Irish Republican Army 1968

Home , Abstentionism, Belfast Brigade (IRA), Billy McMillen, Cathal Goulding, Connolly Association, Roy Johnston

PUNC XI: EYE OF THE STORM

2018

Presented by: Table of Contents

Letter from the Crisis Director Page 2

Letter from the Chair Page 3

Committee History Page 5

Delegate Positions Page 8

Committee Structure Page 10

Committee Goals Page 13

Sources Page 15

Letter From the Crisis Director

Hello Delegates,

My name is Daniel Donaher, and I will be your crisis director through this wild and turbulent ride through the IRA. I have been doing Model UN since my senior year of high school, and I now serve as President of the International Affairs and Debate Association here at Penn State, through which this conference is run. My hobbies include running, writing, and listening to music.

A fun fact about me is that I’m something of a tea fanatic. I think tea has a fascinating history and culture behind it that often goes unnoticed, and I am an avid drinker of all different kinds of oolong teas.

This committee idea struck me after I watched a documentary about the IRA and the internal politics and the external obstacles they faced. The delicate political complexity of the situation surrounding Northern Ireland and the Republic seemed a perfect fit for an experiment to see how MUN delegates could balance being both paramilitary terrorists and striving to become a legitimate negotiating power. I look forward to see how all of you will handle this situation, and I look forward to meeting you all as well! Please feel free to e-mail me with any questions.

Best,

Daniel Donaher

[email protected]

Letter From the Chair

Hello Irishmen (and Irishwomen)!

My name is Meghan McNicholas, and I am thrilled to welcome you to State College for PUNC XI! I am originally from Radnor, PA, and am currently a sophomore majoring in International Politics and French with minors in Arabic and History. I fell in love with MUN during high school, and have been involved with PSIADA since the beginning of my freshman year. Over the past two years, I have staffed PUNC as well as our high school conference,

PHUNC. I served as Director of Logistics for PHUNC this past November, and will be the Secretary-General of our upcoming conference. Additionally, I am the current Director of Logistics for PUNC XI, and (even more importantly), will be your

Chair for the weekend! In the rare chance that I am not in committee session or at a nerdy

MUN-related event, you will most likely find me telling notoriously bad jokes, eating socially unacceptable amounts of ice cream, running because of said ice cream, and petting every single dog that I can find.

This will be my first time Chairing a committee, and I could not have asked for a better topic or team to work with. The Irish Republican Army faced immense challenges in 1968, and I am excited to see how you and your fellow Irishmen decide to face these difficulties. As the great-granddaughter of Irish immigrants herself (just in case the last name and freckled Irish

Catholic skin didn’t give it away), I trust that you will make my ancestors proud as you tackle what will surely be complex but extremely rewarding debate topics and crises.

During PUNC, my job is not only to ensure that our committee sessions run smoothly, but also that each of you have an incredible experience both inside and outside of the committee room. That being said, please do not hesitate to reach out to me at any time prior to PUNC at [email protected], as well as over the course of the weekend itself. Question, comments, and bad jokes are always welcomed (and highly encouraged!)

Best,

Meghan McNicholas

Committee History

“Burn everything British but their coal” - Irish Republican saying

Origins of the IRA

In 1918, the Sinn Féin government of Ireland declared independence from Britain which led to the start of the Anglo-Irish War. Young supporters of Irish independence came together as a band of volunteer soldiers under the name of the Irish Republican Army. These forces operated with counsel from the Irish government in hopes of igniting violent and unpopular retaliatory action from the British. This strategy proved to be effective, and as the war raged on, more and more people became sympathetic to Sinn Féin propaganda.

However, as the British government switched tactics to interning Irish insurgents. The young volunteers had to go into hiding and embrace guerilla tactics against these measures. The

British counter-insurgency efforts were plagued by soldiers having little to know knowledge of the Irish countryside, which lent itself in favor of the IRA’s guerilla warfare. The increasing frustration on the British side led to a greater intensity and brutality of containment methods.

