Antifa (United States)
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Libertarian Marxism Mao-Spontex Open Marxism Popular Assembly Sovereign Citizen Movement Spontaneism Sui Iuris
Autonomist Marxist Theory and Practice in the Current Crisis Brian Marks1 University of Arizona School of Geography and Development [email protected] Abstract Autonomist Marxism is a political tendency premised on the autonomy of the proletariat. Working class autonomy is manifested in the self-activity of the working class independent of formal organizations and representations, the multiplicity of forms that struggles take, and the role of class composition in shaping the overall balance of power in capitalist societies, not least in the relationship of class struggles to the character of capitalist crises. Class composition analysis is applied here to narrate the recent history of capitalism leading up to the current crisis, giving particular attention to China and the United States. A global wave of struggles in the mid-2000s was constituitive of the kinds of working class responses to the crisis that unfolded in 2008-10. The circulation of those struggles and resultant trends of recomposition and/or decomposition are argued to be important factors in the balance of political forces across the varied geography of the present crisis. The whirlwind of crises and the autonomist perspective The whirlwind of crises (Marks, 2010) that swept the world in 2008, financial panic upon food crisis upon energy shock upon inflationary spiral, receded temporarily only to surge forward again, leaving us in a turbulent world, full of possibility and peril. Is this the end of Neoliberalism or its retrenchment? A new 1 Published under the Creative Commons licence: Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works Autonomist Marxist Theory and Practice in the Current Crisis 468 New Deal or a new Great Depression? The end of American hegemony or the rise of an “imperialism with Chinese characteristics?” Or all of those at once? This paper brings the political tendency known as autonomist Marxism (H. -
The Kpd and the Nsdap: a Sttjdy of the Relationship Between Political Extremes in Weimar Germany, 1923-1933 by Davis William
THE KPD AND THE NSDAP: A STTJDY OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN POLITICAL EXTREMES IN WEIMAR GERMANY, 1923-1933 BY DAVIS WILLIAM DAYCOCK A thesis submitted for the degree of Ph.D. The London School of Economics and Political Science, University of London 1980 1 ABSTRACT The German Communist Party's response to the rise of the Nazis was conditioned by its complicated political environment which included the influence of Soviet foreign policy requirements, the party's Marxist-Leninist outlook, its organizational structure and the democratic society of Weimar. Relying on the Communist press and theoretical journals, documentary collections drawn from several German archives, as well as interview material, and Nazi, Communist opposition and Social Democratic sources, this study traces the development of the KPD's tactical orientation towards the Nazis for the period 1923-1933. In so doing it complements the existing literature both by its extension of the chronological scope of enquiry and by its attention to the tactical requirements of the relationship as viewed from the perspective of the KPD. It concludes that for the whole of the period, KPD tactics were ambiguous and reflected the tensions between the various competing factors which shaped the party's policies. 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE abbreviations 4 INTRODUCTION 7 CHAPTER I THE CONSTRAINTS ON CONFLICT 24 CHAPTER II 1923: THE FORMATIVE YEAR 67 CHAPTER III VARIATIONS ON THE SCHLAGETER THEME: THE CONTINUITIES IN COMMUNIST POLICY 1924-1928 124 CHAPTER IV COMMUNIST TACTICS AND THE NAZI ADVANCE, 1928-1932: THE RESPONSE TO NEW THREATS 166 CHAPTER V COMMUNIST TACTICS, 1928-1932: THE RESPONSE TO NEW OPPORTUNITIES 223 CHAPTER VI FLUCTUATIONS IN COMMUNIST TACTICS DURING 1932: DOUBTS IN THE ELEVENTH HOUR 273 CONCLUSIONS 307 APPENDIX I VOTING ALIGNMENTS IN THE REICHSTAG 1924-1932 333 APPENDIX II INTERVIEWS 335 BIBLIOGRAPHY 341 4 ABBREVIATIONS 1. -
Art As Resistance by Langer
