R 2001:6

Going North Going North Peripheral Tourism in Canada and Sweden

Editor: Bengt Sahlberg Peripheral Tourism in Canada and Sweden

ETOUR, SE-831 25 Östersund Tel +46 63-19 58 00 Fax +46 63-19 58 10 E-mail [email protected] Website www.etour.mh.se

RAPPORTSERIEN Bengt Sahlberg

ISBN 91-973902-8-3 ISSN 1403-4220 Going North Peripheral Tourism in Canada and Sweden

Editor: Bengt Sahlberg

Contributors: Olle Melander Jan O. J. Lundgren John S. Hull John Selwood & Stephanie Heidenreich Tom Hinch Peter Fredman, Lars Emmelin, Thomas A. Heberlein & Tuomas Vuorio Robert Pettersson & Dieter K. Müller

ETOUR European Tourism Research Institute

1 ETOUR European Tourism Research Institute Mid-Sweden University SE 831 25 Östersund, Sweden

Tel + 46 63 19 58 00 Fax + 46 63 19 58 10 E-mail [email protected] Website www.etour.mh.se

ISBN 91-973902-8-3 ISSN 1403-4220

ETOURs rapportserie R 2001:6

Omslag know it Openeye, Östersund

Tryck Ågrens Tryckeri AB, Örnsköldsvik 2001

2 Contents

Contributors ...... 5

Preface Olle Melander ...... 7

Arctic Tourism Prologue Jan O. J. Lundgren ...... 9

1 Canadian Tourism Going North – An Overview with Comparative Scandinavian Perspectives Jan O. J. Lundgren ...... 13

2Opening Up the Big Land to the World – The Role of the Public Sector in Adventure Tourism Development in Labrador John S. Hull ...... 47

3 The Manitoba-Hudson Bay Northern Tourism Corridor John Selwood & Stephanie Heidenreich ...... 79

4 Tourism in Canada’s Northwest Tom Hinch ...... 105

5 Tourism in the Swedish Mountain Region Peter Fredman, Lars Emmelin, Thomas A. Heberlein & Tuomas Vuorio ...... 123

6 Sami Tourism Resources in Northern Sweden – An Overview with Canadian Comparisons Robert Pettersson och Dieter K. Müller ...... 147

3 4 Contributors

Lars Emmelin is Professor of Environmental Impact Assessment in the Department of Spatial Planning at Blekinge Institute of Technology in Karlskrona. He has worked at ETOUR as programme director for the Nature and Natural Resources programme and is now scientific adviser to ETOUR. His previous work includes research and teaching on environmental management in the Scandinavian mountain region and on Svalbard in the Arctic.

Peter Fredman is Program Director of the Nature & Natural Resources research program at ETOUR. Peter has a Ph.D. in Forest Economics from the Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences. His main research interest is in economic analyses, attitudes, planning and development of nature-based tourism. He is currently involved in a project studying mountain tourism in Sweden.

Thomas A. Heberlein is a Rural Sociologist and Professor Emeritus at the University of Wisconsin, Madison USA. His research has focused on environmental attitudes, crowding in outdoor recreation, human dimensions of wildlife, valuation of non-market goods, and the social psychology of nature-based outdoor recreation. He is currently working on panel surveys of visitors to a US National Park, attitudes toward wolves and hunting in Sweden, and visitors to the Swedish mountains.

Stephanie Heidenreich has studied Geography at the University of Winnipeg, and is currently working as a researcher at the Institute of Urban Studies in Winnipeg. She holds a B.A. Honours degree in English Literature from McGill University and intends to continue her studies in the field of Cultural Geography.

Tom Hinch is Associate Professor at the Faculty of Physical Education and Recreation, University of Alberta. His research interests cover four main areas: tourism development in Canada’s north, tourism and indigenous peoples, sport-based tourism, and seasonality in tourism. Common themes across all of these program areas include sustainable tourism, questions related to a sense of place, and topics related to community - especially tourism destination communities.

John S. Hull is a geographer who received his Ph.D. from McGill University. He is the program director of the Sustainable Communities Program at the Quebec-Labrador Foundation in Montreal, Quebec, Canada. His research has focused on heritage tour- ism development, the relationships between protected areas and local people, and destination development in Canada’s eastern polar regions. His recent project work includes research projects with UNESCO on sustainable tourism development in the Circumpolar North, parks and local people projects in the Middle East, Africa and New Zealand and heritage corridor development in eastern Canada.

5 Professor Jan O. J. Lundgren, Geography Department, McGill University, Montreal, Canada, has, throughout his career, been studying and researching the tourism phenomenon in different geographic contexts. He has spent most of his time at McGill, where both his teaching and research focused upon tourism impacting and the tourism development process in developing countries in the Caribbean islands. But also in metropolitan hinterland situations such as those in Montreal and its surroundings, and in comparative northbound and northern tourism developments, both in northern and Arctic Canada on one hand and the Scandinavian North on the other.

Dieter K. Müller holds a Ph.D. in Social and Economic Geography, and until 2001 he worked as a researcher at ETOUR. Now he is an Assistant Professor at the Department of Social and Economic Geography, Umeå University. He is interested in a wide range of issues concerning tourism in peripheral areas. His main field of research is, however, the geography of second home tourism.

Robert Pettersson. M.Sc. in Human Geography. Registered as a Ph.D. student at the Department of Social and Economic Geography, Umeå University. Currently working at ETOUR on mapmaking and his dissertation on tourism connected to Sami and Sami culture. Has also been studying camping and second-home tourism.

Dr. John Selwood is a Professor of Geography at the University of Winnipeg, Canada. He has a diverse range of academic research interests focusing on Central Canada and Western Australia that span geographical aspects of the sex trade, studies of urban and regional settlement, vacation homes, domestic holidaymaking and tourism development.

Tuomas Vuorio. M.Sc. in forestry and a Ph.D. student in spatial planning at Blekinge Institute of Technology. He is working at ETOUR on tourism planning and management in mountain environments.

ETOUR (European Tourism Research Institute) is a research institute which develops knowledge about tourism and travelling and contributes to the tourism industry´s development and growth, mainly in northern Sweden. The institute was founded by the Mid-Sweden University, the Swedish Tourist Authority and the Swedish Travel and Tourist Federation. The research is conducted within four programme areas: Business Development, Destination Development, Culture and Cultural Environment and Nature and Natural Resources. The results of the research is communicated to the tourism industry via the program unit Transfer of Know-How.

6 Preface

Olle Melander European Tourism Research Institute, ETOUR

Travel is crucial to the economic and cultural development of the world. On a global basis, several hundred million people are occupied in the travel and tourism industry and the turnover is astronomical.

The twentieth century represents a major breakthrough in the development of tourism, and this is only the beginning. The potential for expansion is enormous. Three quarters of the world’s population have never traveled beyond the borders of their own countries and only three percent travel abroad each year.

The travel and tourism industry is part of and a precondition for much of what characterizes the emerging “experience” society. The “experience” industry is expected to be the dominant growth sector of the twenty-first century. The experience and tour- ism industries are intimately connected. However, in order to be considered as part of tourism, these experiences have to be consumed in places other than the home environment. By definition, the difference is that while residents gain their experiences in their home area, tourists experience the same things in a non-native environment.

The United Nations World Tourism Organization has defined tourism as follows: “Tour- ism covers the activities of people when they travel to and visit places outside their normal environment for a period of less than one year, for leisure, business or other purposes.” In many cases business trips constitute the economic basis of the travel and tourism industry. Major features of the present tourism infrastructure have been developed in order to ease trade within and between nations and to facilitate the journeys arising out of that trade.

Today we know something, though far from enough, of the basic needs of human beings to move from one environment to another in a search for stimulation and experiences. In looking more closely at the incentives people have for traveling we find a complex mix of variations. In a wider context we can say that all travel is concerned

7 with an encounter. It can mean an encounter with our cultural roots, with nature and the countryside and even an encounter with ourselves in a different place and situation.

It can also be an encounter with something new and unexpected. Explorers of the past justified their title by discovering new areas never previously mapped. The modern equivalent of an explorer is the tourist who seeks to extend her/his own mental horizons and widen his/her sense of the present.

For generations, the need for environmental change to other climatic zones has been a driving force behind travel. For Scandinavians this has meant travelling to meet the sun, but people who live in the more southerly latitudes can be equally fascinated by the snow, ice and extreme cold of the North. Experiencing the midnight sun and the northern lights in an exotic and exclusive natural environment is something completely different from the experiences contemporary urban dwellers are normally exposed to. It is this northern area of tourism that is covered in this book.

One of ETOUR’s objectives is to increase people’s knowledge of tourism in the northern half of Sweden and make research results available to a wider public. Going North will provide both tourist business entrepreneurs and social planners with a source of infor- mation for reference when tourist products are to be developed in a harsh climate and in places far from the major centers of population where the majority of tourists live their daily lives.

This book covers research on the northern tourism that has developed in Canada and Sweden/Scandinavia in the past century. The comparison of two similar areas on two different continents provides useful knowledge about and insights into the driving force behind and the obstacles to travel. The results of this research illustrate both similarities and differences in the development of travel and destinations in northern Canada and northern Scandinavia. Even though a great deal of knowledge has been mapped and analyzed, there remains an important job of research in deepening our knowledge of the developments that have occurred so far and, not least, of what is expected to happen in the decades ahead, as new generations of travelers take the stage.

ETOUR would like to thank most warmly the scholars from several universities in Ca- nada and Sweden who, in an exciting and informed manner, have contributed their research to this book.

Olle Melander Director ETOUR

8 Arctic Tourism Prologue

Jan O. J. Lundgren Geography Department McGill University, Montreal

In order to give the reader some geographic sense of how latitudinal zones partly affect northbound tourist travel, be it into the Canadian North or other circumpolar areas, it seems both realistic and informative to refer to L.E. Hamelin’s cartographic presenta- tion - Le Monde Circumnordique, see map 1 - with its distinct delimitation of the circumpolar North and Arctic from the rest of the massive sheets of continental lands and oceans in the Northern Hemisphere.

The most striking characteristic of the northern delimitation is found in its spatial assymmetry, which produces, on the one hand, a distinct continental type of the North in North America and in the Siberian part of the Eurasian continent and, on the other, a maritime North Atlantic northern sector bounded by Labrador’s rugged shoreline in the West and the Fennoscandian peninsula in the East. As can be seen, from a Euro- pean standpoint the North and the Arctic are not remote, uninhabited areas, but represent, rather, a geographic, sedentary habitat which includes hundreds of thousands of inhabitants in northern Norway, northern Sweden, Finnish Lapland and the Ba- rents Sea coastal lands, all daily experiencing the Northern and Arctic environment.

Substantial settlements have existed for centuries in Arctic places such as Arckhangel’sk on the White Sea coast, on Iceland in the middle of the North Atlantic and of course in the northern part of Scandinavia, including Finland and Russia - Tromsö, Honingsvag, Alta,Vardo, Enontekio, Murmansk come to mind. In the northern parts of the Canadian North and Arctic, habitations of a similar kind are to this day practically nonexistent. Clearly, then, from a tourist travel perspective, the friction of distance, regardless of modes of transport used, must have been, and still constitutes, a great obstacle.

Given the above, one would expect to find a much more vigorous northbound tourist travelling toward destinations located within the maritime-North Atlantic northern and Arctic sector than toward those found in the landlocked and peripheral Canadian North, or the northern parts of Siberia. More to the point , North Cape or northern Scandinavia should attract greater numbers of tourists than their remotely located,

9 10 northern and Arctic counterparts in northern North America. Destinations such as Alaska with Anchorage or the Northwest Territories with its capital Yellowknife are both approximately on the latitudes of Oslo, Stockholm, Helsinki and St. Petersburg.

Surprisingly enough, and notwithstanding the ease of popular access to both central Scandinavian capital city destinations and popular, more northerly destinations such as North Cape, which in theory would ensure massive tourist numbers, Alaska comes out on top. In fact, in the early 1990s the state of Alaska recorded over one million tourists (1993), a volume which is on par with, or might even exceed the total annual inflow of international tourists to Sweden, and was approximately double the officially recorded tourist volume of 500,000 visitors at destination North Cape for the same year according to figures given in Michael Hall’s and Margaret Johnston’s study ”Polar Tourism” (Wiley, 1995).