Ultimately,this would result in the events of Bloody Sunday, the day in which nineteen suspected

British intelligence officials were gunned down, and British Auxiliaries fired indiscriminately onto a crowd at a football game. Following this, tensions and violence would reach an all-time high as the British government was eventually forced to negotiations.

The Anglo-Irish treaty was ratified on December 6th, 1921. It created the Irish Free State, which was still a part of the British Empire as a self-governing dominion, similar to Canada. The year prior, the government passed the Government of Ireland Act, establishing Northern Ireland out of the six north-east counties of Ireland. Under the treaty, Northern Ireland had the choice to

5 opt out of the Irish Free State, which it did. The treaty was controversial among Irish

Nationalists, especially due to Ireland still remaining a part of the empire rather than an independent republic. The treaty was eventually ratified, and while it technically did not release

Ireland from the British Empire, it was clear that the path was set for full Irish Independence.

The Border Campaign

The IRA was dormant briefly, as many of its members loyal to the original cause still objected to the partition of Ireland as laid out in the treaty. From 1956 to 1962, the organization waged an offensive that would eventually be referred to as the Border Campaign. The IRA would send in columns of 50 soldiers to attack strategic infrastructure targets with the hopes of driving British forces from sections of Northern Ireland. The government responded by passing the Special Powers Act, which allowed them to intern suspected Irish Nationalists without trial.

This greatly hindered the impact of the IRA’s campaign.

The campaign was quite brutal and energetic in its early years, and it seemed that Irish

Republicans who died in the campaign only became martyrs to the cause and continued to fuel support for the IRA. However, the tide turned when the Republic of Ireland came under a new government more adamantly opposed to the IRA and began internment practices as well.

Eventually the campaign petered out, as the IRA suffered a lack of support from the citizens of

Northern Ireland. The campaign was seen as a massive failure, as it damaged the IRA’s reputation in Northern Ireland. It caused the leadership of the organization to fracture into two groups, one that continued to support violence, and one that embraced a leftist ideology as a means of accomplishing its goals.

The Troubles

Issues in Northern Ireland began to spring up as Catholics in the region complained of gerrymandering and discrimination as a means to keep their voices silenced in the government.

Irish Republican organizations, the North Ireland Labour Party, and left-wing political parties came together to form the North Ireland Civil Rights Association. Many demonstrations by this group ended in violence with counter-protestors on the side of the unionists in Northern Ireland, causing tensions between these two groups to rise.

The NICRA was not intended as a body for Irish Reunification, but for the purposes of obtaining rights for Catholic citizens. The organization gathered ire for having associations with the IRA and having some of its members in leadership. In response, unionists founded the Ulster

Protestant Volunteers, which was essentially their counter measure to the IRA. The Volunteers would disrupt and counter Republican and NICRA protests, and began forming as a paramilitary organization in anticipation of the IRA’s resurgence. They also aimed to oust the current Prime

Minister for being too soft on the protestors.

IRA Politics

As previously mentioned, the IRA was plagued with divisions following the Border

Campaign. There were two wings, the Official and Provisional IRA. The Officials were marxists who dreamed of uniting the Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland with the goals of uniting the working classes against the elites of society. The Provisionals, on the other hand, considered themselves and their tactics to be descendants of the real IRA. As for the start of this committee, all members of this committee are a part of a unified IRA under Chief of Staff

Goulding.

Delegate Positions

Cathal Goulding (IRA Chief of Staff) - Serving as Quartermaster and eventually Chief of Staff, Golding was an influential member of the IRA. He was one of the leading voices in advocating that the IRA move away from the policy of abstentionism, and attempt to become an active political organization. His opposition to the British rule is rooted largely in Marxist theory, as he believed the British attempted to divide the Irish working class to maintain control.

