs of the population. The GIS database can be used to
“produce various scenarios which take into account the socioeconomic
characteristics of the squatters, the constraints of the physical layout of existing
squatter settlements, availability of land, and site suitability of different kinds of
development. Spatial modeling techniques are employed to examine alternative
plans for the squatter areas. These plans are evaluated by means of cost‐benefit
analysis incorporated into the GIS database.”(10)
2‐ Positives From the Experience of the Government
The study recommends benefiting from the experience of the government in
dealing with squatter settlements, to evaluate the experience, and extract
positive aspects. Although many of these programs cannot resolve the housing
problem completely, planners can take advantage of the positive aspects of each
approach. The experience of the government in dealing with squatter
settlements must be considered along with the evaluation of the current
situation of the squatter settlements. This will lead to the development of
guidelines that stem from the participation of government and the population,
as well as the reality of built environment.
(10) Yaakup A B, Healey R G, Ibid.
188
3‐ Provide Smart Housing Alternatives
The study shows the advantages and disadvantages of the environment built for
addressing the problems of squatter settlements. The study emphasizes the
importance of taking advantage of the positive features of squatter settlements,
as well as methods of shaping the built environment, the urban spaces, and the
social and economic circumstances of the population. The study recommends
providing smart housing alternatives that are consistent with the physical
conditions, and meet the needs of the population. Providing housing alternatives
without studying the characteristics of the physical, social, and economic
activities of the inhabitants will not contribute to the stability of populations
over the long term.
4‐ Equal Population Density in the Planning of Cities
The study shows that the absence of regional planning in the development of
cities with more equal distribution of population density is the main reasons for
the spread of squatter settlements in Egypt. The total concentration of the
population is 47.54 percent in the center and north of Egypt because of the
proximity of water sources, economic activity, and the networks of major ports.
Nearly half the population of Egypt is concentrated in an area not exceeding 20
percent of the area of the country.(11) The study recommends utilizing regional
planning in determining the optimal size of cities so as to prevent any
concentration of population in specific cities at the expense of other cities.
(11) See Chapter 4.
189
5‐ Strengthening of Popular Participation
The study shows that most of the residents in squatter settlements work in the
private sector as artisans, farmers, or laborers. The study recommends a focus of
using human resources for sustainable settlements after the development.
Providing affordable housing without taking into account the social and
economic aspects has led to failure and returns the population to the squatter
settlements due to the availability of jobs.(12) Therefore, the study recommends
the participation of the population in the construction and development, or in
government projects involving the inhabitants of those settlements, such as
waste recycling, construction, and lighting. In addition, it recommends to the
participation of women by providing career opportunities for them through food
processing, sewing, and homemaking.
6‐ Flexibility in Planning Controls
The study shows that a main contribute to the spread of squatter settlements in
Egypt is the regulations and strict building codes. The difficulty in accessing
affordable housing, the control of investors in the housing market, and the lack
of government support for housing are all factors that have encouraged the
building of settlements without obtaining building permits.(13) The study
recommends flexibility in land use regulations and building codes. This will
encourage the expansion of housing, the diversification in the use of
(12) See Chapter 5: Comparative analysis of social and economic situation. (13) See Chapter 4: causes of squatter settlement in Egypt.
190
construction materials, building multi‐story units, self‐construction, and using
affordable construction techniques.
7‐ Stimulate the Private Sector in Development
The study shows that although 37 percent of the population in the selected
squatter settlements is illiterate, most of the population has acceptable skills,
whether in construction, industry, maintenance, or agriculture. The participation
of the private sector in management and organization of the labor market will
contribute significantly to the employment of the population and increase their
income. This will reflect positively on the physical environment, the population,
and investors in the private sector. The study recommends efforts to stimulate
the private sector in development of the squatter community by establishing
industrial projects, granting free land to investors, and reducing taxes or fees
imposed on investors.
8‐ Support Studies on Squatter Settlements
The study recommends supporting studies on squatter settlements in Egypt and
researching the possibility of taking advantage of actual patterns in the
development of alternative models of housing. In addition, the study
recommends developing the guidelines and standards that have been proposed
in this thesis to reach the urban environment model that is compatible with the
residents of squatter settlements and meets their needs.
191
The Difficulties Faced by the Researcher "Obstacles, Problems, and Critical Issues Faced by the Researcher"
The researcher faced numerous obstacles during the conduct of this study. These problems can be summarized as follows:
1‐ Lack of Information
Although there is some statistical information about the squatter settlements,
the researcher encountered obstacles related to the maps in that most of the
maps were drawn free‐hand and do not contain a scale. Therefore, the
researcher depended on aerial maps from Google and satellites. In addition, the
researcher encountered problems related to the lack of social information as
most of the social studies and statistics covering the whole area of settlements,
but do not cover each community or sub‐district.