Dokument1 21.10.1998 02:20 Uhr Seite 1 Bernd Langer Art as Resistance Placats · Paintings· Actions · Texts from the Initiative Kunst und Kampf (Art and Struggle) KUNST UND KAMPF KuK Gesch engl 20.10.1998 22:48 Uhr Seite 1 Art as Resistance Paintings · Placats · Actions · Texts from the Initiative Kunst und Kampf (Art and Struggle) KuK Gesch engl 20.10.1998 22:48 Uhr Seite 2 Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaufnahme Langer, Bernd: Art as resistance : placats, paintings, actions, texts from the Initiative Kunst und Kampf (art and struggle) ; Kunst und Kampf / Bernd Langer. [Transl. by: Anti-Fascist Forum]. - 1. Engl. ed. - Gšttingen : Aktiv-Dr. und Verl., 1998 Einheitssacht.: Kunst als Widerstand <engl.> ISBN 3-932210-03-4 Copyright © 1998 by Bernd Langer | Kunst und Kampf AktivDruck & Verlag Lenglerner Straße 2 37079 Göttingen Phone ++49-(5 51) 6 70 65 Fax ++49-(5 51) 63 27 65 All rights reserved Cover and Design, Composing, Scans: Martin Groß Internet: http://www.puk.de interactive web-community for politics and culture e-Mail: [email protected] Translated by: Anti-Fascist Forum P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A Toronto, Ontario M5W 1P7 Canada Internet: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~aff/ e-Mail: [email protected] first English edition, November 1998 Langer, Bernd: Art as Resistance Paintings · Placats · Actions · Texts from the Initiative Kunst und Kampf Internet: http://www.puk.de/kuk/ e-Mail: [email protected] ISBN 3-932210-03-4 KuK Gesch engl 20.10.1998 22:48 Uhr Seite 3 Bernd Langer Art as Resistance Paintings · Placats · Actions · Texts from the Initiative Kunst und Kampf (Art and Struggle) Kunst und Kampf KuK Gesch engl 20.10.1998 22:48 Uhr Seite 4 Table of contents 5 Foreword Part 1 Chapter I ..................................................................................... -
Safeguarding Digital Democracy Digital Innovation and Democracy Initiative Roadmap
DIDI Roadmap March 2020 | No. 4 Safeguarding Digital Democracy Digital Innovation and Democracy Initiative Roadmap Karen Kornbluh and Ellen P. Goodman with contributions by Eli Weiner Washington, DC Ankara Belgrade Berlin Brussels Bucharest Paris Warsaw DIDI Roadmap March 2020 | No. 4 The Digital Innovation and Democracy Initiative The Digital Innovation and Democracy Initiative works to foster innovation and ensure that technology strengthens Table of Contents democracy. DIDI leverages GMF’s transatlantic network and network of senior fellows to promote strategies for reforming policies for the digital age. 3 Executive summary Authors 8 Introduction Karen Kornbluh, former U.S. Ambassador to the Organiza- tion for Economic Cooperation and Development, is Senior 10 Politically motivated Fellow and Director of the Digital Innovation and Democracy disinformation campaigns Initiative at the German Marshall Fund of the United States. Ellen P. Goodman is a professor at Rutgers Law School, where 27 After tech utopianism she is co-director and co-founder of the Rutgers Institute for Information Policy & Law at Rutgers Law School, and Non-Resident Senior Fellow at the German Marshall Fund. 30 Policy roadmap for safeguarding digital democracy Eli Weiner is a research assistant with the Digital Innovation and Democracy Initiative at the German Marshall Fund of the United States. Karen Kornbluh & Ellen P. Goodman 2 DIDI Roadmap March 2020 | No. 4 Even before a global pandemic hit, the Bulletin of Atomic Scientists announced that the Doomsday Clock had advanced for the first time ever to 100 seconds before midnight. The Bulletin cited “information warfare” as a “threat multiplier” that is reducing trust and corrupting the information ecosystem needed for democratic debate. -
Behind the Black Bloc: an Overview of Militant Anarchism and Anti-Fascism
Behind the Black Bloc An Overview of Militant Anarchism and Anti-Fascism Daveed Gartenstein-Ross, Samuel Hodgson, and Austin Blair June 2021 FOUNDATION FOR DEFENSE OF DEMOCRACIES FOUNDATION Behind the Black Bloc An Overview of Militant Anarchism and Anti-Fascism Daveed Gartenstein-Ross Samuel Hodgson Austin Blair June 2021 FDD PRESS A division of the FOUNDATION FOR DEFENSE OF DEMOCRACIES Washington, DC Behind the Black Bloc: An Overview of Militant Anarchism and Anti-Fascism Table of Contents INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................ 7 ORIGINS OF CONTEMPORARY ANARCHISM AND ANTI-FASCISM ....................................... 8 KEY TENETS AND TRENDS OF ANARCHISM AND ANTI-FASCISM ........................................ 10 Anarchism .............................................................................................................................................................10 Anti-Fascism .........................................................................................................................................................11 Related Movements ..............................................................................................................................................13 DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN MILITANT GROUPS ........................................................................ 13 Anti-Fascist Groups .............................................................................................................................................14 -
