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What Is on the Other Side of the Tracks? a Spatial Examination of Neighborhood Boundaries and Segregation

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What Is on the Other Side of the Tracks? a Spatial Examination of Neighborhood Boundaries and Segregation University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 1-1-2012 What is on the Other Side of the Tracks? A Spatial Examination of Neighborhood Boundaries and Segregation Rory Kramer University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the African American Studies Commons, Geography Commons, and the Sociology Commons Recommended Citation Kramer, Rory, "What is on the Other Side of the Tracks? A Spatial Examination of Neighborhood Boundaries and Segregation" (2012). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 532. http://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/532 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. http://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/532 For more information, please contact [email protected]. What is on the Other Side of the Tracks? A Spatial Examination of Neighborhood Boundaries and Segregation Abstract Space has always been a critical component of the sociological study of racial inequality, yet it has rarely been the central focus of empirical projects. Studies of segregation, an inherently spatial concept, have relied on techniques that are aspatial introduce an unknown amount of error into their results. This project extends standard spatial analytic techniques to the sociological study of racial segregation, using Philadelphia as its case study. By introducing non-euclidean kernel density analysis to the study of racial segregation, the project explores how a more visual and more spatially informed approach changes the geography of racial segregation. A more visual approach to segregation more readily identiiesy locations of racial turnover compared to traditional measures such as indices dissimilarity, entropy, and isolation. Incorporating physical barriers into a spatial measure of segregation also complicates the finding that segregation is decreasing over time at a substantial rate and is able to identify and locate specific ra eas within the city where segregation is uniquely persistent or uniquely transitory, and that racial boundaries such as major roads or railroad tracks are more strongly associated with protecting white neighborhoods from non-white residents rather than isolating black or Hispanic populations. A spatial sociology of inequality offers a novel lens through which to study racial inequality, segregation, and make those findings relevant to efforts to lessen segregation's impact on inequality. Degree Type Dissertation Degree Name Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) Graduate Group Sociology First Advisor Camille Z. Charles Keywords Boundaries, GIS, Inequality, Segregation, Space, spatial methods Subject Categories African American Studies | Geography | Sociology This dissertation is available at ScholarlyCommons: http://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/532 WHAT IS ON THE OTHER SIDE OF THE TRACKS? A SPATIAL EXAMINATION OF NEIGHBORHOOD BOUNDARIES AND SEGREGATION Rory Kramer A DISSERTATION in Sociology Presented to the Faculties of the University of Pennsylvania in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 2012 WHAT IS ON THE OTHER SIDE OF THE TRACKS? A SPATIAL EXAMINATION OF NEIGHBORHOOD BOUNDARIES AND SEGREGATION © 2012 Rory Alexander Kramer This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- ShareAlike 3.0 License To view a copy of this license, visit: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-ny-sa/2.0/ To the city of Brotherly Love and the people I’ve met here iii ACKNOWLEDGMENT This dissertation began with a flippant thought as I walked to the subway one day to get to a meeting on campus. Two blocks from my apartment on a block experiencing rapid gentrification—bring with it both the benefits of a gastropub on the corner and the problems of a seemingly inevitable racial turnover—lies Broad Street. Across Broad Street is an equally centrally located neighborhood, but instead of similar signs of revitalization and investment, beautiful residential architecture from the turn of the century was visibly being left to deteriorate. One street was all that prevented that gentrification from spreading. Trying to understand how that sharp divide was created and continues became the germ of an idea that grew into this dissertation. Less abstractly and more personally, while a dissertation is an academic’s first individual research project, it is also the first time an academic realizes no work is truly individual. While the mistakes and blind spots in this project remain mine and mine alone, any insights are thanks to a large group of people who supported, challenged, pushed and prodded me. First, I have to thank Camille Charles, my advisor, mentor, chair, friend, spades rival, and role model. Camille’s exacting need to get the model just right while also making sure the project speaks clearly to a wider