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Ancient China and the Yue: Perceptions and Identities on the Southern Frontier, C 262 ASIAN PERSPECTIVES • 2017 • 56(2) Pierre-Yves Manguin, Aiyavu Mani,and SHARROCK,PETER D. Geoffrey Wade. Singapore: ISEAS 2012 Serpents and Buddhas, in Connecting Publishing. Empires and States: Selected Papers from the th MURPHY,STEPHEN A., AND MIRIAM T. S TARK 13 International Conference of the European Association of Southeast Asian 2016 Introduction: Transitions from late – prehistory to early historic periods in Archaeologists: 118 126, ed. Mai Lin Mainland Southeast Asia, c. early to Tjoa-Bonatz, Andreas Reinecke, and mid-first millennium C.E. Journal of Dominik Bonatz. Singapore: NUS Southeast Asian Studies 47(3):333–340. Press. SHARROCK,PETER D. SMITH,RALPH BERNARD, AND WILLIAM WATSON, 2009 Garuda, Vajrapāni and religious change EDS. in Jayavarman VII’s Angkor. Journal of 1979 Early South East Asia: Essays in Archae- Southeast Asian Studies 40(1):111–151. ology, History, and Historical Geography. New York: Oxford University Press. Ancient China and the Yue: Perceptions and Identities on the Southern Frontier, c. 400 B.C.E.–50 C.E. Erica Brindley. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015. 302 pp, 12 b/w illustrations, 3 maps, 3 tables, Bibliography, Index. US $103.00. ISBN 9781316355282. Reviewed by Francis ALLARD, Department of Anthropology, Indiana University of Pennsylvania It is fair to say that substantially more has been part of the Qin empire, while troops written about China’s northern neighbors in dispatched one century later by the Han pre- and early imperial times than about its emperor Wudi are said to have taken no more early southern populations. This is perhaps than 3 years to reach and conquer a vast swath not surprising, considering the perpetual need of territory covering present-day Fujian of Bronze Age and later dynasties to monitor, (along the southeast coast), Lingnan, northern engage, and appease those powerful and and central Vietnam, and portions of Yunnan mobile steppe polities that agitated at their (in southwest China), all of which were soon doorstep. In contrast, not only was the south partitioned into commanderies and constitu- geographically distant from the dynastic ent counties. centers of the Central Plains, it never emerged Viewed from a comfortable historical as a serious military threat. Textual, archae- distance, these early southern campaigns take ological, and linguistic data combine to paint on the appearance of effortless expansion China’s vast southern region (from the Yangzi which laid the foundation for the subsequent River to northern Vietnam) as a highly political integration and sinicization of segmented ethnic landscape populated by China’s southern populations. In reality, mostly small-scale, pre-literate populations however, the process of military, adminis- who spoke non-sinitic languages. The trative, and cultural incorporation was also absence of any coordinated resistance to – marked by serious challenges. Contemporary or possibly even awareness of – the southern and later texts refer to regular and occasionally march of armies is evident from the recorded successful native uprisings, as well as debates at speed at which China’s early empires managed court regarding the wisdom of administering to incorporate the southern regions into their and holding on to such distant regions. Still, realms. Thus, by 214 B.C.E., Lingnan (con- even as historical studies of the south have sisting of present-day Guangdong and incorporated into their narratives details of Guangxi) in southeast China had become these setbacks and the tasks faced by imperial BOOK REVIEWS 263 officials and military personnel, meta- developmental trajectories, some of these accounts of China’s enlargement south of leading to socio-politically complex societies. the Yangzi have viewed the expansion Erica Brindley’s Ancient China and the Yue: primarily as an inevitable sinicization process, Perceptions and Identities on the Southern Frontier, the outcome of which was achieved through c. 400 B.C.E–50 C.E. stands as a valuable the gradual but insistent replacement of native addition to the existing scholarship on the political and cultural forms. Thus, while early topic of China’s early southern populations. western accounts of the expansion – most Importantly, and in contrast to the prepon- notably Herold Wiens’ (1954) China’s March derance of locally-focused studies, she tackles Toward the Tropics and C.P. FitzGerald’s (1972) the whole of southern China. While a portion The Southern Expansion of the Chinese People – of the book is devoted to discussing the differ in regard to the manner in which native relevant linguistic context and reviewing the society was altered through sustained contact results of archaeological work carried out in