The Alaskan figure becomes an even greater achievement when the relatively complicated and diverse access apparatus is accounted for, which for some tourists involves luxurious coastal cruise ship travel from Vancouver or from departure points further south on the US West coast, while for others it is simply a comfortable journey by air. In contrast, most Arctic destinations in northern Scandinavia are linked into the high quality Scandinavian road network, and thus connect, almost directly, with the European continental highway system and the geographically very concentrated and massive European travel market of some 350 million people to the South. Of course, the Alaskan Highway of World War II fame, but of doubtful quality, does offer an alternative to the Alaska bound North American tourists, but represents a highly time-consuming approach journey north and also a rather repetitive return journey.

Other circumpolar destination counterparts to those of the Scandinavian North and Arctic with a stake in northbound Arctic tourism - in northern Siberia and along the Arctic shoreline of European Russia - do not fare as well in terms of northbound tourist travel movements for a number of reasons. Foremost among them is the fact that Russia has only recently been effectively opened up for foreign tourist travel - after the end of the Cold War ten years ago. However, it is also the case that the destination zones officially promoted and favoured lie further to the South: the Gulf of Finland with St. Petersburg is a major international attraction and the same is true of the Black Sea coast with Yalta and other Crimean resorts. The North and Arctic do not figure strongly in promotion and marketing. Second, land-based transport infrastructure in the Russian and Siberian North is practically nonexistent, except for the Murmansk railway and the parallel rail track to Arkhangel’sk. The third northbound rail line, the infamous route to the Petchora and Vorkuta areas, near the northern and Arctic end of the Ural montains, may still require substantial upgrading in order to develop into a popular approach to the Arctic coast.

In addition, the technical standard of the northbound highway system is inadequate and can, hardly, at the present time, handle the travel demands of modern tourism. Furthermore, basic tourist services, route based or in the destination areas, accommodation, food and general tourist information function on a primitive level, to say the least. Maritime coastal transport services do exist, but are hardly equipped for

11 tourists. Air services are available and can obviously reduce travel times to the area, but are on the whole unreliable. As a consequence, only the truly adventure/wilderness oriented tourist might find a journey into these unknown lands and the frozen coast up North appealing. Both of these areas certainly possess a tourist potential but would still require a more systematic product development in order to establish the essential attributes of a well-managed tourist destination region. At present, this part of Russia is not effectively promoted by the Russian authorities.

By way of introduction to the study presented below on tourism travel in the Canadian North and Arctic we can conclude that at the present time active northbound tourism travel is basically confined to northern North America and the more accessible parts of the North Atlantic-maritime sector, from Greenland in the West to the northern part of the Scandinavian peninsula in the East. It seems that it is within this broad circumpolar frontier that the truly dynamic future of northern tourism travel is already manifesting itself, and in many respects, but in a more comfortable manner, is also benefiting from, and to a degree duplicating, various spellbinding experiences that encountered the pioneers of past eras of northern and Arctic exploration.

The motivating force behind this tourist-based travel development process may at first glance strike us as simply crass commercial tourism; skillfully promoted, engineered and managed by the travel industry at large. However, the market seems to be driven by a number of factors, not the least of which is an increasing fascination with this region through more recent, popularized publications of tales of explorers from a bygone era.Their personal audacity, their endurance and heroism, their tragedies and successes, their awe and wonder over the northern lights as well as the truly magnificent natural landscapes that greeted them during the high summer days and nights, or during the chilling winter darkness, as well as their encounters with natives, the perpetual survivors in a harsh and unpredictable environment seem to capture the imagination of tourists. In all, it affects us as an almost seductive, tantalising, promotional brew, which, when drunk, tends to hook ”us the tourist” on a unique and extreme travel experience that reaches beyond the typical vacation travel and pleasure periphery which traditionally defines our discovery process. According to many tourist analysts, and writers, i.e. Annie Proulx in her recently published best seller ”The Voyage of the Narval”, the Arctic in the North and the Antarctic in the South, both “destinations in extremis,” represent truly shining new tourist products - the last tourist frontiers of experience.

12 Canadian Tourism Going North –

An Overview With Comparative Scandinavian Perspectives

Jan O. J. Lundgren Geography Department McGill University, Montreal

Preface and introductory comments

Regional studies, or for that matter regional research, are often designed as individual case studies, usually with the objective of describing and interpreting a specific ”situa- tion”, be it a regional economy, a regional society or forces underlying a regional change process. Thus, both economic, cultural-historical and geographic writings are replete with studies of a given country or a given more localized region, often with a thematic twist in the title to specify the particular thrust in the regional analysis.

This study is of course ”regional”. It deals with the Canadian North and Arctic. In two respects, however, it is differently angled. First, the principal terms of reference of the investigation dictate a comparative perspective - the need and utility of formulating the study in a comparative, inter-regional fashion - the Canadian North with appropriate, comparative side glances toward the Scandinavian North in general, but with specific attention to the Swedish North as far as (Northern) tourism development is concerned. Second, due to the geographic dimensions of the Canadian Tourism Space - in its totality encompassing approximately one half of the North American continent, or 22 times the area of Sweden and approx. three times in terms of national population (Canadian Global Almanac, 1997) - one must recognize the inherent variation of the Canadian geographic territory as such, but also as far as the Canadian North is concerned, one must provide a comparative domestic Canadian dimension to the study. This is achieved through the inclusion of three distinct regional ”Canadian North” study projects.

Given the above, the introductory overview is followed by separate regional interpretations of Eastern, Central and Western Canada, thus providing regional accounts of the tourism development process at work during the contemporary, histo- rical period , starting in the early 1950’s, when fresh seeds of a northbound Canadian tourism travel thrust were planted.

13 The fact that not one, but four authors are involved in this presentation also means that the comparative study design is more difficult to control. The regional interpretations, obviously, reflect the different, regional circumstances of the development process. Also, the four authors involved do not spring from a common homogenous scientific background, although they have a common interest in the tourism phenomenon and in destination area development processes. A second common base among them rests with the fact that they over many years have worked in the broad and generous scientific domain of tourism geography/tourism development. Thus, with the particular manpower talent used , a systematic, slavishly followed comparative study approach would have been impractical, or even impossible to pursue; nor would it have been particularly desirable: the Canadian tourist space over which the tourist development process is manifesting itself is simply too regionally diverse to permit a standardized study ap- proach.

Conceptualizations and tourist functions

Conceptual and functional framing of the overview

Tourism as such is a phenomenon with inherent spatial flow dynamics. Thus, tourism principally manifests itself as a linear movement across a travel space. This ”fluvial” process, in turn, has a distinctive spatially integrating consequence, in that it functionally links together places that otherwise have little in common. This overall integrating spatial construct is usually referred to as the basic tourist travel system, the BTTS (Hills, T./Lundgren. J, 1977). In this overview the BTTS as outlined in fig.1, and described below, is used as an organizing and structuring device because the model incorporates sequentially the three essential functional components in our definition of the tourist travel phenomenon (see below): I. The Travel Generating Area (=the TGA- Market locale/region), II. The Transport Function (the TrptF), and III. The Tourist Destination Area (= the TDA, the ultimate destination) - the place of attraction (-s).

The utility of the principal functions of the BTTS is twofold. First, the BTTS conceptually recognizes the principal functions that, when appropriately coordinated and interacting, bring about the sequential ”behavioral steps” that bring the traveler from TGA to TDA; second, it provides foci for the obvious elements of discussion in our overview. A logical sequential application of BTTS to our discussion hopefully provides the inter- pretation with a reasonable, structural order, as it encompasses the whole of the travel movement.

As the observant reader may recognize we have not lived up to either the logical or the pedagogical expectations implied earlier, regrettably, because the role of the principal BTTS functions in explaining the Canadian Northern tourism development is relative: certain functional elements of the BTTS have played a more pivotal role than others. Among them, unquestionably, in a Canadian context, the TrptF has played a crucial role

14 Figure 1: The basic tourist travel system – tourism functions (F 1–F 3) – Tourism Space.

15 over a very long time indeed, which has diminished, only in the past few years, as a result of the rather comprehensive transport services infrastructure recently establis- hed across the Canadian northern tourist space. A similar crucial role of the TrptF also lies behind the Canadian geopolitical development as a whole, a point that has been made by numerous scholars of Canadian economic and geopolitical history (Atlas of Canada, 1958). For tourism development, be it west-, east-, or northbound the improved efficiency of various modes of transport during consecutive eras has determined the character of tourist travel - and tourist destinations chosen (Atlas of Canada, 1958).

The above indicated importance of the TrptF does not diminish the significance of the other two BTTS functions - the TGA marketplace or the TDA attractions - the geographically identifiable destination or system of destinations that have since emerged. The point is however, that transportation, accessibility and convenience in the northbound Canadian travel movement was late in coming, hence the weak showing of tourism in the Canadian North over a long period of time.

The dual character of the canadian tourist space

The concept of ” Tourist Space ” is applied in different ways by different writers. Often the term delimits a distinct tourist destination area made up of some dominant attrac- tion(-s). Hence, we find a core space with, as you move away from the core, secondary, and increasingly peripheral or more marginal zones in the tourist space attraction make- up (Hall,C.M, and Page, S.J., 1999).

A broader definition of Tourist Space encompasses the totality of the BTTS (Lundgren, J., 1989), which implies a more extensive geographic definition. This second definition positions the Tourist Space phenomenon as a spatial continuum with a high intensity tourist utility found in closer proximity to the TGA. For more remote destination zones, travel intensity tends to decline (Clawson, Marion, 1970). Obviously, there are situations where popular and prominent tourist destinations may be located at very long distances from the TGA - international, exotic resorts destinations such as Mauritius in the Indian Ocean or Hawaii or even Cancun. In such cases numerous TGA:s produce the aggregate tourist influx, reducing the otherwise typical distance decay characteristic in vacation travel patterns.

Given the above definitions of (Canadian) Tourist Space, the spatial contrast between the ”heartland” of the Canadian Ecumene and the Canadian Northern ”hinterland” (Lundgren, J., 1987) demonstrates a very steep visitor/distance gradient. Fig. 2 conceptualizes this contrast, and also outlines the spatially concentrated and distinct travel corridor of the central (southern) part of Canada’s Tourist Space, which hugs the Canada/US border, a corridor that accounts for 90 % of the population (Warkentin,J.,1997) and practically the whole of Canada’s urban-metropolitan system. The exception to this is found in the corridor’s western section, particularly in Saskatchewan and Alberta, where the northern limit of contiguous Ecumene settlement reaches an additional 500 km. north, compared with the situation further east. From the perspective of tourist travel planning, the western areas provide advantageous staging points for truly

16 Figure 2: Canadian tourist space – conceptual model

17 northern and Arctic tourist travel, that until more recent times have been far superior to those found in the central part of the country or in the East.

North of the Ecumene corridor lies the peripheral Tourist Space, a vast geographic domain thinly inhabited, with usually tiny settlements. Traveling northward, from metropolitan centers such as Montreal or Winnipeg respectively, takes the traveler to the northern Arctic coast northwest of Hudson Bay, or to Baffin Island, both destinations some 2000 km. north, a distance approximating the distance dimension of the whole of Sweden (from Smygehuk in Skåne to Treriksröset in northern Lapland). Applying the same distance measurement in a southerly direction would deposit the Canadian tourist traveler on the latitude of northern Florida or Louisiana , destinations that can hardly be classified as ”peripheral”.

The above examples of travel distances in opposite directions from a central location within the Canadian Tourist Space highlight the degree of peripherality and marginality of true northern and Arctic TDA’s - a factor with major consequences for tourism travel intensity. In contrast, the relatively heavy inter-metropolitan transport links within the Canadian Ecumene corridor constitute the highly lucrative travel market core of the Canadian Tourist Space (Pouliot, J.,1983). In contrast, the southern, US-based flank has a very different character, which the heavy arrows in fig. 2 emphasize: an ”externally” located part of Canadian tourist space linked up with a contiguously settled and fully developed American Ecumene space”, which due to its diversified regional economy, combined with inherent natural landscape resources and typical ”summer” climate, can offer highly popular and competitive recreational and touristic opportunities, hard to find anywhere in any part of the Canadian Tourist Space, and obviously even less so in the Canadian North and Arctic. The Canada/US travel contrast has its equivalent in the strong north-to-south travel syndrome between Scandinavia and the European continent.

The composition of the tourist product in the canadian tourist space and the importance of the distance factor

The conceptual model of the Canadian Tourist Space also serves as the basis for a first, principal discussion of the fundamental geographic characteristics of the Canadian Tourist Product as it manifests itself within the broader continental framework. The term ”tourist product” (TP) is here used to identify the importance of different types of potential /and developed/ tourist attraction components found in any geographic de- stination landscape (Hall,C.M.,Page, S.J., 1999).