2‐ Conflicting Information
Some of the information, particularly relating to population social issues and are
conflicting. Although there is some statistics information in the recent times, the
researcher found there are differences in the number of residents of the
settlements, population density, and the total area. Therefore, the researcher
depended on the mean of recent studies. (14)
3‐ The Absence of a Data Bank
Unfortunately, most countries in the Middle East suffer from the absence of a
consolidated information bank. Therefore, the researcher had to use information
(14) The clearest example is the entire population of the settlement of Ezbet Bekhit. P.94.
192
gathered from different sources that sometimes conflicted. The lack of a
geographic information system (GIS) linked to a database that is updated
periodically is one of the main obstacles faced by researchers in the field of
planning and urban development in the Middle East.
4‐ The Role of Research Institutions
Unfortunately, most universities lack information regarding squatter
settlements. There is some research and a few theses, but they contain
redundant information about the settlements such as causes of the problem,
and describe statistical information. The information does not supply any
solutions or innovative ideas to the issue. The researcher tried to contact
professors at the University of Mansura, but the information obtained was less
than anticipated. In addition, many of the professors did not reply to the e‐mail
request. On the other hand, some government institutions have cooperated well
with the researcher.(15)
5‐ Translation Issues
The researcher encountered some difficulties related to translations, since some
of the statistics and research are written in Arabic. The researcher benefited
from new technology such as the translation software Google Translate.
Surprisingly, there are many studies about squatter settlements in Egypt that are
written in English.
(15) See acknowledgments.
193
AFTERWORD
Access to affordable housing is an important issue facing governments in the
Middle East. Egypt is an example of the inability of the government to deal with squatter settlements, where the study shows an estimated 1,046 settlements housing more than
10.7965 million people. The Egyptian government has failed to provide affordable housing or housing alternatives to the poor. On the other hand, some affordable housing that is available does not fit with the poor in terms of income, family size, and social conditions. Therefore, the government is pushing the population to build their own houses through the principle of occupation of the land and building without permits, which leads to the spread of squatter settlements.
This study shows that the prevalence of squatter settlements is an inevitable consequence of the weakness of regional planning, population concentration in some cities, and high housing prices and rent. This study relies on the philosophy to utilizing existing settlements in terms of examining patterns of the physical, economic, and social situations of the inhabitants of those settlements to develop guidelines and planning standards that meet the needs of the population. The study reviews the theories and ideas about ways to deal with squatter settlements in general. Egypt has been selected as an example of a Middle Eastern country that still suffers from the spread of squatter settlements. Egypt’s experience dealing with squatter settlements is reviewed along with a comparative analysis of case studies for comparing the actual conditions of the physical, social, and economic environments of the population.
194
The study summarizes the most important problems facing the population, and identifies the most common patterns in squatter settlements in terms of plots, blocks, types of housing, number of floors, space, family size, income, and spending on housing.
Based on this information, guidelines and development standards have been developed that stem from the people’s needs and also fit with their economic and social aspects.
The results reached by this study should benefit future models for developing affordable housing because the recommendations are derived from the needs of the population and the actual situations of the squatter settlements.
The study found the most important results are as follows:
1‐ The regional dimension of the problem of squatter settlements in Egypt is the
most important aspect and is the key to controlling the problem in the long
term.
2‐ The Egyptian government’s dealing with squatter settlements was not
completely negative; there are many positive efforts in terms of support for the
poor, urban development, and affordable housing.
3‐ Egypt’s experience in dealing with squatter settlements is affected by external
factors, public pressure, and the number of people.
4‐ Egypt’s experience in dealing with squatter settlements has included many of the
approaches and ideas that will help in developing the strategies for squatter
settlements.
195
5‐ Absence of a comprehensive strategy to deal with squatter settlements means
some squatter settlements are being developed, while the rest are deprived of
social justice.
6‐ Squatter settlements are not filled with only drawbacks, but can benefit from the
positive elements that can be developed to fit with the planning standards.
7‐ There are many of the lessons learned from popular participation. Therefore, any
solutions or future projects that do not support people’s participation in
decision‐making are incomplete.
8‐ The social and economic dimensions of the problem are important, so the
government’s vision of alternative housing should be as a sustainable living
environment, not merely place to accommodate the people.
The study recommends the application of the following items:
1‐ Building databases of squatter settlements to be used in the development of
strategies and solutions.
2‐ Evaluating the experience of the government in dealing with squatter
settlements to extract positive factors.
3‐ Providing smart housing alternatives to coincide with the residents of informal
settlements in terms of environmental, economic, and social factors.
4‐ Planning population density of cities based on the principle of the spread of
development and distribution facilities.