Stephen Miller Trump's Right-Hand Troll
Trump’s Right-Hand Troll Stephen Miller once tormented liberals at Duke. Now the president’s speechwriter and immigration enforcer is deploying the art of provocation from the White House. Photo illustration by WG600* MCKAY COPPINS | MAY 28, 2018 | POLITICS T’S LATE ON A FRIDAY AFTERNOON in March, and I’m sitting across from Stephen Miller in his spacious, I sunlit West Wing office, trying to figure out whether he’s trolling me. To hear more feature stories, see our full list or get the Audm iPhone app. This is no easy task. A provocateur as skilled as Miller doesn’t just announce when he’s saying something outlandish to get a rise out of you—he tries to make you think he means it. So you have to look for the subtle tells. The fleeting half-smirk when he refers to himself as a “conservative social-justice warrior” early in the conversation. The too-emphatic tone he takes later when he says the best movie he’s seen in the past 15 years is The Dark Knight Rises, and then chides you for not properly appreciating its commentary on the French Revolution. “It takes on the issue of anarchy and social breakdown in a really interesting way,” he says of the Batman movie. “There’s a lot going on in the film that you, of all people, I’d have thought would be all over.” “Me … specifically?,” I ask, taking the bait. “Well,” he replies, letting the mask slip and a sarcastic grin surface, “it’s just your reputation as a very deep thinker.” Perched on a high-backed chair, Miller looks as if he’s posing for a cologne ad in a glossy magazine—his slender frame wrapped in an elegantly tailored suit, his arm draped over the backrest, his legs crossed at the knee just so. -
NPD-Wahlmobilisierung Und Politisch Motivierte Gewalt Backes · Mletzko Stoye Backes Und Politisch Motivierte Gewalt NPD-Wahlmobilisierung
Zum Inhalt: Seit Beginn der neunziger Jahre stellt rechte, insbesondere fremden- Uwe Backes feindliche Gewalt einen beträchtlichen Teil des Gesamtaufkommens politisch motivierter Gewaltkriminalität in Deutschland. Auch die Bekämpfung des politischen und lebensstilistischen „Feindes“ hat an Matthias Mletzko Gewicht gewonnen. Ein bedenklich hoher und stabiler Gewaltsockel mit überproportionalen Jan Stoye Anteilen der östlichen Bundesländer bestimmt das Bild. Angesichts teils spektakulärer Wahlerfolge auf regionaler Ebene stellt sich die Frage, welche Rolle die radikalisierte Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutsch- lands (NPD) bei dem hohen Gewaltaufkommen spielt. Eine Forschungsgruppe am Hannah-Arendt-Institut für Totalitarismus- forschung e.V. in Dresden hat für den Zeitraum 2003 bis 2006 unter- sucht, ob Wechselwirkungen zwischen NPD-Wahlmobilisierungen und dem Gewalthandeln rechts- sowie linksmilitanter Szenen bestehen. Die Studie zieht einen kontrastiven Vergleich zwischen den Bundes- ländern Sachsen und Nordrhein-Westfalen und geht der Leitfrage mittels quantitativer Analysen der Polizei- und Wahldaten sowie mit qualitativen Untersuchungen (Gerichtsakten, Szeneschriften, Fallstudien zu Räumen gehäufter rechter Gewalttätigkeit, Experteninterviews) nach. NPD-Wahlmobilisierung und politisch motivierte Gewalt Backes · Mletzko Stoye Backes und politisch motivierte Gewalt NPD-Wahlmobilisierung ISBN: 978-3-472-07700-8 www.luchterhand-fachverlag.de Vorwort Es vergeht kaum ein Tag, an dem nicht in polizeilichen Lageberichten oder in den Medien -
CFP (Journal): 100 Years of Anti-Fascism - Between Class Struggle and Social Movement, a Special Issue of "Arbeit - Bewegung - Geschichte