Seán Garland (IRA Training Officer) - Garland began his involvement to the IRA as an agent in the British Army in order to gather intelligence to lead a arms raid on a Gough Barracks. He served as a training officer during the Border Campaign, and was arrested and interned several times. As a Marxist, Garland was more interested in organizing the IRA into a left-wing political group, and steering it away from paramilitary action.

Ruairí Ó Brádaigh (Military Council and Sinn Féin TD) - Born Peter Brady, Brádaigh grew up to be an accomplished and notorious leader of the IRA. Serving on the Military Council of the IRA, he was responsible for many heists and attacks by the IRA in Northern Ireland. He was elected Teachta Dála of Sinn Féin while serving a prison sentence for his crimes, and boosted his party’s standing during this time. Following his prison sentence, he was placed into internment, but managed to escape and would eventually serve a short term as Chief of Staff of the IRA.

Seán Mac Stíofáin (IRA Director of Intelligence) - Nicknamed “Mac the Knife”, Stíofáin was a staunch believer that violence and retaliation against the British government were necessary for the IRA to accomplish its goals. Originally born in London, he rose to the rank of Corporal in the Royal Air Force before falling enamored with the cause of the IRA. He would eventually become IRA Director of Intelligence. He is a devout Catholic, who never drinks or smokes.

Éamonn MacThomáis (Editor and Member of Ardchomhairle) - MacThomáis joined the IRA in his youth and was involved in the Border Campaign. He was elected to the Ardchomhairle of Sinn Féin, and worked as an editor for the The United Irishman, a publication backed by the Irish Republican Movement. He held great respect among Irish Journals and writers, even if they did not share his beliefs.

Tomás Mac Giolla (President of Sinn Féin) - In his early life, Mac Giolla was an active member of the IRA and served many internment sentences for his role in the organization. He was elected to be President of Sinn Féin in 1962, and most of his term was spent as a mediator between the marxist faction of the organization and the less extreme members. He has a background in accounting from his days prior to politics.

Máire Drumm (Commander of Cumann na mBa) - Drumm was a commander in Cumann na mBa, the Irishwomen’s Council, which was a paramilitary group similar to the IRA, but populated entirely by women. She was an excellent orator and her speaking ability brought her much influence and respect among the Sinn Féin and other Irish Republicans.

Roy Johnston (Journalist) - Johnston was an Irish physicist with many connections to communists and left-wing thinkers in both Ireland and Britain. He was a prolific journalist who mainly contributed articles to the United Irishman and The Irish Times. He served as Director of Education for the IRA and was an active member of Sinn Féin.

Mick Ryan (Military Advisor) - Ryan was a veteran of the Border Campaign and the former Quartermaster of the IRA. He was a fervent member of the organization with a wide range of experiences in the various areas of the IRA’s military. He adamantly opposes those in the IRA with marxist tendencies and strongly believes in the necessity of military might for the success of the Irish Republican cause.

C. Desmond Greaves (Connolly Association Representative) - Greaves was a Irish-Marxist historian who was influential in pushing the IRA towards a more left-leaning organization. He is also high up in the Connolly Association, an organization for Irish emigrants in support of Irish Republicanism, which also led civil rights campaigns demanding rights from the British government.

Patrick Ryan (Priest) - Ryan was a Catholic Priest alleged to be associated with the IRA, and was believed to be heavily involved in the transfer of explosives to the organization, although he would later go on to deny these claims. He was also accused of being a quartermaster of the IRA at one point in time, although the exact tenure under which he served is under debate.

Dáithí Ó Conaill (Spokesman and Officer Commanding) - Connaill joined the IRA at the age of seventeen, and would eventually go on to briefly serve as Director of Operations for the organization during the internment of many high ranking officers. He often acted as a sort of spokesman for the IRA, and was given the position of Officer Commanding of the Donegal unit.

Seamus Twomey (IRA Strategist) - Known as “Thumper” due to his short temper and regular tantrums, Twomey was a hot-headed firebrand of the IRA, who would go on to lead bombing campaigns against IRA targets. His strategy and methods were clear: the only way to bring about the cause of Irish Republicans was to instill fear into the people with the power to make the changes they wanted.