5‐ Strengthening the use of popular participation through the promotion of self‐
construction, labor use, and opportunities for them to find suitable employment.
196
6‐ Flexibility in planning controls by easing restrictions on the poor, to promote
construction using cheap building materials, and encourage the expansion of
housing on the basis of family size and needs.
7‐ Stimulating the private sector in development by promoting the principle of
interactive participation between the private sector and the population.
8‐ Supporting studies on squatter settlements in Egypt and researching the
possibility to take advantage of actual patterns in the development of alternative
models.
The difficulties faced by the researcher:
1‐ Conflict and lack of some information about the squatter settlements in Egypt.
2‐ The absence of a squatter settlement data bank.
3‐ The absence of the role of research institutions and universities.
4‐ The problems of translation of information and data.
197
References
1 Abrams, Charles, "Squatter Settlements: The Porblem and the Opportunity.” Ideas and Methods Exchange no. 63. Washnigton D.C. Office of International Affairs, Department of Housing and Urban Development, 1966. 2 Abdel‐Kader, nismat and Tuni, Problems of the fabric and character, 1, Cairo: Arab Publishing & distribution, 1997. 3 Abdel‐Aal, Ahmed, squatter settlements in city of Fayoum, a geographical study seminar indiscriminate urbanization Egypt's Supreme Council of Culture in Cairo in May 2000, Arabic language version. 4 Adams, W.M. "The Future of Sustainability: Re‐thinking Environment and Development in the Twenty‐first Century." Report of the IUCN Renowned Thinkers Meeting, 29–31 January 2006. Retrieved on: 2009‐02‐16. 5 Ahmad Allam, shidid Yahya, Mahdi Majid, Renew of neighborhoods, 1 edition, Cairo: Egyptian Anglo Library. Translate from Arabic version, 1997. 6 ______,Ghaith, Mahmoud, Planning neighboring residential, Cairo, Arabic version, 1995. 7 Alsofti,Madiha, Informal housing "Social Studies of the Egyptian reality", the first annual conference for the planning of cities and territories, unplanned growth around population centers in Egypt, the Egyptian Association of Planning, January 26, 1987. Arabic language version. 8 Amnesty International,BURIED ALIVE TRAPPED BY POVERTY AND NEGLECT IN CAIRO’S INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS HOUSING IS A HUMAN RIGHT.2009. 9 Al‐wali, Mamdouh, the inhabitants of the nests and squatter, the map of housing to the provinces, the Egyptian Engineers Syndicate, Cairo 1993, Arabic language version, p. 173. 10 André Alexander, Leh Old Town, Ladakh ‐A Participatory Approach to Urban,Conservation, Community‐based Upgrading and Capacity‐building, 2005. 11 Ayman G. Zohry,Rural‐to‐Urban Labor Migration: A Study of Upper Egyptian Laborers in Cairo,A Doctor of Philosophy (DPhil.) Thesis,University of Sussex at Brighton,UK,2002. 12 Azza, Abdul Aziz, Simon Shenouda Shenouda, urbanization and the housing problem In Egypt with reference to the Cairo seminar urbanization motives and problems of urban development policies and the Institute of National Planning, Cairo 1988. 13 Bernadette Atuahene, Legal Title to Land as an Intervention Against Urban Poverty in Developing Nations, 2004, 36 GEO.WASH. INT’L L. REV. 1109, 1123‐24 14 Berrisford, Stephen, and Ntombini Marrengane, In Search of Land and Housing in the New South Africa: The Case of Ethembalethu World Bank Working.Washington: World Bank Working,2008. 15 Brett J. Miller, Living Outside the Law: How the Informal Economy Frustrates Enforcement of the Human Rights Regime for Billions of the World’s Most Marginalized Citizens,Northwestern University School of Law, Northwestern
198