Previously, reference was made to the principal differences between the northern and southern sectors of the Canadian Tourist Space, notably in our discussion of its ”core” and ”periphery” attributes, that basically reflect different levels of accessibility, relative to the Canadian and American Ecumenes. What is equally important is of course to relate this access situation to attraction composites in successively more remote tourist destination zones. In this regard, the model (Fig.2) is again a useful tool for identification and inventory purposes as it highlights the changing composition of the Tourist Product

18 (TP) as the traveler moves from Central Canadian Ecumene toward northern and Arctic destinations. Clearly, the model emphasizes the increasing dominance of the natural landscape and ecology-dependent attraction component - at the expense of human related and/or man-made elements. The Canadian Ecumene is confined to a rather narrow territorial corridor close to the Canada/US border, which makes for a rapid transition from a relatively ”balanced” zoned Tourist Product in the South, to a very different, and highly specialized attraction profile in the North and Arctic. In contrast, if we travel from the Canadian Ecumene southward into the US, the attraction composition ”swings” toward ”services” and ”culture” at the expense of ”nature”, to some degree modified, depending on where along the Canadian/US border we position our north to south travel transect. The TP composition concept is equally applicable to northern conditions in Finland and Sweden, but here it rarely demonstrates the same extensive distances or distinct zoning between the various components. In Sweden”s Norrland and Lappland, the overlap of distinct tourist land resources with those of agricultural settlement is, with minor exceptions, the norm; in Northwestern Dalarna , Western Härjedalen and in Jämtland, contiguous rural mountain settlements, “fjällbygder”, participate directly in the regional tourist economy in numerous way and many settled ruralmountain “fjäll” areas benefit, indeed partly transform themselves to provide a tourist service function; the same is true for the mountain “fjäll” zone in Västerbotten and Lappland. The exception is found in the truly remote and alpine Sarek-Kebnekajse sector, where farming is non-existent. In Finnish Lapland, the principal rural settlement zone is found in the Swedish/Finnish border corridor, where a comparable functional overlap exists.

The final aid in the interpretation of Canadian tourism development to be gleaned from the Fig.2 conceptualization refers to the forms of tourism that destination zones with changing TP compositions can attract. Clearly, with increasingly ”one-sided” TP compositions as you go north, the tourist travel market appeal(-s) will change as well. It will become smaller, and more specialized, partly as a consequence of the increasing access cost/travel time compared with the more popular traveling in the opposite direction, i.e. going south into the metropolitan US or east-west within the Canadian Ecumene corridor.

The consequences of successively more Northern/Arctic travel exposure upon the tourism phenomenon as such are major, which the Attributes column on the right of the Fig.2 diagram reveals: popular large volume tourist travel at popular prices is replaced with the opposite: specialized, small group travel at high prices.

The three modes of transport that over the past century have established themselves have also assisted in mobilizing quite different kinds of tourists. In fact the mode of transport that the tourist chooses to engage for a journey into Canada’s North and Arctic seems to be a principal selector and calibrator in the market place of northbound tourist traveling and therefore indirectly decides the types of tourists impacting destinations at various distances north of the Ecumene.

Three types of tourist travel seem to have gradually established themselves: the relatively inexpensive northbound car-based tourism traveling generates the largest visitor inflow

19 along well-established northern transport corridors, but operates within a fairly limited distance range from metropolitan tourist generating centers. This is the case in the East, where road networks rarely strike deeply into northern areas. Within the northern desti- nation zones accessible by car, the visitor can nevertheless enjoy a wide range of attractions, for instance national and provincial parks, nature and wildlife sanctuaries, impressive landscapes in general, fishing, hunting, adventure tourism, some cultural heritage attractions, and even impressive industrial installations, such as Hydro-Quebec’s massive hydropower generating dam system at James Bay’s eastern shore, as well as Klondike’s historical gold mining in the West. The 1970’s and 80’s saw major road constructions (Warkentin, J., A Regional Geography of Canada, 1997), which today allow car travel all the way to Inuvik in the Mackenzie delta on the fabled Beaufort Sea coast (see Transport Development Map). Distances are long, however: 1200 and 3000 km respectively from Montreal and Edmonton, with no alternative return route. Even the most enthusiastic northbound tourist may find the scenery slightly monotonous after the first day’s journey. Still there is a special fascination in ”reaching the end of the road” - witness the popularity of North Cape that attracts thousands of tourists from continental Europe.

Clearly there are limits to what is accessible by the family car at a reasonable level of travel comfort, regarding the geographic (tourist) resources of the Canadian North and Arctic. For the majority of these visitors, the travel time ”getting there” usually consumes a large portion of the individual’s three-week of entitled vacation, and an even a larger share proportionally for the American tourist, for whom the average entitled vacation period is shorter, which partially explains the recent popularity of the short ”long week- end” vacation trip phenomenon.

The railway system provides a different kind of northbound access: it brings the trave- ler well north, via different types of services. It must be noted, however, that practically all northbound lines, except the Ontario Northland Railway, have an industrial origin, as they usually serve mining industry operations, be it in northern Manitoba or central Labrador. Thus, with few exceptions they bring the tourist traveler to industrial towns or strategic transport nodes, that on the whole offer few if any tourist attractions. Often though, the avid northbound tourist flies from such settlements to more exciting adventure locations , short trips into ” the bush”. - Package tours also exist for railway- based travel, bringing the traveler deep into the North and Arctic, although they might not provide enough Arctic exposure for the truly enthusiastic ”northbound tourist”. Passenger rail services are often seasonal as well, and are in no way comparable to the Northbound railway comfort serving visitors to the mountain tourist areas in W. Jämt- land or the Abisko-Riksgränsen alpine region in northern Sweden, or for that matter Finnish Lapland.

The final reference to the Fig.2 diagram and its Attributes of Tourism column identifies the true and essential Arctic travel arrangement, air services, a remarkably early transport innovation in Canadian northern travel. Initial air passenger services date back to 1920, which saw operations being launched, not in the metropolitan centers in the East, but in the central part of the country. Winnipeg, Manitoba, became the hub with a very much northbound orientation. Already in 1930, air services reached such

20 remote northern locations as Churchill on the Hudson Bay, 1000 km North of Winnipeg. Today’s Northern and Arctic access by air is global (see Transport Development Map), but comes at a price! Today, the tourist can travel non-stop Montreal - Resolute on Cornwallis Island at Lat. N.75 degrees, a truly Arctic destination. Perhaps Norwegian Björnöya, South of Svalbard is on par. Further, regional services often operate out of Northern hub locations, providing convenient inter-local access to particular tourist sites, among them commercial wilderness lodges only accessible in summertime by float plane, or occasionally by river transports. Tourists making use of such combinations of transport in order to reach exclusive locations are of course unusual - and the total expense for the tourist is high.

Air access is in principle provided through regular air services to major urban centers in the North and Arctic, that over the past couple of decades, especially after the emergence of more recent territorial governments, have become important transport hubs: Inuvik in the Mackenzie Delta, Yellowknife on the north shore of Great Slave Lake, La Grande Riviere (LG.2) in NW Quebec on the Eastern coast of James Bay and Iqaluit (Frobisher Bay, Baffin Island), north of the Labrador Peninsula and Hudson’s Straits all record relatively large traffic volumes, which in turn should make more substantial visitor services feasible in the destination area, both ”in town” and in the surroundings. Still, getting there by air is costly!

The transport factor at work

Development dynamics of the ”traditional” transport functions

The development of the Canadian transport system, in its technologically more advanced forms, has played a fundamental role across the national territory. However, compared to the Swedish situation it is fair to say that the Canadian transport infrastructure and services, were late in starting to affect northbound tourist travel. In this regard the ”tyranny of distance” has affected Canadian economic development to a much greater extent than in Sweden. The comparative example below suffices to demonstrate this point, and it basically focuses on the question of railway access:

The principal components of the Swedish railway system were established throughout the national territory already before 1910 (SJ 125 Ar), with few exceptions, such as the construction of the Inlandsbanan, completed in its totality just before World War II. Fortunately for regional tourism development in the Swedish North, already in 1905 the system included two strategic inter-country links, that also quickly developed as important tourist access routes: the Luleå-Kiruna-Narvik line in the far North and, at an earlier date, already in the 1880’s, the equally strategic Östersund-Trondheim link, straddling the high mountain areas at Storlien on the Norwegian border.

Interestingly, the economic rationale for the two links has always differed. The Luleå- Kiruna-Narvik line benefited from the start from a ”rock-solid” revenue source provided by the iron ore shipments from the Lappland ore fields region to the Norwegian port at

21 Transport Development Map.

22 Narvik and Swedish Luleå on the Bothnian Gulf. Tourist travel could thus ”piggyback”, generating an additional but, obviously, fairly marginal railway income. In contrast, the economics of the Östersund-Trondheim line never had a comparable, reliable single source revenue base. Consequently tourism rail revenues have had a much greater significance. Still, both lines played an important role for the regional development of mountain tourism. Furthermore, the tourist development was aided by the favorable passenger bulk economy/ ticket pricing policies introduced at a fairly early stage, in the late 1920’s . The fare structure was often a result of negotiations between the national SJ Railway cooperation and the STF( Svenska Turistföreningen Travel Agency Divi- sion), the principal nationwide vacation travel organization, with major investments in mountain resort/lodge facilities in Lapland, as well as government implemented natio- nal policies in the vacation and recreation domain since the mid 1930’s. Only in the 1960’s did rail start to encounter tougher competition from other modes of transport, such as the family car, long distance express bus services, and also a more price conscious air service between metropolitan TGA:s and gateway destinations in the touristically popular mountain regions - notably Östersund and Kiruna. Also, a massive road construction program introduced numerous first class inter-country highways with tantalizing promotional names: – “Sagavägen” (the Fairy Tale Route), “Silvervägen” (the Silver Highgway), “Forsarnas Väg” (the Rapids Route), all providing comfortable, if long hours of driving, between the coastal urban corridor on the Bothnian Gulf and the magnificent Norwegian fjordscape on the shores of the Norwegian Sea, some 600 km. to the Northwest (Swedish tourist pamphlet).

No comparable northbound ”stroke of luck” occurred in Canada. Rather, the railway development (see Transport Development Map) created, in its earliest era, already in the mid 1880' s, the east-west oriented transcontinental network and through that the geopolitical formation of the Canadian nation as such, as well as the establishment of a successful luxury style wilderness based tourist spa/resort areas down south - notably in the Canadian Rockies. Northbound tourist travel, however, was hardly influenced by the Canadian ”railway boom”, except for some spur line penetrations.

Among the northbound spur lines, some date back to the 1930’s, while others are relatively recent: the Winnipeg-Churchill (Hudson Bay coast) line in Manitoba and the more recent Ontario- Northland Railroad, both with demonstrable tourist use, opened for passenger traffic around 1930, the latter eventually with the flashing title the ”Polar Bear Express”, connecting Moosonee on the shore of James Bay. In the early 1950’s the 500(-plus) km. Sept Iles- Schefferville (Labrador) line was inaugurated for passenger traffic, at the time of the first iron ore shipments coming from the central Labrador ore fields to the port at Sept Iles. Sept Iles, however, is some 900 km. from Montreal ! In the West, the Peace River Alb.- Hay River, NWT and the Edmonton- Fort McMurray, Alb. rail lines north of Edmonton were both established in 1954 and 1922 respectively, but are both closed today. Finally, the early 1960’s, saw the very last northbound railway being opened, however with no passenger services provided, linking Port Cartier on the Gulf of St.Lawrence with the Hydro development town of Gagnon, some 200 km. inland, and the nearby mining town of Fermont (Ontario Northland Transportation Commission, 1998).

23 In a comparative Scandinavian perspective, it should be noted that of all the northern Canadian spur lines constructed over a period of almost 80 years, starting in the 1920’s, only one can still be considered economically viable - the Sept Iles- Schefferville line, thanks to the transport requirements of the Labrador iron ore mining. From a tourist travel perspective, however, the tourist travel flow up and down the Labrador based railway line is modest indeed compared to the traffic that over the decades has been carried north on the Malmbanan in Lappland or the Östersund-Storlien-Trondheim line through Jamtland.