H-German CFP (Journal): 100 Years of Anti-Fascism - Between Class Struggle and Social Movement, A special issue of "Arbeit - Bewegung - Geschichte. Zeitschrift für historische Studien" (Deadline 9 May 2021) Discussion published by Riccardo Altieri on Saturday, February 27, 2021 Type: Call for Papers Date: May 9, 2021 Location: Germany Subject Fields: Contemporary History, German History / Studies, Labor History / Studies, Nationalism History / Studies, Social History / Studies The international strengthening of the authoritarian right is increasingly mobilising its opponents. Whether in Greece, the USA – where Donald Trump even wanted to ban «Antifa» as an alleged «terrorist movement» –, Brazil, Russia, the United Kingdom or Germany, initiatives, alliances or organisations that oppose the right and see themselves explicitly as anti-fascists are increasingly in the public eye due to their practices. In some countries, a new generation of the radical left is politicising itself under the label «Antifa» – similar to the situation in Germany in the 1990s and 2000s. In their actions, forms of organisation and symbolism, today's activists almost always refer to historical models, which, however, differ greatly from one country to another. One hundred years after proletarian self-protection groups in Italy called themselves «antifascisti» for the first time in 1921 and defended themselves against the fascist Blackshirts («camicie nere»), it is high time to take a comprehensive look at the history of anti-fascism. In fact, (historical-)scientific considerations of anti-fascism are experiencing a small renaissance in the English-speaking world. The revival of «antifa» in the United States is reflected in the publication of practice-oriented readers or handbooks and has also resulted in an increased historiographical engagement with its origins. -
Extreme Right Transnationalism: International Networking and Cross-Border Exchanges
Gale Primary Sources Start at the source. Extreme Right Transnationalism: International Networking and Cross-Border Exchanges Paul Jackson Senior Lecturer in History, University of Northampton Various source media, Political Extremism and Radicalism in the Twentieth Century EMPOWER™ RESEARCH While many historians have devoted themselves to forms of anti-fascism: divisions within the left. The examining the dynamics of fascist movements and Italian Communist Party was also formed at this time, regimes, the topic of ‘anti-fascism’ has traditionally and while initially supportive of the Arditi del Popolo, been neglected. However, historians and other later it instructed its members to withdraw their academics are now starting to take greater interest in engagement. The Arditi del Popolo was shut down by the study of those who opposed nationalist and racist the Italian state by 1924, while the Italian Communist extremists, and are developing new approaches to Party was itself banned from 1926. Splits within the understanding these complex cultures. Some, such as left have often been a characteristic of anti-fascist Nigel Copsey, have been concerned with developing politics, and in Italy during the 1920s such anti- sober, empirical accounts, exploring left-wing, centre fascists were driven by competing ideas on how to and even right-wing forms of anti-fascism, presenting develop an anti-capitalist revolution. In this case, the it as a heterogeneous politicised identity. Others, such issue helped to foster discord between a more as Mark Bray, have been more concerned with eclectic and anarchist variant of anti-fascism and a developing unapologetically partisan readings of the more centralised Communist version. -
Countering Election-Motivated Violent Extremism in 2020 and Beyond Adl’S Practical Guide for State and Local Governments
COUNTERING ELECTION-MOTIVATED VIOLENT EXTREMISM IN 2020 AND BEYOND ADL’S PRACTICAL GUIDE FOR STATE AND LOCAL GOVERNMENTS Note: This document provides an overview of strategies and techniques to address and deter election-related violence, many of which involve a discussion of laws currently in place. However, it is not intended as legal guidance, and any decisions regarding application of the laws it references should be made in consultation with appropriate legal departments and advisors. 