Journal of International Human Rights,Volume 5, Issue 1 ,Fall 2006 16 Bertaud, Alain,”Policy responses to Squatter Settlements: regulatory reform” 9 April 2003. Retrieved from http://www.alain‐bertaud.com 17 BBC’s Report. A Value and quality in informal settlement. 6 Oct 2003. Retrieved from http://www.ihrn.gov.za 18 County of San Bernardino, California, Road Planning and Design Standards,1993. 19 COMMITTEE ON HOUSING AND LAND MANAGEMENT, In Search for Sustainable Solutions for Informal Settlements in the ECE Region: Challenges and Policy Responses. Geneva: 22–23‐2008. 20 Cairo: A Model for Urban Planning. www.rentalcartours.net/rac‐cairo.pdf 21 Caminos, Horaico and Goethert, Rienhold, Urbanization Primer for Design of Sites & Services Projects .London: MIT press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1975. 22 Central Agency for Population Mobilisation and Statistics ‐ Population Clock (July 2008), web site http://www.msrintranet.capmas.gov.eg 23 Center for Statistics and packaging, Environmental development of the squatter settlement, Chapter IX, Arabic language version, Egypt 2006. 24 C. N_IL UZUN, Residential transformation of squatter settlements: Urban redevelopment projects in Ankara, Journal of Housing and the Built Environment, Department of City and Regional Planning, Ankara, Turkey, 2005. 25 Declaration on the Right to Development art. 1, paras. 1, 2, G.A. Res. 41/128 (1986), available at http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/74.htm (last visited Mar. 10, 2006). 26 Deda, L. “The New Housing Market in Tirana” in S. Lowe et al. (eds.) Housing Change in East and Central Europe: Integration or Fragmentation? Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2003. 27 Demographia World Urban Areas & Population Projections, Demographia, March 2010, http://www.demographia.com/db‐worldua.pdf, retrieved March 2010. 28 Demographia World Urban Areas & Population Projections, Demographia, April 2009, http://www.demographia.com/db‐worldua.pdf, retrieved 9 July 2009. 29 De Soto, H. Dead Capital and the poor in Egypt, Cairo: The Egyptian Center for Economic Studies,1997. 30 Edelman, David, Plan700, Lectures on how to write a research proposal, University of Cincinnati, Cincinnati, 2010. 31 El Sioufi,M, Urbanization of Agricultural land, unpublished Msc thesis , MIT. 1981. 32 Elena Piffero, What happened to participation? Urban development and authoritarian upgrading in Cairo’s informal neighbourhoods,Germany,2009. 33 Egyptian Environmental Affairs Agency (EEAA): www.eeaa.gov.eg/English/reports/SoE2008Ar/urban.pdf 34 Economist print edition, “Urban poverty in India: A flourishing slum MUMBAI”. 19th Dec 2007. Retrieved from http://www.economist.com
35 Faraj, Osama, and others, improve environmental conditions through development of sustainable, trees as a component of improving the
199
environment, Ezbet Bakhit case study, Mansura University, Egypt, 2003. Arabic version. 36 Fadan, Y. Urban Dwelling Environments in Jeddah. Saudi Arabia: Riyadh, King Saud University, 1979. 37 Fathy, Hassan, Architecture for poor .Chicago: University of Chicago press, 1973. 38 Gilbert, Alan, Landlord and Tenant: Housing the Poor in Urban Mexico. Mexico city, 2003. 39 Geoffrey Payne and Majale, The urban Housing Manual, making regulatory frameworks work for poor,earthscan in UK, 2004. 40 General considerations, people living in informal settlements, 2007, P2. Retrieved from http://www.who.int/ceh/indicators/informalsettlements.pdf 41 Gabriel, B. “Informal Settlements in SEE – A regional support approach Spatial Information Management toward Legalizing Informal Urban Development”. Paper presented at “Informal Settlements – Real Estate Markets Needs Related to Good Land Administration and Planning” FIG Commission 3 Workshop. Athens: Greece. March 28‐31, 2007. 42 Hani El‐Minyawi et al,Manshiet Nasser Participatory Urban Development, report for The Aga Khan Award for Architecture and Project Architect, Cairo,2007. 43 Hazin, Abdel‐Fattah and Yousef, Walid, slums, cities of Mansoura Talkha (Alsfiih and Alhoyes ‐ Case Study) Annual Conference of the thirty‐seventh to the issues of population from 11 to 13 December 2007. Arabic language version. 44 Habra ken, N, G, Support an Alternative to Mass Housing Architectural press. London: England, 1972. 45 Hoda Mahrous, architectural and urban composition and the identity of some areas of the city of Cairo, the Conference: "Architecture and Urbanism in the context of sustainable development, Cairo University ‐ Faculty of Engineering, 2004. 46 Horacoio Caminos & Reinhard Goethert, Urbanization Primer, 1970. 47 Ignacio A. Navarro and Geoffrey K. Turnbull, ”The Legacy Effect of Squatter Settlements on Urban Redevelopment”. Working Paper No. 2010/25.UNU‐ WIDER. March 2010. 