To conclude, in contrast to the Swedish northbound tourist travel movements, rail services have played an insignificant role in northbound tourist travel development in Canada, except for the modest tourist flows recorded for the Polar Bear Express in N. Ontario and the Quebec- Labrador rail line, Sept Iles - Shefferville.

Road related access development

The Transport Development Map provides a composite view of the spatial expansions in terms of transport access during the post World War II era. Obviously rail and the northward expansion of the road system pushed the road based access frontier further into the North, especially in the West, although perhaps lacking in truly deep and long range spatial penetration. Since the 1950’s, the northward expansion of access by road penetration amounts to, on the average, 500 km. per year .The northern front of the road network used to run along a northwest -southeastern line, running approximately from the Alaskan Highway - Edmonton (Alb),- Prince Albert (Sask) toward the lower bays of Lake Winnipeg. In eastern Canada it followed more or less the traditional extension of settlement, until it reached the Gulf of St Lawrence in the vicinity of the town of Baie Comeau.

The northward growth during the 1950-90 period, as well as future highway plans, has been most significant in the West, which can partly be explained by important resource industry developments (oil, gas, mining), which ultimately, in 1970, brought the Dempster Highway spur link north to the Beaufort Sea. However, the advance of the road network northward was impressive along the whole of the western front: today’s road-based access frontier runs from Inuvik (NWT) via Norman Wells - Yellowknife - Rabbit Lake (Sask) - Lynn Lake (Man) - Red Lake(Ont) - Lake Nippigon (Ont) toward the East. In Quebec one single major road development in the 1980’s has secured a major public northern road penetration of almost 1000km. - practically to the James Bay shoreline, near the Hydro-Quebec installations - with an eastward swing toward Lake Caniapiscau near the more centrally located Labrador mining region. - The most active road penetra- tion program presently in progress is found in eastern Labrador, also here typically in conjunction with the recently started (industrial) phase II of the Churchill River hydro power development (National Atlas of Canada, 1958). Discussions of a brideg/tunnel link between the Great Northern Peininsula of Nfld, and the Labrador shore at Blanc Sablon presently abound in political circles, circles that seem to be willing to pay a high price for geoplitical dreams.

24 To some degree, the awkwardness inherent in the linear expansion of the road network is presently being eliminated, as both in the West and in the East the planned new northern road links would facilitate northern tourist loop traveling, thus saving the road-based tourist from cul-de-sac / end of the road situations. For instance, in the Yukon and the NWT and also in northern Alberta, the avid car-bound tourist can now engage in ”traditional motor touring” along highly recommended and well serviced highway loops. Similar possibilities exist, or are on the verge of becoming reality also in Quebec and Labrador. The various road planning and infrastructure construction developments may result in an increase in ”long range” tourist traveling both into the near and the mid North, ”out West” as well as in some northern sectors of the East (Provincial and Tertitorial tourist road maps).

The obstacle to making full use of the expanded road network for northern tourist travel rests with the travel constraints imposed by the fairly short vacation entitlement time available for the Canadian Ecumene population at large as well as the obvious increasing transport expenses as a consequence of excessively long travel distances: 1200 km. Montreal - La Grande on James Bay means a 2400 km. round trip (equals Toronto - Orlando /Disneyworld/ Florida - RETURN), indeed a long haul whether you travel north or south. From a Stockholm perspective it is the equivalent of driving south to Vienna, Austria and back, or north to the North Cape and back, long hauls indeed, time consuming and expensive, even under the best of circumstances!

The most recent highway plans in western Canada propose ” Arctic roads to the Arctic shore” striking northeast from Yellowknife toward Cambridge Bay (SE tip of Victoria Island), combined with a second new highway northward from Fort Simpson to the McKenzie Delta, and a third west-to-east connection from Great Slave Lake to Baker Lake at Chesterfield Inlet on the Hudson Bay , and after that swinging south to Port Churchill. The final new road link would make possible a road connection Churchill- central Manitoba, a grandiose infrastructure plan, but difficult to execute, costly to maintain and therefore most likely late to become a reality (Hamsley,W.,1993). Not only are there major climate problems, but also concerns for regional ecology, and not the least, a strong vocal criticism from indigenous people living in the regions to be penetrated! Still, if implemented, the new roads would, in a rather large scale format, resemble the more recent road system ”looping together” the Nordkalotten (Arctic Scandinavia) region in Scandinavia during the past 25 years, which made the massive tourist flow to North Cape a reality, with both economic multiplier consequences and a variety of impacting ” en route” in the Nordkalotten (Arctic Scandinavia) region.

Geopolitics and Northern interests

Government policy and northbound transport penetration

The access problem for Northbound Canadian tourist travel was hardly solved through the spatial expansion of the railway or road systems. Other transport modes and other forces had to be mobilized in order to improve the situation. In doing so, any possibility

25 to develop a relatively low-priced passenger bulk system was lost. Individual car-based travel, as well as the diverse fleet of small passenger airplanes with small seating capa- city simply failed to produce enough of critical traffic flow convergence and, hence, failed to produce necessary critical volume levels for a favorable transport fare development, except possibly for a few northern central destinations. Nor did it gene- rate enough visitor volumes to the northern destinations system at large to justify a more substantial development of destination area based visitor services. Instead we witness the development of transport infrastructures and transport services that impact or activate destination areas in a very different way.

The mid 1950’s represent in many respects a watershed in Canadian northern policy in practical terms, as well as in the underlying perception of how to develop and administer the vast, intractable northern realm. The odd partners of Canadian geopolitics and a North American continental defense strategy, particularly toward the North and Arctic, and activated in collaboration with the Canadian government, indirectly come to the aid of northern travel penetration. The establishment of a number of east -west chains of radar defense installations, as the Cold War became a priority after the 1948 Berlin crisis, required massive investment in the construction of extensive transport infrastructures: air landing strips, air transport service and large construction depots, more substantial airports as well as manned weather stations, radar listening posts, and basic housing facilities in more strategically located settlements throughout the North and Arctic (Lafay, H., 1958).

Parall to the joint Canada - US strategic military enterprise, the Conservative Government, voted into office in 1957, launched persuasive policy slogans such as ”Northern Roads to Resources” and a ”Canada of the North”. Both policy themes intended in different ways to integrate, geopolitically, the rather loose and ” unknown” Northlands and its Arctic archipelago more effectively with mainstream Canada, notably in terms of administrative services, medical and social services, as well as long term educational programs for a far-flung, dispersed aboriginal population. The consequences of this two pronged approach, the strategic military on one hand and the administrative - social - political on the other, were of course very local. In order to implement the policies, the government had to select from among the numerous small native settlements, some in more favorable locations that, under the circumstances, could be considered more suitable as geographic foci on a regional level. Costs of providing services made some form of settlement consolidation essential, and consequently, over the years indigenous people were moved from remote and isolated communities into more central settlements. In conceptual planning terms, an Arctic hierarchical ”central place” strategy was in effect applied, but executed under geographic conditions that Walter Christaller would hardly have dreamt of.

Too many northern entry points? The air services at work

In a sense, it is through the establishment of air services literally throughout the North and Arctic - a program launched in the 1960’s and subsequently extended- that Northern and Arctic Canada truly opens up for a more all encompassing tourism penetration and subsequent tourism inspired local developments (Lundgren, J., 1987).

26 The distribution of ”official” airports is presently impressive (see Transport Development Map), although slightly deceptive. Stretching northward into the High Arctic from the East - West Ecumene transport corridor, the airport system seems to cover, in a relatively even manner, the whole of the North and Arctic, with perhaps a slightly denser network in the Northwest. Even at the latitude of the Arctic archipelago, the spatial coverage is comprehensive. Theoretically, the tourist traveler of today can reach remote locations by air also within the North. For example, the Baffin Island Region registers10 airport service points; the Hudson Bay coastal zone is ringed by 20; the Great Slave Lake region in the West, with Yellowknife as principal hub, features eight within a 250 km. distance radius.

For some airport locations in the North the passenger traffic intensity is unproportionally high relative to settlement size, a fact that is borne out by calculating air passenger/ local population ratios, a measurement, incidentally similar in kind to the tourist function index measurement. The scores obviously vary. Destinations with high recordings tend to lack road access, as is the case for Wabush and Kuujuak in Labrador, both with top scores , 25.35 and 20.46 respectively, which reflects their important gateway function for the Labrador based sports fishing/sport hunting outfitter industry and the added traffic flow due to the mining enterprises. In contrast, the big gateway hubs ( in terms of absolute air passenger traffic volume) of Yellowknife, NWT and Whitehorse, YT, score well below 10.00 (6.68 and 6.85 respectively), while the scores for some clearly identifiable tourist destinations such as Povungnituk, Iqaluit, Churchill, Rankin Inlet and Inuvik range between 12.87 and 18.05, twice or almost three times higher than those of Yellowknife and Whitehorse.

Since the introduction of jet passenger/cargo services in 1968 on most of the direct long northbound routes travel time has been reduced by half. The truly long hauls are of course still there. A Boeing 737 requires four hours plus, flying time on the 3000 km. Montreal - Resolute Bay (Cornwallis Island) run. And of course (return) ticket expenses reflect such long distances: Montreal-Iqaluit (Baffin Island) Can.$ 1092:- plus tax, a fare equivalent to Montreal - Copenhagen or Montreal - Milan in the high season ! The high Northern fares reflect, of course, low market demand, even on the most heavily used northern routes. In contrast you can travel the popular route ”North to Alaska” from Vancouver for less than half the price on the true northbound Canadian routes, Can$ 400:- in high season (Air fare quotations from Clark Travel Bureau) - and the Alaskan scenery features substantial northern appeal - glaciers, icebergs, Arctic wildlife etc. which has successfully activated the U.S West coast ”mass tourism” market. A comparable market mobilization has yet to develop for Canadian Northern and Arctic tourist destinations.

Interestingly, on the regional level, smaller, more efficient and comfortable STOL air services are in place, which produces not only better transport scale economy for inter- local air services, but also permits the use of airports with shorter landing strips for even relatively large plane loads (Lundgren,J.,1982). Many of these small airline companies are owned and operated by indigenous groups of people and many were initially financed through the financial payments for various land claim settlements, signed during the past 20 years involving aborignal people, resource industry interests and various levels of government.

27 To the rather rosy air access picture presented above should be added the seasonal regional charter service provided through hundreds of small passenger float planes, mostly used for bringing tourists to their ultimate remote fishing and hunting camp environments It is this final travel leg in the tourist’s approach travel to the destination that makes Northern and Arctic tourist experiences such an expensive proposition. The economic feasibility for these small sized flying operations is also limited due to the strong seasonality of market demand: for float plane services the high season is further restricted by the short summer, and the market’ s obvious disinclination to be lured by true Arctic winter experiences.

Many of the remote airports serving northern regions internally record very small traffic flows, which highlight the major traffic flow differentials of staggering proportions. Even within the northern regions the amplitude in traffic flow volumes between ”big” and ”small” airports is marked. A measure of the tourist utility of the airport infrastructure would clearly require seasonal (monthly) passenger statistics to allow the calculation of seasonality indices. An alternative indicator, with obvious interpretive limitations, would be the comparison of annual airport passenger volumes with geographic location, a correlation by which some assessment of the distance-decay factor may identify marked traffic flow differentials that can only be explained by the tourist component. In general, the passenger volumes for northern airports are small, except for those with gateway functions. In that sense, only one truly large air traffic hub is located in the North - Yellowknife (1997: 217 744 pass), ranked as number 20 on the list of Canada’s ”Top 100 Airports”. Whitehorse (Yukon) further to the west also records an impressive traffic flow (131 243 passengers) and a relatively high rank position: 32nd place. At the other extreme, however, numerous small sized airport operations are found throughout the region, such as Coral Harbour with 606 passengers, Sanikiluaq 655, Holman 2 174, all in the high Arctic, and even lower recordings have been reported. Sometimes small is neither ”beautiful”, nor economical !