1 ADL’S PRACTICAL GUIDE FOR STATE AND LOCAL GOVERNMENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The 2020 Presidential Election threatens to catalyze and exacerbate politically-motivated violent extremism already on the rise in the United States. The potential for violent conflict associated with the election is high, both during voting and in the weeks and months following Election Day. A number of the possible scenarios suggest that a contested election or narrow victory by either presidential candidate could lead to a constitutional and political crisis, which extremist groups could seek to exploit. Further, the direct encouragement of extremists from the President and its coverage and amplification by mainstream media outlets is already emboldening extremist groups like the Proud Boys to see the election as a flashpoint moment for them.1 Because states and localities administer elections and oversee state and local law enforcement, they must be ready with strategies to identify, prevent, and counter violent extremism associated with the 2020 election. They will grapple with this challenge in the run-up to Election Day, on Election Day, and likely for at least several weeks or even months following the election. -
The Revolutionary Potential of Mythology
The Revolutionary Potential of Mythology: Examining the Rise of Nationalism in Judaism and Hinduism in the 20th Century And the Egalitarian, Revolutionary Communities and Thinkers Who Challenge Statism, Nationalism, and Capitalism Within these Traditions Zachary Sager Morgan Thesis Adviser: Vasudha Paramasivan Comparative Literature Department University of California, Berkeley Spring 2017 i Acknowledgements First and foremost, I have to thank the massive amount of support I have received from my close friends and family who have not only encouraged and supported me throughout this project, but have also taken their personal time to give me notes on my work, enriched my interest in the study of politics, religions, and literature, and have all around been a copious wellspring of inspiration, both personally and intellectually. More specifically I would like to thank my thesis adviser Vasudha Paramasivan for working with me closely throughout the semester. Taking her class Religions in Modern India last semester provided me with many of the initial ideas that went into forming this comparative analysis I have created. Our weekly talks were both insightful, encouraging, and allowed me to check my own personal and academic biases throughout this research project. I certainly could not have done this without her expertise in the history of Indian politics and religions. I would also like to thank my professor Gilad Sharvit who’s class in 20th century Jewish philosophy peaked my interest in the subject and made me decide to pursue the examination of nationalist Zionism in this paper, as opposed to another tradition. He also provided support with (strictly informally) editing the introductory section on Judaism. -
Violence and Restraint Within Antifa: a View from the United States by Nigel Copsey and Samuel Merrill
PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM Volume 14, Issue 6 Violence and Restraint within Antifa: A View from the United States by Nigel Copsey and Samuel Merrill Abstract In recent months recurrent calls have been made by conservative right-wing politicians to designate Antifa a “domestic terrorist organization” in the United States. Fixated on the spectacle of its Black Bloc tactics they have equated Antifa, what is essentially an ad-hoc, non-hierarchical, geographically dispersed social movement comprised of local autonomous activist groups, with organized violent extremists. And yet, the evidence for such an equation has been mostly limited to a handful of instances that usually bare the hallmarks of political exaggeration or are alternatively attributable to individuals loosely associated with the Antifa movement. Why is this so? How do militant anti-fascists in the US understand violence and exercise restraint in their use of it? This article seeks an answer to these questions based on interviews with activists from Portland’s Rose City Antifa, one of the United States’ most well-known Antifa groups, and an analysis of a collection of the group’s Tweets. It reveals that Antifa exercises considerable restraint, internally and externally, with regards to both the literal and rhetorical use of violence within its street and digital activism. In turn it calls upon others to exercise reciprocal levels of restraint by ceasing their labelling of Antifa as a “domestic terrorist” organization. Keywords: Antifa, anti-fascism, restraint, violence, terrorism, street activism, digital activism I would say if we describe violence as being like, you know, a Richard Spencer face punch, I would say based on simply being a fascist, all fascists deserve, at a minimum, a Richard Spencer face punch.[1] I don’t think that people necessarily will go off the handle.