48 Jackson, Kenneth. “The Cost of Good Intentions: The Ghettoization of Public Housing in the United States” in Crabgrass Frontiers: The Suburbanization of the United States. New York: Oxford. 1985. 49 Khaled Abdelhalim, Participatory Upgrading of Informal Areas, A Decision‐ makers’ Guide for Action, May 2010. 50 Kamel Abdel Nasser, Azza Djaid, a study for the development of residential areas, slums in the city of Egypt, a case study on the path of Aghannamp city of Assiut, the Fourth International Conference on Architectural, Architecture and Urbanism on the outskirts of the third millennium, 28 to 30 March 2000, Arabic language version, p. 2. 51 Laila R. Iskandar Kamel, Mokattam Garbage Village, Cairo, Egypt, 1994. 52 LEDC CITIES.RESPONSES TO PROBLEMS OF URBAN GROWTH. Retrieved from
200
http://www.geographyjim.org 53 Makkawy,Mohamed, THE COMPREHENSIVE URBAN DEVELOPMENT OF EGYPT IN THE 21ST CENTURY, Mansura University,2008. 54 Manshiet Nasser from: Nemat Mohamed Nazmi, and others, the development of squatter settlements as a model for housing in Egypt corresponds to a case study Nasser area facility in Cairo, Research Institute of Architecture and Housing ‐ National Center for Research on Housing, Building ‐ Cairo ‐ Egypt April 12 ‐ 14, 2007. 55 Mark Kramer, Dispossessed, Life in our word’s urban slums, new York, 2009. 56 Maslow, Abraham .Motivation and Personality. New York: Harper.1954 pp. 236. 57 Maged Kamal Mohamed Attia, "An Approach to Affordable and Sustainable Housing A Contemporary Vision for a Chronic Egyptian Crisis" Symposium of Housing‐2. ”Affordable Dwelling” Riyadh: Saudi Arabia. 28 ‐ 31 March 2004. 58 Mohamed Abdel Samie, lessons learned from the informal housing in the context of affordable housing, research presented in: Supreme Commission for the Development of Riyadh. p. 51 ‐Seminar on Housing II, 2004. (Arabic version). 59 MOHAMED HASSAN, CYRUS SASSANPOUR, Labor Market Pressures in Egypt:Why is the Unemployment Rate Stubbornly High? International Conference on “The Unemployment Crisis in the Arab Countries” 17‐18 March 2008, Cairo‐ Egypt. 60 Mona Khalifa, Julie DaVanzo, and David M. Adamson, Population Growth in Egypt ,A Continuing Policy Challenge. http://www.rand.org/pubs/issue_papers/IP183/index2.html#fnB19 61 Mortada, Hisham (2003), Traditional Islamic principles of built environment, Routledge, p. viii. 62 Marie Huchzermeyer, Aly Karam, Informal Settlements: A Perpetual Challenge? Cape town: South Africa,UCT press, 2006. 63 ______, Unlawful Occupation: Informal Settlements And Urban Policy In South Africa And Brazil. Asmara: Eritrea, 2004. 64 Mustapha Oyewole BELLO, The focus has always been on squatter or informal settlements and not on the urban poor, or their inaccessibility of land, Working Week 2009 Surveyors Key Role in Accelerated Development Eilat, 3‐8 May 2009. 65 MINISTRY OF URBAN DEVELOPMENT, REPORT ON STUDY TOUR TO EGYPT AND LESSONS, LEARNED ON APPROACHES TO INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS, 2006. 66 Omirin M Modupe, Issues in Land Accessibility in Nigeria, (in Omirin, M. M; Nubi, T.Gbenga and Fawehinmi, S. A (eds) Land Management and Property Tax Reform in Nigeria. Proceeding of National Workshop; organized by Department Of Estate Management, University of Lagos, 2003. 67 Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Right to Development: Background, at http://www.unhchr.ch/development/right‐ 01.html (last visited Mar. 10, 2006). 68 Planning the neighborhood: standards for healthful housing, American Public Health Association. Committee on the Hygiene of Housing,Chicago : Public
201
Administration Service, 1960. 69 Population and Housing Census 2006, Governorate level, Population distribution by sex, Central Agency for Public Mobilisation and Statistics, http://www.msrintranet.capmas.gov.eg/ows‐img2/xls/rep1ne.xls, retrieved 9 July 2009. Adjusted census result, as Helwan governorate was created on 17 April 2008 from a.o. parts of the Cairo governorate. Demographia World Urban Areas & Population Projections, Demographia, April 2009, http://www.demographia.com/db‐worldua.pdf, retrieved 9 July 2009 70 Population and Housing Census 2006, Governorate level, Population distribution by sex, Central Agency for Public Mobilisation and Statistics, http://www.msrintranet.capmas.gov.eg/ows‐img2/xls/rep1ne.xls, retrieved 9 July 2009 . Adjusted census result, as Helwan governorate was created on 17 April 2008 from a.o. parts of the Cairo governorate. 