The final point regarding the Northern airport network relates to the stability of the growth in terms of traffic flow which has consequences for a viable future tourism impacting. This aspect can easily be assessed through the study of some pertinent airport statistics. For the Canadian ”top 100 airports” passenger traffic growth for the 1989-97 period was fairly modest, only 20.9 %, which partly reflects recession year downswings. In the northern part of the system only four locations surpassed the national growth rate, however, they did not demonstrate stable traffic growth trends : Yellowknife, Rankin Inlet on the northwestern shores of Hudson Bay in the recently established Nunavut Territory, Sandy Lake in northwestern Ontario and Saint An- thony close to the heavily promoted L’Anse aux Meadows Viking site of Leif Eriksson fame at the northern tip of the Great Northern Peninsula, Nfld. The fluctuations in passenger flow among the four suggest highly different functions and central place/ settlement roles, and are only partially related to tourism: Yellowknife stands out and undoubtedly serves the tourist travel market as a function of its gateway role, and so does Whitehorse ; - Rankin Inlet ,with its 35700 air passengers provides an interesting regional ”hub role” for the settlement cluster centered around the fjordlike, 300 km. long Chesterfield Inlet. Given the interesting location it is not unreasonable to attach a tourism function to this area. However, the settlement has also felt the impact of slightly

28 erratic mining operations in the Keewatin region.- Sandy Lake (air passenger flow: 82 800) is the southernmost of the fast growing airport locations but only barely located in a northern environment, although its location in nortwestern Ontario seems northern enough - at least in the eyes of Toronto residents. The location is only accessible by air - the nearest road ends approx. 100 km. to the south. The large traffic flow is partly a function of Sandy Lake’s relatively short distance from the northern edge of the Canadian Ecumene, with the Transcanada highway only 350 km. to the south, and partly due to the native population in this region, but also to tourism: the region and surrounding lake systems offer an impressive wilderness tourism experience (fishing, hunting, canoeing), where Sandy Lake serves an extensive region dotted with small air plane landing docks and gravel landing strips plus, nearby the Opasquia Provincial Park of 473 000 hectares (80 x 60 km. area). - Saint Anthony, finally, (23 000 air passen- gers) is in many respects a new northern destination and represents, due to its less northern location, a very different tourist development case: the 25 km. wide Straits of Belle Isle area of Newfoundland proper and the Labrador coast is presently a tourism development ”hotbed” with plenty of development activity on both shores - the l’Anse aux Meadows Viking site (Parks Canada National Historic Park location) is used as a major tourist drawing card, both by the Newfoundland tourist authorities and Parks Canada; the Labrador shore is tantalizingly near, which opens up the possibility of creating a road connection west and south on the northern side, with a ferry link across the Straits, including a matching high quality southbound highway link into central and southern Newfoundland. Furthermore, there are tourist-based development potentials for a northbound coastal penetration up along the Labrador east coast. The effects of the hydro power development scheme at Churchill Falls, and more recent large scale mining operations, also enters into the process, as it could provide extra aid through its transport infrastructure requirements. The various potential regional combinations are discussed in the regional chapter prepared by John Hull.

The above discussion of a few ”high growth” airport locations should not overlook the fact that the North and Arctic in general has a great number of additional air-serviced destinations with a substantial traffic volume, which is often tourist-derived. A cursory glance down the list of the ”top 100” airports identifies many, both in the northwest and in the northeast: Inuvik,NWT (ca 50 000), Thompson, Man.(ca 100 000), Kuujuaq, Quebec,(ca 35 000) and Iqualuit, Baffin Island (ca 70 000) ,and on the lower rungs, the locations multiply (see Transport Development Map). For instance, there are 17 airport locations (recording 25 000 passengers or more), throughout the North and Arctic, a traffic flow level that is small by southern Canadian standards but very substantial in northern terms (see Transport Development Map). For some of those, the tourist pro- portion of the passenger volume is substantial. From a tourist development point, one can therefore argue that geographically and economically the number of ”tourist travel entry/access points” into the North and Arctic is considerable, for better or for worse. Obviously, on one hand, the greater the number of entry points, the greater and more diverse becomes the potential tourist experience; on the other hand, if a given aggregate overall tourist air traffic flow is evenly spread out over too many destinations, no beneficial local scale economy will accrue in the destinations, nor will the tourist influx into the destination be sufficient enough to generate any substantive, commercial service enterprise growth. Unquestionably, for the true hub locations identified above,

29 the traveler/tourist multiplier potential is working, but for the majority of small sized destinations the traffic flows simply fail to reach above the critical threshold minimum levels needed for a more sustained long-term positive multiplier response.

To conclude, from a tourist development perspective, the emergence of a hierarchy of settlements, in which certain places have more specific, principal roles as ”hubs”, ”gateways”, or ”regional service centers” has been one of major significance, which can play an important role in the future for northern tourism development as well.

Northern regionalisation and the creation of Northern tourist products

”Place” identification: concepts and approaches

The discussion in the section presented below of the approach that identifies potential tourist attractions on a scale of different levels could be presented under numerous and quite different chapter titles. The interpretation also relates to some quite well known and some more recent conceptual terms that the reader can find in the more general tourist literature (Haggett,P., 1982): the ”tourist product” concept, the ”tourist region” phenomenon, ”geographic and place uniqueness”, the ”place” concept are all eminent, principally geographic concepts and constitute in many respects the basis for the study of tourism, because it is over these, often geographically definable and geographically delimited scales that the tourism phenomenon operates.

Slightly more recent as an interpretative, conceptual tool is the term ” commodification ”/ ”commoditization” (Hall and Page; Greenwood,D.J.,1977), both describing a locally/ regionally based transformation process, through which the original usually nature- derived utilitarian function of a given landscape facet or a set of landscape elements, over time transforms into a tangible, commercially marketable ”commiditized” tourist attraction, in its own right. For instance, the transformation of the South side of Åreskutan in Jämtland, Sweden from simply a public ”mountainside” to a moneymaking alpine (ski) slope destination which subsequently generated numerous commercial initiatives, such as ski lift installations, base lodge facilities, ski instruction services, restaurants and entertainment services, is a result of the ”commodification” process at work , using a physical landscape feature as the ”product” resource base. A similar transformation process can be observed at the historic Niagara Falls, where the origi- nal, spiritual Indian site, has transformed into a commercial tourist attraction, which at certain stages in the local development, functioned as an extreme form of commoditized ”natural wonder”, deliberately almost completely hidden from view for the public at large, unless the tourist stayed at a hotel with a view ”facing the impressive waterfall and gorge”. Today, the public’s access to the attraction has been restored through fine parkscapes along the gorge and at the fall.

30 The identification of elements in the rather ”bland” Canadian Northern and Arctic landscape suitable for various degrees of ”commodification” or product identification constitutes in many respects an important stepping stone for more substantial tourism developments on the local level, given that they can be properly managed and not develop into rampant exploitation of an environmental phenomenon. Without some partial commodification of a northern locale, the prospect for Canadian Northern and Arctic tourism look bleak. Thus, in this author’s opinion, the development of various forms of local commodification in the vast northern landscape is in many respects a prerequisite for a more vigorous local tourism development. Without more clearly identified tourist attractions, the tourism industry actors - be they government and public sector derived or commercial - will face major difficulties in formulating promotional and geographic strategies appealing to potential visitors to the North. Put more bluntly: without identifiable and distinct, even commodified, tourist attractions it will be difficult to effectively promote and attract larger numbers of visitors North, except perhaps, on one hand those attracted to a Northern experience through the luxurious comfort of the modern cruise ship, combined with occasional, pre-arranged local land visits that usually form part of such travel packages or, on the other , the most puritan self sustained type of eco-tourist or nature tourist who would hardly leave an economic dent in /to the destination area (Hall, C.M and .Page, S.J. 1999).

Finding the tourist attraction in a ”sea of land”

In a country such as Canada, which prides itself on having within its boundaries one of the foremost classical natural landscape-derived international tourist attractions: the world famous Niagara Falls, it is always a cause of embarrassment to discuss the ”pro- blem” of identifying equally locally distinct, popular tourist attractions elsewhere, including locations in its large northern and Arctic territory. Inventory studies in the past, such as the Canada Land Inventory for Outdoor Recreation (O.R.) executed in the late 60’s, as well as Parks Canada resource studies, actually do reveal a marked spatial differentiation of the natural landscape and a greater occurrence of landscape-related attractions (=potential Tourist Products) toward the South and principally within the Canadian Ecumene. Consequently the occurrence of landscape features with high O.R scores and tourist development potentials in more northern and Arctic areas is much lower. Even the intriguing Landscape Attractivity Inventory (Environment Canada, 1979) produces high scores only for the most obvious geographic areas: the Canadian Rockies, the shoreline zones around the Great Lakes and other major lake systems in the Arctic Interior, principal river systems and many coastlines, both of Atlantic Canada and those on the Pacific, all areas scoring above average and predominantly located in Southern Canada.

Unquestionably, according to the various inventories, the North and Arctic fare poorly. They generally come across as bland landscapes lacking in ”distinctive locales”, in prominent landscape lookouts or beckoning friendly wilderness milieus. They all seems to be obscure, and located in a vast black-fly infested summer wilderness, or in storm sweeping harsh Arctic ”whiteouts”, blinding the visitor for days during the winter. For the North and Arctic regions, earlier inventories fail to come up with truly distinctive attraction features.

31 The Parks Canada landscape identification strategy - a regionalisation of the North and Arctic

The resource inventory method that perhaps has contributed most to a more rational and more positive identification of appealing and distinct landscape attributes in the bland Northland environment, is that developed and used by Parks Canada. The inventory method was launched in 1960’s and its findings could become operational in part for strategic purposes around 1970 (Murphy, P.,1983). Two rather contrasting landscape derived concepts - ”geographic representativeness” and ”geographic uniqueness” - were simultaneously applied as inventory scanning tools in order to produce a distinct spatial differentiation of the Canadian natural landscape as a whole into 39 ”natural regional planning units”, which constitutes the basis for the parks system planning strategy. Surprisingly, of the 39 regions thus identified, the majority are found in the North and Arctic.

The principal method for the regional delimitation is the spatial application of a large number of physical environmental variables, complemented with intensive fieldwork inventories ((Atlas of) Canadian Special Resource Lands), a method that subsequently, in its aggregate form, delimits more localized ”geographically uniqueness” phenomena within each planning region which ultimately identifies the potential location of a future national park unit. Through the subsequent establishment of national park units for each region, the ”blandness” of the Northern and Arctic land mass, has gradually been replaced with a network of distinct and marketable geographical foci, without which it would have been difficult to develop regionally operating tourist strategies, involving a variety of public sector based and commercially operating actors.

The result of the parks system planning strategy can best be appreciated by the multitude of national park and national wildlife units, bird sanctuaries and other nature reserves established in the North and Arctic during the past two decades, from Yukon’s Ivvavik National Park, west of the Mackenzie Delta, via the coastal Queen Maud Migratory Bird Sanctuary, due north from the Manitoba/Saskatchewan provincial boundary longitude on the Arctic shore and the twin units Sirmilik and Bylot Island on the northern tip of Baffin Island, to the Ellesmere Island National Park in Canada’s High Arctic archipelago, to mention but a few.

Participation by other levels of government

Paralleling the federal ”regional identification” strategy, and sometimes even one step ahead, the provincial governments have been embarking upon similar schemes (Provincial/ Territorial Tourist Maps), usually developing park networks closer to sett- led and more accessible areas, but not necessarily in areas accessible by road:

Northeastern Ontario boasts the huge Polar Bear Park (2.4 million hectares) on the shores of Hudson Bay, which contrasts sharply with diminutive Tidewater Park (980 hectares) just outside the town of Moosonee at the mouth of Moose River.

32 Northwest Territories ( NWT) has developed an all embracing territorial system of some 46 highway-located park units, of which half offer camping services.

Nunavut, the new political territory in the Eastern Arctic (The Nunavut Handbook) features, apart from some large national park units, a brand new network of territorial parks, spread out over a geopolitical territory with literally vast land and partly archipelago dimensions (E-W 2 400 km. x S-N 2700 km.).

Alberta, Saskatchewan and Manitoba have likewise impressive northern park locations, usually more visitor friendly in terms of accessibility than those referred to above: of the 25 units in Saskatchewan the two largest are found in the northern part of the province; the majority of the units further south, however, have road access. In Manitoba the pattern is the same, with the unquestionably largest park complex centered on the Port Churchill region, featuring a mix of provincial and national parks.

Even if the status of the park systems varies between different levels of governments, with the legal protection of federal parks being the most stringent, it should be noted that in many respects the provincial parks are more visitor friendly, and more recreational, as a function of their accessibility. Thus the purpose behind the national park establishment reflects a more long-term and more conservation-based objective for Parks Canada’s strategy.