Liam "Billy" McMillen (NICRA Representative) - McMillen was an IRA operative, who was most well known for his work in helping to draft the constitution of the North Ireland Civil Rights Association, which was an organization that advocated for the rights of Catholics in Northern Ireland. He also has ties to Belfast through the Belfast Brigade.

Seamus Costello (Councillor) - Called the “Boy General” for his leadership at such a young age in the Border Campaign, Costello was a ruthless operative of the IRA. He was elected Councillor of Wicklow, and has connections to Irish credit unions. His tactics were best described as typical Irish Republican force to advance economic and social issues facing Northern Ireland.

Paddy O'Callaghan (Member of Ard Chomhairle) - O’Callaghan was a championship winning cyclist and maintained connections to high ranking officials of the IRA and Sinn Féin. He was even elected to the Ard Chomhairle, or High Council of Sinn Féin. He is influential among the people of South Kerry and has a strong leaning towards marxist or leftist political ideology. Committee Structure

Raids

Raids are an integral part of your role as members and affiliates of the Irish Republican

Army. Occasionally, there will be an update revealing that there is an opportunity for a prime target to raid, or an ideal location to attack. In response to this, delegates should respond with a raid, or a committee wide directive detailing an intricate plan to attack the target which specifically allocates which resources will be used and how they will be used. Raids may either be used to steal money or weapons from an enemy controlled location, or to cause mass hysteria and worsen people’s faith in the opposition.

Key components of raids will be determined in the details. The directives passed to initiate them must be specific and explicitly include the adequate resources being used, the personnel completing the raid, and any other loose-ends such as get-aways or means of distracting law enforcement. Raids that lack essential components will either fail entirely or result in a less than favorable outcome as a result. Delegates may also write individually or jointly to crisis to use their own portfolio powers to take care of matters specifically within their own jurisdiction to boost the likelihood of the raid succeeding, or they can take advantage of the mayhem to get away with certain crimes that may be more difficult to accomplish otherwise.

The most effective use of raids will be in response to a crisis update that indicates a raid might be beneficial to advancing the interests of the IRA. However, delegates may pass

10 directives to raid certain locations even if they are not specifically brought up in crisis updates.

In addition, there may also be time sensitive updates, in which delegates will have only a certain amount of time to pass a directive to launch a raid. In all three of these cases, the same criteria to determine successfulness of a raid will be used.

Public Opinion

Public opinion is an important aspect of the committee as well. Delegates will be mostly concerned with, and regularly provided, three opinion polls from North Ireland and the surrounding area:

Approval of British Government’s handling of rising tensions: #

Approval of the Irish Republicans and their actions: #

Approval of the Ulster Loyalists and their actions: #

The approval of the British Government based on the support that the British

Government has in their tactics of dealing with the IRA and Loyalists. When their approval rating starts to drop a significant amount, the British Government will start to explore different strategies against the the groups. The IRA can lower the British approval ratings by carrying out raids and making the government seem less effective. However, keep in mind that this sabotage may not always be in the best interest of the IRA, and could cause the government to crack down more violently on the organization.

Approval of the IRA can be closely linked to the support that the organization will find among the people of Ireland and North Ireland. It will make it harder for officials to crack down and openly oppose the IRA, giving the committee more freedom and leverage. Higher IRA approval will also give Sinn Féin and other IRA affiliated candidates a boost in the polls, and

11 will allow them to take more seats in elections. The committee can boost its approval by proving to be a beneficial force to the people of Ireland, and spreading propaganda.

Approval of the loyalists will be linked to the support that the unionists will receive from the North Irish citizens. Officials will have a harder time cracking down on the loyalists with higher approval ratings. As with the Republicans, Loyalist affiliated candidates will be boosted in the polls and take more seats in elections. The committee can hurt the reputation of the loyalists by helping the population and painting the Loyalists in a negative light.