71 Payne, Geoffrey, The Urban Housing Manual: Making Regulatory Frameworks Work for the Poor. London: Camden High Street. 72 R.A. Obudho, G.O. Aduwo, SLUM AND SQUATTER SETTLEMENTS Rq URBAN CENTRES OF KENYA: TOWARDS A PLANNING STRATEGY, Journal of Housing and the Built Environment, Volume 4, Number 1, 17‐30,P.21 73 Raymond, André, Cairo, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2000. pp. 2004,326–9 74 Reazul Ahsan, Informal Housing and Approaches towards the Low‐income Society in Developing Countries,University of South Australia,2010. 75 Rose, Christopher; Linda Boxberger, “Ottoman Cairo". Cairo: Living Past, Living Future. The University of Texas Center for Middle Eastern Studies. 1995. http://menic.utexas.edu/cairo/history/ottoman/ottoman.html. Retrieved 30 July 2009. 76 Robert Neuwirth, Shadow Cities: A Billion Squatters, a New Urban World, 2006. 77 Rose, Christopher; Linda Boxberger (1995). "Ottoman Cairo". Cairo: Living Past, Living Future. The University of Texas Center for Middle Eastern Studies. http://menic.utexas.edu/cairo/history/ottoman/ottoman.html. Retrieved 30 July 2009 78 Robert K. Yin., Case study Research Design and Methods, applied social research methods series, 2006. 79 Russell Blackford Genetic enhancement and the point of social equality Institute for Ethics and Emerging Technologies. July 20, 2006. 80 Rusen Keles, Squatting Problems and Policies in a Social Welfare State: The Case of Turkey. Ankara University, 2006. 81 Sims, D. The Case of Cairo, Egypt. Understanding Slums: Case Studies for the Global Report on Human Settlements, University College London/ DPU, London, 2003. 82 Statistics Centre of Egypt, the concept of informal settlements in Egypt and its characteristics:www.msrintranet.capmas.gov.eg/ows‐img2/pdf/random/1st.pdf 83 Soliman, Ahmed, Possible Way Out Formalization Housing Informality In Egyptian
202
Cities .Maryland: University Press of America, 2004. 84 ______.Housing and sustainable development in developing countries, 1996. Arabic version. 85 ______.in G. Dix et al. Housing in alexandria, report submitted to ODA, liveropool, liveropool University Press.1992. 86 ______. A.Housing the Urban poor in Egyp, International, Journal of Urban & Regional Research,1988, Vol.12, No.1 pp55‐86. 87 Terzi, F. and Bölen, F. Does the Upgrading Plan Help to Improve Squatter Settlements? Case Study: Kagithane, Istanbul. Istanbul Technical University,2003. 88 Thorvaldur Gylfason and Gylfi Zoega Education, Social Equality and Economic Growth: A View of the Landscape CESifo Economic Studies, Vol. 49. 89 The National Center for Smart Growth Research and Education with funding from the National Association of Home Builders, Housing Market Impacts of Inclusionary Zoning, February 2008. 90 The Participatory Development Programme in Urban Areas (PDP),funding organization: German federal ministry for Economic (BMZ) term 2004‐2011. 91 The Project Team of Urban Upgrading of Ezbet Bekhit & Federal Republic of Germany.1998. The Comprehensive Preliminary Upgrading Plan of Ezbet Bekhit Project. Governorate of Cairo in cooperation with GTZ, Cairo (In Arabic). 92 The Project Team of Urban Upgrading of Ezbet Bekhit. (August 2002). Participatory Urban Upgrading Project Manshiet Nasser: Outline of Community Development Approach. [Unpublished]. 93 The Project Team of Urban Upgrading of Ezbet Bekhit. The expected Upgrading Activities for Year 2000. [Unpublished]. 94 Turner, John (1969) "Uncontrolled Urban Settlement: Problems and Policies" in G. Breese (eds.) The City in Newly Developing Countries: Readings on Urbanism and Urbanization. Printice Hall. 95 Turner, John "Housing Priorities, Settlement Patterns, and Urban Development in Modernizing Countries" AIP Journal November, 1968. pp. 354‐363. 96 TSION LEMMA, RICHARD SLIUZAS and MONIKA KUFFER, A participatory approach to monitoring slum conditions: an example from Ethiopia, April, 2006. 97 Vermont Pedestrian and Bicycle Facility Planning and Design Manual, Prepared for the Vermont Agency of Transportation by the National Center for Bicycling & Walking December 2002. 98 Vienna Declaration, “Annex B: Vienna Declaration” in Report: Ministerial Conference on Informal Settlements in South Eastern Europe, OSCE Hofburg in Vienna, 28 Sep – 01 Oct 2004. Retrieved from http://www.stabilitypact.org/humi/041001‐conference.html 99 Warren Smit, THE IMPACT OF THE TRANSITION FROM INFORMAL HOUSING TO FORMALIZED HOUSING IN LOW‐INCOME HOUSING PROJECTS IN SOUTH AFRICA,Paper of the Development Action Group at the Nordic Africa Institute Conference on the Formal and Informal City – What Happens at the Interface?, 15‐18 June 2000, Copenhagen. 100 Walid Yousef, urban community in the city of Mansura, Master Thesis, University