Comparative reflections on land resource use

The all encompassing Canadian national (and provincial/territorial) park concept and its application is very much a North American invention, dating back to the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century. However, its most rapid growth has occurred in the past 50 years. The very active expansion of the system reflects partly societal growth in demand for outdoor leisure, recreation and nature-related tourism (=LRT) including vacation travel, partly an increasing global awareness among Canadian-based levels of government and Canadian society at large, of the need to conserve/preserve natural landscape environments for the future. Here the large Canadian territorial environmental resources as such seem almost to carry the obligation to go beyond the geopolitical boundaries of the Nation.

In North America ,and particularly in Canada, ”the regional comparative advantage” in terms of availability of landscape resources for outdoor recreation and nature conservation in general, has created an opportunity for the formulation of broader conservation strategies, for instance in the form of national parks and various types of nature reserves from coast-to-coast, as well as from the Southern Ecumene to the High Arctic. The park development policies described above represent a major, almost holistic long-term government-based strategy, strongly pursued by governments of very diffe- rent political stripes and colours through the decades since World War II. The result has been the establishment of 16 new national park units since the 1950’s. The strategy is still vigorously pursued. The new Nunavut Territory is a case in point: with some 23 new locations of different park/reserve/sanctuary types established or in the process of being activated across this vast territory. (The Nunavut Handbook).

33 It is interesting to place the Canadian experience regarding parks development in a broader, comparative European and Swedish context, where in many respects, at least in the Nordic countries, Denmark being the exception, similar environmental and location circumstances prevail, but also where other, distinctly Scandinavia-derived factors impinge upon any parks development and conservation area strategy. Numerous natio- nal parks have been established in both Finland and Sweden during the past 100 years, both in the northern fjäll/ mountain regions of the two countries and in more accessible locations, with the dual purpose of landscape conservation and of providing outdoor recreation pleasure.

The purpose and distribution pattern of Swedish ”conservation areas” suggest less of a tourist purpose than that of an outdoor recreational: the oldest and largest national parks (1988:20 units) may have great tourist utility, as on the whole they are situated in the North. However, of the approximately 1 300 (1988: 1 310 units of all types of conservation areas) only about 12 % are found in the vast, scarcely populated Norr- land region, thus hardly experiencing any risk of excessive visitor influxes. The geographically much smaller core region of the country, the Lake Mälaren and the Stockholm area, accounts for a slightly larger share of the total, 17% but its 221 units service a region many times smaller, but on the other hand accounting for approximately 1/4 of the national population (2 million + inhabitants, 1988). Hence LRT oriented nature areas within the core region face considerable visitor pressures, due to relatively high regional population density. To this should be added the overall excellent access situa- tion throughout the region; in terms of size dimensions. In contrast, large scale conservation units tend to be found in the North (Statistisk Årsbok 1990).

The push for Canadian style natural landscape-related ”conservation, preservation, recreation” does not seem to be a prominent feature in Swedish policy as such, for a number of reasons. The fact that practically all of Sweden was settled and already had legal ownership at the time when the National Park concept was introduced may be one reason behind the relative disinterest among policy makers and the public at large for large scale national parks programs. Also, in Canada, the Crown , generally, has emerged as a major owner of vast tracts of land within the large-sized provinces. In the beginning of the 20th century Swedes, by and large, had good access to the countryside on the local level as a function of its predominantly rural and dispersed population and the relatively low population density, a situation that started to change only in the 1930’s and then primarily in southern regions. Another factor could very well also be the relatively early application of national and regional land use and resource planning principles as well as standard urban land use planning practices, which in various ways contributed to the maintenance of good access to the countryside, as the modern, contemporary Swedish society emerged.

A principal factor behind the reluctance to launch a comprehensive, nationwide natio- nal parks strategy may also relate to the very particular law, regulating access to nature - the Swedish ”Allemansrätten” (common right of access to the natural landscape). The Allemansrätten has served as a successful device in the development of multiple land use-cum- recreation, and perhaps also of well-mannered individual recreational spatial behavior, while simultaneously functioning as a ”provider” of recreational lands

34 to the population at large. The basic principle of the law rest with the individual’s legal right to ”discreet” and ”polite” trespassing on privately owned lands, a spatial behavioral right which would be considered a serious offense in the United States, and also, but to a lesser degree, in Canada.

Given the evolution of the Swedish national recreational policy (SOU 1973) and its wide application as far as access to the countryside goes, Sweden generally views the more ”commoditized” development strategy inherent in the North American parks system development with some suspicion. Still, looking into the future, the increasing popula- tion pressures on natural landscape resources could affect the popular support even for the Allemansrätten, especially with the increasing risk of future large scale seasonal LRT vacation travel flows, generated by a market of some 400 million residents presently inhabiting the European continent. Even a modest 2 % response in a market of 400 million for visiting Europe’s last wilderness (= northern Scandinavia), would generate 8 million enthusiastic northbound tourists, more than twice the present influx into the Nordic country destination region. Improved south-to-north transport infrastructure ( the Öresund bridge link in particular, and in the near future the Rodbyhavn-Femern bridge, the last and final fixed transport link Scandinavia-Germany), faster Transbaltic ferry services (average speed 30 knots +), a more efficient high speed train system, and an increasingly competitive domestic air service are constantly reducing approach travel time, while increasing transport capacity on the European Continent-to-Scandinavia runs. Thus, the relatively sparsely populated Scandinavian physical environment, including its serene northern areas, may represent an increasingly appealing and highly competitive principal attraction. In such a future scenario, the Allemansrätten offers an individual spatial freedom quite unknown to Europeans at large. Thus, the possibility exists, that the traditional, fairly gentle recreational landscape impacting caused by national (=Swedish) visitors will be ”complemented” by a more intense and extensive landscape degradation caused by an invasion of European tourist visitors under the auspices of the Allemansrätten.

Culture and man-made tourist attractions

So far the discussion of developing distinctive Tourist Products /Attractions, has revolved around the physical, geographical, environmental land resource of the Cana- dian North and Arctic. This should not ignore other forms of bio-geographical resources, that during the past 20 years have also been recognized in the Parks Canada identification inventories. Wildlife, for instance, connects both with food resources for the indigenous people of the North, and with sport hunting and so do marine resources both in fresh water and oceanic environments. Such resources play an equally important role for Inuit and Indian natives as for the tourist visitor.

The interface with tourism will be discussed more fully later - here it suffices to observe that during the post WW II decades, terrestrial wildlife and marine resources have been increasingly targeted by tourists, usually operating out of commercial outfitter lodge facilities across the North and Arctic lands. Only thanks to a more vocal opposition from the indigenous people have new agreements been reached through the various

35 forms of native land claims that provide better safeguards for these strategic resources. Thus, in some cases, the land and marine resources have come under partial native control, while in others, for instance in the James Bay hydro development region, the indigenous people have secured exclusive local control over all regional resources and their exploitation / utilization / commercial use, including future use for local / regional tourist-based economic development.

An example of the geographically extensive and all encompassing territorial controls recently brought into effect is the geopolitical division of the ”old” Northwest Territories (NWT) into a western and an eastern territorial unit. The latter, the Nunavut territory, was very much a creation based on the dominant indigenous population and upon the indigenous peoples’ very specific resource needs in order to be able to safeguard their traditional ways of life. Contemporary northern tourism is adjusting to these new geopolitical development circumstances, which in practical tourist management terms means either the application of strict regional quota for both sport hunting and fishing, or the replacement of the above with ”soft” tourist experiences, eco tourism style, nature photography, wildlife spotting, hiking, river and ocean kayaking etc. In conjunction with the emergence of an active indigenous and native controlled nature- based tourism we can also witness a process of TP diversification. In principal, cultural or cultural-historic tourism resources in the North and Arctic are scarce, but they must not be overlooked. In some cases the discovery of such potentials have contributed to a greater awareness of the ”riches of the North” in the Canadian Ecumene market in the South and have also assisted in mobilizing new market segments for northern tourism.

Canadian northern cultural tourism takes two forms:

One form is closely related to regional aboriginal culture at large. It received a major boost in the late 1950’s through the discovery in the Cape Dorset area of S.E. Baffin Island, of a unique and fascinating Inuit fine art/sculpture tradition (THE CANADIAN ENCYCLOPEDIA). Since, the Inuit ”fine art industry” has established itself both regionally, nationally and internationally as a remarkable artistic product, which through the years has evolved into a principal regional employment generator and an important revenue maker to the Cape Dorset inhabitants, and also throughout the Arctic, from Holman Island in the West to numerous locales around Baffin Island and along the Northern Labrador coast. The development has also involved, from the beginning of its commercialization, the setting up of cooperatively organized studio production and sales/distribution system incorporating all stages in the production-to-distribution chain except for the retailing level. The geographically focused Cape Dorset artistic enterprise has together with other locales in the Eastern Arctic, also developed into a major cultural destination for cruise ship tourism. Also, during the past few years there has been an increase in experiencing a more localized socio-cultural eco-tourism in Northern and Arctic destinations. Thus tourist organizers and tour operators today offer various excursion and event programs with strong local native inputs and usually led by Inuit or Indians, such as hunting hikes, nature walks, Inuit traditional ways of life (Provincial and Territorial tourist information material, 1999). The exposure of tourists to local indigenous culture is on the whole, increasing and indirectly is also siphoning off a greater portion of the tourist dollar directly into the local transactional system. The

36 Swedish equivalent would be the various kinds of Same-related manifestations in places such as Jokkmokk, Jukkasjärvi or Fatmomakke.

The second form of cultural tourism is extra-regional in origin, but more historical in character. It relates to the historical heritage brought into the North and the Arctic through southern based commercial and geopolitical interests such as exploration, whaling and trading in general (Hudson’s Bay Company activities), mostly introduced during the 19th century, but also earlier (National Atlas of Canada, 1958). The waters around Cumberland Sound, which saw the establishment of a whaling station on Kekerten Island, off Pangirtung village, is a typical example. Today, the Kekerten National Historic Park location represents one of the four territorial parks in the Nunavut Arctic archipelago corridor. Due to easy sea access, the park is a popular venue for passing cruise ships or for tourists visiting the mainland village of Pangnirtung and the nearby Auyuittuq National Park.

Similarly the Arctic’s exploration history offers exciting, event-based tourist development opportunities, especially in the western approaches of the Arctic archipelago, where numerous dramatic exploration events have occurred. The fateful disappearance of the Franklin expedition of the mid 1800’s (36), an exploration tragedy of major proportions, is a case in point, and so is Roald Amundsen’s successful winter camp at Gjoa Haven, when he sailed the Northwest Passage in the early 1900’s. To this could be added the long commercial history of the Hudson’s Bay Company with its far flung trading posts throughout the North and Arctic, which saw the establishment of HBC factories, trading posts and fortifications at places such as Moose Factory in James Bay and Fort Prince of Wales at Churchill, Man. These locations are all today emerging as foci for the cultural heritage tourism market with themes such as ”in the footsteps of ” and are yet to be properly developed and marketed in regional tourism development strategies (O.Beattie’s and John Geiger’s, 1989).

Toward an innovative and collaborative new Tourist Product Development

A novel initiative in the quest for even greater diversity among tourist attractions, has been the fairly recent launching by the Canadian Tourism Commission(=CTC) of the so called Tourist Product Club Program ( in 1996 ). In an effort to activate a sluggish tourist service industry sector, the CTC developed a ”Tourist Product Development” strategy by inviting small and medium sized tourist industry operators across the country to formulate ”market-ready Canadian tourism products” (Canadian Tourism Commission Communique, 1999). The background to the plan was a perceived, and most likely real need for quality improvement on the local destination level, but also for finding a more efficient formula in the overall marketing of a new set of appealing tourist products/attractions. The program targeted in particular a more effective information networking, cooperative ventures, partnerships and better collaboration among ser- vice operators and more efficient marketing strategies. Even with quite modest seed money, the results have been impressive. Some 25 clubs, 250 partners and over 4 000 associated members and businesses mobilized. Among the clubs listed (in 1999), some

37 have a strong northern bent, such as ”Adventure Quebec”, ”Northern Wilderness” (Yukon), ”Trail of the Great Bear” (Alta). Recently the CTC reconfirmed the continuation of its Tourist Product Club scheme, especially pressing for more (collaborative) action in the small and medium sized sector, which by virtue of its fairly small-scale character has a strong Northern and Arctic presence.