with Chinese soldiers, officials, traders, and the region, the main thrust of Brindley’s study colonists, they remain consistent in their remains a critical consideration of the “Yu e,” adherence to the fundamental assumptions of an appellation which scholars of early China the sinicization model. have at least passing familiarity with, but The view of early China’s southern region which few have attempted to define with any as an uneven ethnospace whose weak con- historical or geographical rigor. As Brindley stituent populations were irreversibly drawn demonstrates, the Yue label stands as both an into the Chinese political and cultural sphere authentic designation of peoples, albeit one of is now tempered by research conducted on frustratingly poor resolution, as well as a more recent periods by western historians and conceptual foil against which processes of anthropologists. This scholarship – much of it identity formation and maintenance played focused on ethnic groups located in southwest out among the “Hua-xia,” here identified as China – offers a more critical assessment of the inhabitants of Central Plains polities China’s infiltration of native territories by whose self-defined distinctiveness was closely calling attention to the crucial fact that native tied to cultural descent from dynastic ances- acculturation to Chinese customs and views tors and set against the culture of less civilized remained very much incomplete as recently as near and distant neighbors. a few hundred years ago in some peripheral Who were the so-called Yue? The term areas. Beyond the obvious relevance of such was ascribed by Hua-xia writers to pre-literate findings to discussions of earlier periods, populations said to have inhabited much of these studies also highlight the reality that coastal southern China and northern Vietnam military, administrative, and cultural borders both before China’s expansionary push and were likely never coterminous. These recent following the incorporation of these regions studies rely on a number of ideas (i.e., into the Qin and Han realms. Scattered across resistance, identity, acculturation, hybridiza- texts dating from the mid-first millennium tion, agency) developed by Western scholars B.C.E. (late Spring and Autumn, early Warring interested in the fate of peripheral populations States periods) to the first centuries C.E. that have been impacted by imperial expan- (Eastern Han dynasty), references to the Yue sion or touched by economic and cultural leave no doubt about the cultural hetero- currents flowing from the center prior to the geneity of its constituent peoples and their arrival of imperial agents. Finally, and in association with southern regions. More parallel with such approaches, archaeological specifically, the Yue label was used to identify research in southern China over the past half a wide range of ethnic groups and polities (or century has revealed – beyond a few notable groups said to have had historical or instances of correspondence between texts genealogical links with the Yue). Alongside and recovered materials – the existence of the more inclusive Bai-yue (“Hundred Yue,” significant cultural diversity within south first mentioned in 239 B.C.E.), these included a China (both before and following imperial number of populations ranging in scale from expansion) and identified locally distinctive geographically constrained ethnic groups to 264 ASIAN PERSPECTIVES • 2017 • 56(2) larger kingdoms and states, including the Yu- beasts” (p. 128), with “the young order[ing] yue, Gan-yue, Dong-ou, Dong-yue, Luo- about their elders [and] the elderly fear[ing] yue, Yang-yue, Xi-ou, Luo-luo, Yue, Wu, the able-bodied” (p. 128); as having little yin, Nan-yue, and Min-yue. much yang, and thin skin (akin to the thin furs Despite the many textual references to the of local birds and animals), giving them the Yue, the term is marked by limited historical, ability to withstand heat; as fierce individuals temporal, and geographic specificity. It comes prone to shifting military allegiances; as into clearer focus only in the case of those few proficient swimmers, naval warriors, and southern polities whose size, resilience, and sword makers; as worshippers of snakes; and actions merited more extensive treatment by as people who exhibited other unusual and early historians. Beyond the fact that we do unrefined non-Hua-xia customs, such as not know what the southern Yue groups wearing one’s hair unbound (loose), sheared, called themselves and how or whether they or formed into a mallet-shaped bun, tattooing consciously distinguished themselves from the body and “engraving the forehead” one another, the label was itself inconsistently (p. 167), and sitting “in the dustpan style” applied by Chinese authors for reasons that are (i.e., sitting
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