203
of Zagazig, Egypt, 2005. 101 World's Densest Cities". Forbes. 21 December 2006. Web site http://www.forbes.com/2006/12/20/worlds‐most‐congested‐cities‐biz‐energy‐ cx_rm_1221congested_slide.html. Retrieved 6 March 2010. 102 World Bank, “World Bank Responses to the Problem of Informal Development: Current 73 Projects and Future Action”. Paper presented at “Informal Settlements – Real Estate Markets Needs Related to Good Land Administration and Planning” FIG Commission 3 Workshop, Athens, Greece,March 28‐31, 2007. 103 World's Densest Cities". Forbes. 21 December 2006. Retrieved 6 March 2010. http://www.forbes.com/2006/12/20/worlds‐most‐congested‐cities‐biz‐energy cx_rm_1221congested_slide.html. 104 William Strunk Jr & E. B. White,The Elements of Style, Fourth Edition,2006. 105 Yaakup A B, Healey R G, 1994, "A GIS approach to spatial modelling for squatter settlement planning in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia" Environment and Planning B: Planning and Design 21(1) 21 – 34 106 Zeinab Nour‐Eddine Tag‐Eldeen, Participatory Urban Upgrading The Case of Ezbet Bekhit,Cairo,Master of Science Thesis in the Subject of Built Environment Analysis, Division of Urban Studies, Department of Infrastructure Royal Institute of Technology,2003.
204
Appendixes
Appendix (1‐A)
The distribution details of squatter settlements in Egypt
No. Region urbanization rate Squatter Area sq km settlement No. 1 Cairo 100 79 28 2 Alexandria 100 41 13 3 Port saed 100 7 1 4 Suez 100 14 2 5 Damietta 25.2 86 16 6 Dakahlia 26.2 109 5 7 Sharkya 21.1 70 17 8 Qalyubia 43.7 67 20 9 Kafr El‐Sheikh 22.8 46 6 10 Karbya 32.7 47 13 11 Menoufia 20.1 24 1 12 Lake 23.5 66 12 13 Ismailia 48.8 17 5 14 Giza 57.5 34 44 15 Beni Suef 25.1 51 3.9 16 Fayoum 23.2 28 5 17 Minya 20.8 30 8 18 Assiut 27.8 50 6 16 Sohag 21.9 34 13 20 Qana 23.3 75 9 21 Aswan 39.9 33 3 22 Red Sea 81.8 21 28 23 Matruh 51.3 5 9 24 South Sinai 44.5 12 61 Total ‐ 1046 328.9 Source: Fouad, D., M., Unauthorized Residential Settlements: Causes, Determinants, Environmental Effects And Suggested Solutions, The 25 Th. Annual Seminar on Population Issues In The Middle East, Africa & Asia , Cairo Demographic Center , Cairo ,1995,P. 50 ; Translation and conversion to the US dollar by the researcher.
205
Appendix (1‐B) The distribution details of squatter settlements in Egypt No. Region Squatter %population Development Development settlement cost cost $/million pop. EGP/ million 1 Cairo 2193000 32 950 172.7 2 Alexandria 1113000 35 498 90.5 3 Port saed 71500 8 28 5.09 4 Suez 43000 11 82.7 15.03 5 Damietta 179000 64 73 13.2 6 Dakahlia 648000 56 138 25.09 7 Sharkya 291000 38 51.4 9.3 8 Qalyubia 938000 64 279.7 50.8 9 Kafr El‐Sheikh 209000 34 73.8 13.4 10 Karbya 558000 35 297 54 11 Menoufia 32000 13 5 0.9 12 Lake 404000 43 179 32.5 13 Ismailia 149000 40 120 21.8 14 Giza 2259000 60 924 168 15 Beni Suef 144000 32 95 17.2 16 Fayoum 100000 23 35 6.36 17 Minya 291000 49 57 10.3 18 Assiut 401000 25 159 28.9 16 Sohag 381000 56 50 9.09 20 Qana 64000 30 693 126 21 Aswan 193000 30 180 32.7 22 Red Sea 69000 36 287 52.1 23 Matruh 31000 60 28 5.09 24 South Sinai 8000 29 54 9.81 Total 10796500 ‐ 5337.6 $969.86 Source: Fouad, D., M., Unauthorized Residential Settlements: Causes, Determinants, Environmental Effects And Suggested Solutions, The 25 Th. Annual Seminar on Population Issues In The Middle East, Africa & Asia , Cairo Demographic Center , Cairo ,1995,P. 50 ; Translation and conversion to the US dollar by the researcher.
206
Appendix (2)
The map shows the expansion of the main built up areas of Greater Cairo according to three periods, pre‐1860, 1860‐1950, and 1950 to the present.