The tourist destination and its service operations

The discussion focusing upon the tourist destination and its service operations represents the third and final functional component in the BTTS design, as originally outlined. In analyzing the tourist destinations of the Canadian North and Arctic, one must recognize the major differences that exist among them. This is not remarkable per se, if we consider the vast differences that exist within international or national destina- tion systems. What sets the Northern Canadian destination apart from most other destinations is first, its geographic isolation and second, its marginality or structural fragility, from the point of sustaining itself, or being economically viable in its own right. Thus any intrusion of a novel phenomenon in any shape, function or form, almost instantaneously penetrates the whole of a destination and can, depending on the actor or phenomenon in question, profoundly alter or transform its character. A third characteristic is the sharp seasonality of operations among most service enterprises. This applies not only to operations in the final destinations, but also to the transport provisions, as is the case for the Ontario’s Polar Bear Express rail service to Moosonee on the shores of James Bay.

Large scale tourism is hardly the norm in the Canadian North, while when dealing with the Swedish North, popular mass tourism does occur in some of the more well establis- hed northerly tourist regions; the Åre and Storlien regions are cases in point, and so is the Abisko-Riksgränsen area, as well as parts of Härjedalen. In the Canadian context, although some principal travel flow gateways exist today, the principal pattern of Northern and Arctic tourism is one of spatial dispersion, a phenomenon to a considerable degree a function of the development of the tourist services in a multitude of ultimate destinations in order to cater to the sports, hunting and fishing tourist. As a consequence, the commercial ”camps” or ”lodges” have established themselves throughout the Northern region.

The lodge system at work - a spatial operation

The tourist lodge system provides to a large portion of visitors the essential destina- tion area service and experience. The lodge provides accommodation, but is not a large hotel, usually with a guest capacity of 10 to 20 persons in cabin style facilities. In addition to accommodation and food, the lodge operation also provides special ”local services” essential to the tourist during his/her stay at the ”camp”: excursion guides, instruction services to help the tourist ”in situ” while fishing or hunting, transport services by air and/or boat without which the tourist would be immobilized during his

38 stay. The lodge operator frequently contracts out local transport services to indepen- dent charter plane operators, if ”local” distances to cover are long, or provides motor boat services that take the tourist to strategic ”out camp locations” for the fishing or hunting. Thus, the lodge functions as the base camp, the ” central place” in an spatially extensive system of ”sites”, all located within a wider geographic ” tourist domain” that may stretch up/downstream along the salmon river, or throughout an extensive lake system, or encompassing a number of individual lakes in a true wilderness environment. Through this multifunctional orientation, the lodge operation ”outfits” the tourist for a week’s stay of sport fishing or hunting, hence the official term describing the owner of the enterprise with all its complexity as ”outfitter”. A more advanced outfitter organization may supervise and operate a system of lodges Hence, over time, the business operation can develop into a sophisticated and complex business / management structure (Lund- gren, J.,1982).

The lodge enterprise - a high cost tourist experience

Undeniably, if we inventory the lodge system throughout the North and the more accessible parts of the Southern Arctic, we are impressed both by density -especially in the East- and its longevity. The Labrador peninsula can serve as an example. Here, practically all major river systems have seen the establishment of fishing/hunting lod- ges and a very large portion of them were established by former bush pilots flying for mineral prospecting firms almost half a century ago. Today, the lodge enterprises are not run by the original founders, but rather their sons and grandsons - however they still run their business organizations in the manner described above.

Lodge tourism in the Canadian North and Arctic is a very costly undertaking, for the operator as well as the tourist. The cost of commercial supply inputs are extremely high in locations truly off the beaten track or in areas lacking a developed local or regional economic system (Tourist pamphlet material and maps of Quebec). This is reflected in the high rates charged to the tourist by the lodge operator. Consequently, tourists interested in sports hunting and fishing pay dearly for the standard week stay, with rates ranging between CND $ 4 000 to 6 000 per person being quite common.

Further South, at outfitter lodges comfortably accessible by road only a two or three hours’ drive north of Montreal, weekly rates drop dramatically and the sport fishing week can be had for a third of the price charged ”up North in the Arctic”. If rates become excessive at more southerly locations, the tourist is not so much paying for the ”fishing” as for the haute cuisine menu served and the sommelier’s wine list, in a ”wilderness” setting! This situation may be common for dozens of lodge destinations in NW Ontario or in the mid north zone of Quebec and Manitoba. Our initial reference to the ” tyranny of distance”, an observational concept coined by G. Blaney’s 1968 study featuring the same title, as a literally all encompassing term in describing the inherent difficulty in northern and Arctic tourism operations, demonstrates itself in cold economic realities in the business economics of the outfitter enterprise, which makes the northern and Arctic tourism experience become a rather exclusive consumer experience.

39 Toward the Future - Increasing attraction diversity in the Northern and Arctic destination areas

The ”traditional” and very commonly occurring kind of service operators presented in the previous chapter, are a product of a very particular entrepreneurial talent - that of the outfitter - who quite successfully developed a specialized and high priced tourist niche market trade in remote locations. However, due to the high price sport fishing and hunting tourism in the Canadian North and Arctic can hardly be described as a ”mass market” phenomenon, although, generally, fishing is one of the most popular recreational pursuits according to numerous recreation participation surveys, the C.O.R.D. (Cana- dian Outdoor Recreation Demand) studies being one of many.

One must not belittle the success of the outfitters as an entrepreneurial group, but one must caution against the belief that this business form would constitute the platform for future tourism in the North. Factors such as accessibility, price, seasonality, geographic isolation, long term resource sustainability, simply work against the outfitter troupe. Therefore, it is becoming increasingly important for the local/regional economies to search for other combinations in the tourism travel market in order to develop new forms of tourism that more efficiently can link into local destination environments and the relatively small scale local economies. It is of crucial importance for the ”tourism of tomorrow” to generate local/regional employment, and especially so when population statistics reveal an unproportionally high percentage of young people in the local resident population in northern settlements (over 50 % in the North and Arctic below the age of 25) combined with high unemployment levels.

The future big northern employment generation will most likely not be found in the tourism industry sector, but rather in future buildups in the resource industry sector- oil and gas developments and metal mining, a sector which is active all along the Northern/ Arctic frontier. Big mining enterprises are already in place in the Rankin Inlet area, Labrador City and on Cornwallis Island at the northern end of the Arctic archipelago, as well as on Labrador’s east coast. None of these operations have any particular tourist appeal, unless other distinct local attractions exist. And recent newspaper reports hint at large scale actions to be launched in the oil and gas sector in remote Arctic locations. In some respects the Canadian situation of today is similar to the interior of Norrland and the Swedish Lapland of yesterday. Locations that indeed can generate the much needed employment in the tourist sector in the Canadian North and Arctic simply require more local/regional substance (=more diverse tourist appeal) and bigger (tour- ist) travel flows that can bring about a greater diversification of traveler-derived demand for services, both in terms of the mix of tourist attractions and of the range in visitor services in general, sightseeing, events programming, accommodation, food services etc., all taking into account as much as possible the important aspect of ”sustainability” in the development design.

The process that will achieve this new and more vigorous development can be defined as one of increasing diversification. In earlier economic geographic literature the locales that served such roles were referred to as economic growth poles, a concept which in the post WWII era was popularly used in economic and regional development

40 planning policies in both developed and developing countries. By virtue of its requirements, the diversification process can only be associated with traffic flow destinations of gateway quality in a broad Northern and Arctic regional context.

The regional studies of this report, the Eastern, the Central and the Western presentations, present in considerable detail the more local/regional developments that have occurred over the decades, but they may not position themselves in the broader all encompassing northern tourism development framework. Therefore, the overview becomes the vehicle, which more effectively can present the wider east -west tourist development scenario.

The Northern and Arctic gateway system, established over the past 20 years, seems, in this author’s opinion, to constitute the distinct, regional basis for the much needed future tourist diversification process. Thus in travel flow terms, the principal gateways today and for future growth pole purposes, seem to be: 1) Inuvik in the Mackenzie Delta, on the shores of the Arctic Ocean 2) Yellowknife in the new geopolitical configuration of the Northwest Territories, 3) Whitehorse in the Rockies in the Yukon, 4) the Rankin Inlet / Chesterfield Inlet area on the low-lying northwestern coast of Hudson’s Bay, 5) Hydro-Quebec’s LaGrande/Radisson in James Bay, 6) Iqaluit on southern Baffin Island and 7) the Straits of Belle Isle area with its two shorelines - northshore Blanc Sablon (Que) and St Anthony (Nfld) at the tip of the Great Northern Peninsula of Nfld.

The destination foci listed above and their respective surrounding regions represent a fairly balanced geographic east - west spread of potential destination regions; in addi- tion the locations are well positioned as convenient staging points for tourist travel penetrations further north, into the Arctic archipelago, along the Labrador coast, or the Barren Lands northwest of Hudson Bay. Apart from recording both substantial and mostly growing air traffic flows over the past 10 years, all gateway locations have road access, except for Rankin Inlet and Iqaluit - sometimes with a short ferry trip to ”clinch” the journey in the case of the Straits of Belle Isle region.

The majority of the gateways referred to above are further stabilized through important political economic and/or substantial industrial related functions, that can provide ”economic staying power”: Inuvik in the Mackenzie Delta through oil and gas, Yellowknife through its territorial capital and principal regional hub function, Rankin Inlet as a regional center with resource industry operations, La Grande through its inevitable long-term economic and geopolitical investment, for Iqaluit, the new Nunavut territorial capital status guarantees a long term expanding gateway role. Even the Straits of Belle Isle area has a strong regionally based resource industry factor that may assist in providing long-term economic and geopolitical growth impetus.

Given the above, the possibility exists for a relative reduction in approach travel expenses to many gateway destinations, which in turn may make well-packaged tourist experiences via the gateways more appealing, more exotic and more competitive. Thus, with steadily

41 expanding travel flows into the principal gateways the local/regional market potential for more diverse hospitality industry operations, responding to the increasing diversity in the tourist population, would be more feasible. Such a tendency is in fact already manifesting itself in the ongoing quite intensive local activity development geared to visitors, in the form of cultural and social events, entertainment, festivals, regional excursions, cultural heritage experiences, arts and crafts, and adventure recreation. Presently Internet-based tourist information for the respective gateway locales and surroundings is literally exploding with new product items.

As a consequence of an accelerating development in many of the gateways, the employment generation can only be considered as being in a positive phas , but still haunted by a strong labour market seasonality. The high peak summer season alone will not be able to substantially reduce the year round local employment problem. The often harsh winter, with its particular fascination and particular touristic appeal, must also be brought to bear on the local tourist-based economies. To a degree this is happening on a modest scale in some locales. The positive presentation in the Nunavut handbook, for instance, of new tourist attractions to pursue can conclude this overview demonstrating its newborn enthusiasm when, in an appealing commentary, it describes the superb spring skiing opportunitites on Baffin Island and the opportunities for the truly adventure-oriented tourists to experience the exotic excitement of Inuit celebrations, Arctic wildlife, ice shelf kayaking or seal watching, professionally developed by enthusiastic island-based tour organizers and executed by local, indigenous guides. Thus, there is room for both ”Summer and Winter” as major attractions for the discovery- oriented tourists, the ”hardy ones” on the North American market and tourists of a similar ilk in Europe, where the true wilderness is rapidly disappearing, even in Scandinavia, which can still boast Europe’s last northern wilderness environment. The Canadian version is perhaps even more so. It is more Northern, more Arctic and still more truly wilderness, and it is yours to experience !