(Note: None of the approval ratings are inversely proportional to each other by any means. The public can hold low opinions of all groups, or could approve of the IRA’s motives, while also approving of how the British Government keeps them in check.)

Negotiations

One of the major goals of this committee is to bring the British and North Irish

Governments to the negotiating table. Delegates may pass a directive at any time asking for a conference to negotiate terms. Representatives of the government will enter the committee room and begin negotiating terms that both sides will have to vote on following the conference. The

British will be more adamant and less concerned about reaching a deal if the IRA has a low approval rating, and therefore, delegates should guarantee that their approval rating is high before requesting a conference.

The groups may refuse a conference for many number of reasons. The most likely among them being: that a conference was held very recently, that the British have a higher approval rating than the IRA, or that the British are in the process of enacting countermeasures against the organization.

The end goal of the committee is for all of the factions work together to create a unified

Irish state. However, multiple successful conferences will need to be held with the British to gain the upper hand before such a demand can be made. Early conferences should deal with smaller issues such as prisoner release, ceasefires, and other deals that legitimize the IRA as a negotiating body.

Committee Goals

Negotiations

As previously mentioned, negotiations with the North Irish, Republic, and British governments are key goals for this committee. The most important goal is obviously to create a unified Irish state, but rushing towards that goal could have negative repercussions. The committee must, foremost be looking out for the Irish people. In negotiations, the committee should always move for goals such as releasing of interned republicans, civil rights in Northern

Ireland, and disciplinary action against radical loyalists. It is crucial to note that neither of the parties involved in the discussion during these times is going to want to give up anything without receiving something in turn, so the committee must decide before a negotiation what it is willing to give up.

Unity

The Provisional and Official wings of the IRA split into their own separate entities in the early years of the Troubles. The lack of a unified group made it far more difficult for the organization to achieve its goals. Delegates must find a way to reconcile the marxist tendencies of the Officials with the dedication to paramilitary tactics of the Provisionals. In addition to

13 keeping the peace among themselves, delegates must also be aware that the split between the two factions in the general membership must also be mended.

Self-Preservation

The irish Republican Army’s most vital goal is also the simplest: survive. The organization faces enemies from every side, the legitimate governments of Britain, Northern

Ireland, and the Republic, the Ulster Volunteer Force, and the foreign nations not entangled in the conflict that have declared the IRA to be a terrorist organization. The delegates must constantly be scheming against their enemies and thinking of their next move to get the upper hand in the situation. Two main strategies of the organization will most likely be deterrence and legitimacy.

Deterrence is rather simple. The IRA should aim to be as ferocious and deadly as possible so that the Ulster Loyalists and British Army determine the cost of fighting them to be too high for the reward. However, this is a double-edged sword, open attacks on British and Loyalist territory could be seen as a call-to-action for larger scale operations from legitimate military organizations and could aggravate your only potential ally in negotiations, the Republic of

Ireland. Legitimacy is more complicated. Delegates should aim to make the IRA a legitimate de facto government for the people. The key to the Irish Insurgency will be how much the people support them, and therefore how much actual governments will have to take them seriously.

Legitimacy can be attained by engaging in negotiations, even if not much is gained from them, and by doing good works for the people of Ireland.

14 Sources

“History - The Troubles.” BBC, BBC, www.bbc.co.uk/history/troubles. “History - 1916 Easter Rising - Aftermath - The Anglo-Irish War.” BBC, BBC, www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/easterrising/aftermath/af04.shtml.

“The Northern Ireland Conflict 1968-1998 – An Overview.” The Irish Story, 16 Nov. 2017, www.theirishstory.com/2015/02/09/the-northern-ireland-conflict-1968-1998-an-overview/#.Wk AwoTdOk2w. “The Troubles in Northern Ireland – a Brief Overview.” Ireland Calling, ireland-calling.com/troubles-in-northern-ireland/.