Source: Sims, D. The Case of Cairo, Egypt. Understanding Slums: Case Studies for the Global Report on Human Settlements, University College London/ DPU, London, 2003.
207
Appendix (3)
The map shows the distribution of illiteracy in Cairo.
Source: Sims, D. The Case of Cairo, Egypt. Understanding Slums: Case Studies for the Global Report on Human Settlements, University College London/ DPU, London, 2003.
208
Appendix (4)
Some emails from the Department of Architecture Faculty of Engineering - Mansura
University-Egypt:
Wed 7/07/10 3:04 AM Dear Mr. Waleed,
Very sorry for being late to reply,
Regarding informal housing in Mansura I will forward your e mail to our colleague Dr.
Mohamed Shawki as he is much interested and had a similar experience in Mansura.
Wish you all the best
Dr. Lamis Elgizawi Professor, Department of Architecture-Mansura University
Wed 7/07/10 5:05 AM
Dear Mr. waleed I want to know exactly what informations you need about mansoura city thank you Mohammed M. Shawky Abou-liela, Ph.D. ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Lecturer - Architecture Department Faculty Of Engineering-Mansura University
209
Curriculum Vitae
Name: Waleed Alzamil
Address: School of Planning College of Web: http://www.al‐zamil.org Design, Architecture, Art and E‐mail:[email protected] Planning, Cincinnati, OH Cell Phone: (+1) 443‐554‐6594
Education: Master of Community Planning (MCP), School of Planning, College of Design, Architecture, Art and Planning (Daap), Physical Planning Specialization, University of Cincinnati, Cincinnati, OH, USA: Sep. 2009 ‐ present.
Master of Planning and Urban Design (M.Sc.), with a G.P.A (4.81/5.00), King Saud University, Riyadh, Saudi Arabia: Feb 2002 ‐ June 2005.
Bachelor of Planning and Urban Design (B.Sc.), with a G.P.A (4.48/5.00) with "Second class honor" King Saud University, Riyadh, Saudi Arabia: January 1996 ‐ June 2001.
Professional Citizens' Housing and Planning Association (CHAPA) 11/1/2010‐ Societies: present.
International Association of Software Architects (IASA), since 11/2007‐present.
American Planning Association (APA), since 11/2007‐present.
American Association of Webmasters (AAWM) 31/8/2009‐present.
International Webmasters Association (IWA) 11/11/2008‐present.
Urban Affairs Association (UAA) 2008/12/23‐present.
Awards: Scholarship from Saudi Arabia for postgraduate studies in urban planning in the United States since 2008 –now
210
Second class honor, King Saud University, Riyadh: 2001
Excellence Award urban planning, College of Architecture and Planning, King Saud University, Riyadh: 2001
Certificate of excellence, College of Architecture & Planning, King Saud University, Riyadh: 2001
Certificate of excellence, College of Architecture & Planning, King Saud University, Riyadh: 2000
Certificate of excellence, College of Architecture & Planning, King Saud University, Riyadh: 1999
Experience: Working at the Community Design Center (CDC) since Summer 2010 on Affordable Housing in Cincinnati Uptown and looking at the existing housing situation in Cincinnati Uptown as well as future expectations, Cincinnati, OH. 17/7/2010 ‐17/9/2010
Lecturer in the department of urban planning, King Saud University, Riyadh, Sep 2001 ‐ 2008.
The Director of Technical Affairs of "Naseem" Municipality, Riyadh, Jun 2001 ‐ Sept 2001. Working at the "TAKWENAT" Office, Riyadh, October 2000 ‐ December 2000. Working at the "Alrodah" municipality, Riyadh: summer 5/6/1999 to 30/8/1999.
Symposiums: Symposium Saudi construction first, the Saudi association Science & development, Riyadh: April 2007. (Attendance)
Symposium Back to the future: planning and economic boom, Department of Urban Planning, College of architecture and planning, King Saud University, Riyadh: March 2006. (Attendance & organization).
Symposium housing 2: housing facilitator, the supreme body for the development of the city of Riyadh, Riyadh: March 2004. (Attendance)
Tourism Symposium in Saudi Arabia ingredients and possibilities, the supreme body for tourism and King Saud University, Riyadh: May
211
2003. (Attendance)
Symposium Urban Development in desert areas, the Ministry of Municipal and Rural Affairs, Riyadh: October 2002. (Attendance)
Week cultural Fourth universities and higher education institutions of the Council of the Gulf Cooperation Council, umm Al Qura University, Makkah: 6‐10 in October 2001. (King Saud University candidate to compete in the contest Art Gallery of engineering projects)
Symposium Architecture mosques, Collage of architecture and planning, King Saud University, Riyadh: February 1999. (Attendance)
212