audience is a balance I hope to achieve myself. Similarly, her ability to be a world class scholar and world class mentor to undergraduate and graduate students is what I hope to become. Grace Kao’s guidance and advice from day one of my graduate school tenure has helped shape me as a scholar and as a member of a department. Tara Jackson’s insistence that my work is an iv important addition to the sociology of space and race has been a constant source of energy and a constant reminder to make sure I “get” space better. I hope I have. Finally, Keith Reeves has been a source of support, enthusiasm, and tough questions that make sure I don’t lose myself in the minutiae of kernel density smoothing techniques and to return to the original reason I began to study racial boundaries—to better understand and possibly help mitigate racial inequality. Outside of my committee, many more people at Penn were crucial to my success. Dana Tomlin’s role as GIS Santa Claus cannot be understated. His class was a key moment in recognizing the potential of spatial analysis to radically change the study of racial segregation. Since then, it is his python script that enabled my specific spatial analysis and conversations with him that refined my understanding of how to incorporate space into sociological fields while describing them in ways social scientists and laypeople might possibly understand. I smush and spread in his honor. Thanks also to Vicky Tam, whose help was vital to my not giving up on GIS in frustration within a few months of starting down this path. To the Center for Africana Studies for their daily support, free coffee, interest, and positive attitude. Before I found a home in CFAS, coming to campus was a disheartening part of my day—heading in to CFAS, however, became heading to a second home, thanks to Carol, Gale, Sean, Michelle and Barbara, as well as the general awesomeness of “the corner” and its rotating cast of characters. Academically, I also want to thank George Galster for his tough questions when I was first formulating this project and his work on what a neighborhood boundary actually v is (even if he wrote it “while in high school”). Tukufu Zuberi’s unrelenting focus on quality scholarship that also makes an impact and statement has left me inspired and befuddled in a good way all at once. His love of Du Bois’ scholarship is infectious. Similarly, many thanks to the outstanding (too many to list) scholars in the field studying racial inequality and segregation on whose shoulders I stand. In addition, Steven Gerrard, David Edwards, Alex Willingham, and Craig Wilder were such excellent undergraduate teachers and mentors that in many respects, I have them to thank (blame?) for eventually becoming an academic myself. The department of sociology at Penn has been a great intellectual home for this work, especially thanks to the support of Aline, Carolanne, Audra, and Nancy. Without Penn, I’d have never had such a wonderful cohort of fellow Ph.D students and friends to work with, explore Philly with, and (not infrequently) complain with. Thanks to all of the incoming cohort of 2005, especially for talks on the stoop about our place in sociology, co-authoring papers, breaking it down, breaking down in class, and fancy dinners off the strip at ASA. Penn also introduced me to Elizabeth Vaquera’s whose advice as a more advanced student was invaluable to me not getting lost and disheartened by the grind of graduate school. Writing a dissertation can be a lonely and stressful experience. I want to thank my friends both in Philly and outside who got me away from my dissertation to go to concerts, have a drink, go to a concert, and generally have a life and enjoy the city I was studying. Thanks to Rick, Marlon, Aamir, Dan, Andrew, Sarah, Catherine, Steve, vi Rebecca, Simon, Lauren, Jon, Teague, Alex, Marin, and many more I may have forgotten. Of course, thanks to my family, from my mom’s undying support to my brother’s friendly trash-talk and Renee’s chiding to my dad’s interest in entropy “as a physics concept,” it was my family that led me down the path to care about inequality and believe I might be smart enough to say and do something about it. Finally, thanks to Tria for having a free wine tasting around the corner from my apartment my first summer in Philadelphia. No graduate student could resist such an opportunity and without it I would have never met Lindsay. Lindsay’s love, support, random treats, proofreading and countless other gifts have made me and this dissertation immeasurably better. I deleted three “boths” and one colon from these acknowledgements for you. If that’s not love, what is? vii ABSTRACT WHAT IS ON THE OTHER SIDE OF THE TRACKS? A SPATIAL EXAMINATION OF NEIGHBORHOOD BOUNDARIES AND SEGREGATION Rory Kramer Camille Charles Space has always been a critical component of the sociological study of racial inequality, yet it has rarely been the central focus of empirical projects. Studies of segregation, an inherently spatial concept, have relied on techniques that are aspatial introduce an unknown amount of error into their results.
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