42 References

The 1997 Canadian Global Almanac, Macmillan Canada; see under “Population” and “Nations” for Canada and Sweden. Hills, T./Lundgren. J, 1977, The Impact of Tourism in the Caribbean: A Methodological Study, ANNALS OF TOURISM RESEARCH, May/Sept.1977,Vol.IV, No.5, pages 248-267. See esp. Fig.2,”Functional Mechanism of Tourist Movement”. - Leiper,N.,1979, The Framework of Tourism, toward a definition of Tourism, Tourist, and the Touristm Industry, ANNALS OF TOURISM RESEARCH, Vol.VI, No.4, Oct/Dec.1979, pages 390-408. See esp.Fig.2 “The Tourism System”. - Pearce,D. 1990 edition, Tourism Today- A Geographical Analysis. Essex: Longmans. Atlas of Canada, 1958, Ottawa, plate No.1, “Routes of Explorers 1534-1870. Atlas of Canada, 1958, Ottawa, plates No.83,85,86,87 on transport infrastructure and transport development. - Historic Atlas of Canada III: Addressing the 20th Century 1891-1961, University of Toronto Press,Toronto. See especially Plate 6 on “The Expansion and Consolidation of Railways. - Canada and theWorld - an Atlas Resource, 1985, Chief cartographer G.J.Matthews, Prentice Hall Canada Inc.See pages 69-70-71 on surface and air transportation. - Glazebrook,G.P.de T., A History in Transportation in Canada, 1964, 2 volumes, McLelland and Stewart Publishers, Toronto. - Hamelin,Louis-Edmond, 1978, Canadian Nordicity, Harvest House Publishers, Montreal. Translation of “Nordicite Canadienne” by William Barr. Hall,C.M, and Page, S.J., 1999, The Geography of Tourism and Recreation - environment, place and space, Routledge, London and New York, See esp. pages 103-105, fig. 3.6, “The Tourism Business District”. - See also R.I.Wolfe,1951, Summer Cottages in Ontario, ECONOMIC GEOGRAPHY,27(1):10-32, a study which emphasizes the distance-decay characteristics in recreational- touristic land use intensity as one moves further away from principal metropolitan cores, such as Toronto. Lundgren, J., 1989, Chapter 5, “Patterns”, pages 133-161, in Outdoor Recreation in Canada, Wall, G. (editor), Routledge. Clawson, Marion, 1970, The Economics of Outdoor Recreation, Harvest House Publishers, Montreal. See esp. discussion on “Travel distances...and recreation areas..” pages 98-99. - Rajotte,Freda,1974, The Different Travel Patterns and Spatial Framework, in TOURISM AS A FACTOR IN NATIONAL AND REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT, proceedings of a meeting of the International Geographical Union’s Working Group on the Geography of Tourism and Recreation, September 1974, Occasional Paper 4, Department of Geography, Trent University, Peterborough,Ont., Canada. Lundgren, J., 1987, Tourism Development in the Northern Periphery, in TEOROS, Vol.6, No.1, Mars 1987, pages 13-19. See also TEOROS, Vol.18, No.2, Ete 1999, special issue on “Nordicite” in article titled “Accessing the North and Arctic- Past and Present”, pages 44-51. Warkentin, J.,1997, A Regional Geography of Canada, Prentice-Hall Canada Inc.. - See esp.maps on population and settlement of the Canadian Ecumene, pages 69, 108 and 171.

43 Pouliot, J.,1983, Transports, Politiques et Geographie - Aspects du Transport Aerien, unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Department of Geography, McGill University, 413 pages plus Appendices. See Fig.A, p.15 :Les Rpoutes Aeriennes regulieres au Canada: national, regional, local, selon N.D.Paget,1980, Services Aeriens locaux, Ottawa. Hall,C.M.,Page, S.J., 1999, The Geography of Tourism and Recreation- environment, place and space, Routledge, London and New York. See esp. pages 98-100 on “tourism attractions”, and page 180 on “commodification”/“production” process.- Watson, G.L.and Kopachevsky, J.P.,1994, Interpretations of tourism as commodity, ANNALS OF TOURISM RESEARCH, Vol.21, No.3, pages 643- 660. - Lundgren, J., 1989, Chapter 5 “Patterns”, pages 133-161, in Outdoor Recreation in Canada, Wall, G. (editor),Routledge, London. Warkentin, J., A Regional Geography of Canada, 1997. See, esp.Chapter Four: Government, Geographical Development, and Transportation and Communcations, pages 98-121. SJ 125 År (Swedish State Railways 125th Anniversary), 1981, Stockholm. See railway network expansion map. Swedish tourist pamphlet information on the principal touring intineraries from the Bothnian Gulf shore to the Norwegian fjords. Ontario Northland Transportation Commission: the 1998 Polar Bear Express Information Booklet. - Quebec North shore and Labrador Railway, Sept Isles: information on railway passenger statistics. - See also Warkentin, J., 1997, Canada - A Regional Geography, Map 4-5: Critical links and spurs in the Building of Canada, p.103. National Atlas of Canada, 1958, Ottawa. See esp. “Transportation” plates. - Hamsley, W.,1993, Problems and Challenges in Canada/s Northwest Territories, GEOGRAPHY, Vol.78, No.3240, July, pages 267-280. Provincial and Tertitorial tourist road maps. Hamsley,W.,1993 : on future Arctic road development plans. Lafay, H., 1958, DEW Line, NATIONAL GEOGRAPHIC MAGAZINE, Vol.114, July- December issue, pages 128-146. Lundgren, J., 1987, Tourism Development in the Northern Periphery, TEOROS, Vol.6,No.1, mars 1987, pages 13-19. See Graphiques 3-7 on “Access Penetration into the North and Arctic”.- National Atlas of Canada, 1958 , “Transportation” plates. - Statistics Canada airport passenger statistics for 1989 and 1997. Air fare quotations from Clark Travel Bureau, St.Lambert.Que. Lundgren,J.,1982, The Tourist Frontier in Noveau Quebec- functions and regional linkages, REVUE DE TOURISME, Berne, Suisse, No.2, pages 10-16. Statistics Canada, airport passenger statistics for the Northwest Territories 1992. Haggett,P., 1982, Geography - A Modern Synthesis. See particularly the discussion on “location”, “space” and “place” in introductory chapter titled “On the Beach”. - See also C.M.Hall and S.J. Page, 1999, The Geography of Tourism and Recreation - environment, place and space, Routledge, London and New York. On the term “commodification” and the “tourist production” process, see Hall and Page, page 180. - An early discussion of the question of (cultural) commodification can be found in Greenwood, D.J., 1977: Culture by the Pound, an anthropological perspective on tourism,1989, in HOSTS AND GUESTS, THE ANTHROPOLOGY OF TOURISM,Smith,Valene (editor),pages 129-147, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia.

44 Hall, C.M and Page, S.J. (1999), The Geography of Tourism and Recreation. Routledge. See chapter 6: Rural Recreation and Tourism, pages 178-213. - Re: cruise ship development, see Marsh, J. and Staple, Susan, 1995, Cruise Tourism in the Canadian Arctic and its Implications, pages 63-72, in Polar Tourism - tourism in the Arctic and Antarctic regions, Hall,C.M. and Johnston, Margaret (editors), Wiley Publishers - See also: Archer,B.,1995, The Importance of Tourism in the Economy of Bermuda, ANNALS OF TOURISM RESEARCH, Vol.22, No.4, pages 918-930. - Observations of cruise ship traffic at Visby Harbour, Gotland during the 1999 Summer months by Jan Lundgren suggest an average cruise ship passenger island shore stay of 5-6 hours typically involving a major bus tour of the island, with stops at major tourist attractions/landmarks for photo and (some) souvenir shopping opportunities. In Northern and Arctic Canadian environments the tourist’s “consumption of place” tends to be mostly observational, and only occasionally involving direct purchases of local produce. Murphy, P., 1983, Tourism in Canada - Selected Issues and Options, 334 pages, Western Geographical Series, Vol.21, University of Victoria. See chapter by H.K.Eidsvik: Parks Canada, Conservation and Tourism -A Review of the Seventies - a Preview of the Eighties, pages 241-269. (Atlas of) Canadian Special Resource Lands Chapter on Outdoor Recreation,pages 67-104, Lands Directorate, Environment Canada, Ottawa. Provincial/ Territorial Tourist Maps.- On the provincial level see also documents such as “Ontario’s Living Legacy” 1989), which outlines the province’s land use resource strategy, with particular reference to parks and reserves. The Nunavut Handbook - Travelling in Canada’s Arctic,1998, Iqaluit, Baffin Island. Statistisk Årsbok 1990, Tab.6, National Parks, page 15, Stockholm, Sweden. SOU 1973: Turism och Rekreation i Sverige. SOU (=Royal Commission Report) on Tourism and Recreation in Sweden, Stockholm, Sweden. On Inuit art: See THE CANADIAN ENCYCLOPEDIA, vol.2, pages 1084-1089, Hurtig Publishers, Edmonton,Alta.,Canada. Provincial and Territorial tourist information material, published in 1999. National Atlas of Canada, 1958, Ottawa. See Plate 1, “Routes of Explorers 1534-1870. For a fascinating scientific field expedition on the “secrets” of the Franklin expedition, see O.Beattie’s and John Geiger’s study “Frozen in Time”.1989, Western P roducer Prairie Books, Saskatoon, Sask - Dramatic historic events/catastrophies are often developed as tourist attractions, see for instance Gettysburg National Park in the USA, or specialty museums such as the Andre Museum in Granna,Sweden, commemorating the disastrous attempt to sail by balloon to the North Pole. - The inaccessible location of the Franklin catastrophe 150 years ago reduces its “touristic appeal” substantially, except for a steady stream of scientific researcher “tourists” that over the decades have ventured to Arctic sites to study rcheological remnants in the froozen grounds of the Arctic archipelago. Canadian Tourism Commission Communique, Issue No.9, November 1999, front page, presenting the Tourist Product Club Program. Lundgren, J.,1982, The Tourist Frontier of Nouveau Quebec: functions and regional linkages, Revue de Tourisme, Berne, Suisse, No.2, 1982, pages 10-16.

45 46 Opening Up the Big Land to the World –

The Role of the Public Sector in Adventure Tourism Development in Labrador

John S. Hull Quebec-Labrador Foundation

Introduction

Labrador, the Arctic peninsula on North America’s eastern coast, has attracted the imagination of travelers for centuries. Amerindians, European explorers, Moravian and medical missionaries, fishing and trapping merchants, as well as wilderness adventurers and naturalists have been lured to Labrador because of her rich natural resource base, varied cultures, and incredible beauty. Through oral histories, written journals, images and maps, Labrador’s northern environment has been portrayed as both a place of Eden and exile for those who pass by or settle on her shores (Fitzhugh 2000). The Inuit acknowledge that it takes “a special type of person to survive in ‘Nunatsuak,” the Big Land, that is called Labrador (Goodyear 2000, xiii).

In the 16th century French explorer Jacques Cartier described the deserted and rocky coastline as “the Land God gave to Cain” (Cartier in Pouliot 1934). Moravian and medical missionary, F.W. Peacock in his journal, Reflections from a Snowhouse, echoes Cartier’s words on his first voyage to Labrador.

The journey along the coast of Labrador seemed hazardous and difficult, beset by wind, rain, fog and blizzard with scores of tiny sum- mer fishing settlements set in the most unlikely places, in barren windy sites chosen almost solely on the basis of their access to fish, with little regard for comfort or shelter (Peacock 1986, 118).

Dillon Wallace, the wilderness adventurer, adds that Labrador is, “A great unknown land right near home, as wild and primitive to-day as it has always been!” (Wallace 1983, 1,2). These accounts of Labrador reinforce Sugden’s (1989) argument that the cultural construction of northern environments for many travelers is based on a perception that the North is a hostile, challenging place for adventure. Johnston (1995, 28) points out that this “mythology of the Arctic and northern wilderness continues to attract hund- reds of thousands of tourists each year.” The Polar Regions have been recognized as

47 “thriving tourism frontiers and rank among the world’s premier tourism destinations” (Hall and Johnston 1995 1). At the beginning of the 21st century, Labrador is considered one of the last frontiers on earth and is recognized as one of Canada’s leading adventure tourism resources (Economic Planning Group of Canada 1996, Powell 1979).

In 1996 the provincial government’s market match study defined adventure tourism as

based upon an outdoor activity involving a sense, or reality, of adventure. There are two types of adventure tourism – “soft” and “hard” adventure travel (Economic Planning Group of Canada 1996 1).

The soft adventure travel market includes individuals who engage in nature observa- tion, walking, hiking, cycling, photography, birding, environmental education, and wildlife viewing. Hard adventure travelers participate in rafting, mountain climbing, and trekking; activities that require a high level of risk and skill (Economic Planning Group of Canada 1996). Soft and hard adventure activities are defined as non-consumptive. Another sector of the adventure tourism industry includes consumptive activities such as hunting and fishing (Department of Tourism, Culture and Recreation 1994). Recent federal (Economic Planning Group of Canada 1999) and provincial reports (Economic Planning Group of Canada 1996) separate hunting and fishing from the adventure tourism industry. For the purpose of this paper only non-consumptive adventure tourism activities will be analyzed. It is important to recognize however that there is an extensive network of outfitters and lodges that cater to tourists engaging in hunting and fishing activities.

The purpose of this article is to document the public sector’s role in destination development by identifying federal, provincial and local policies that have helped to reinforce Labrador as a place for adventure. This will be accomplished by examining the historic changes in the tourist system in the region, commencing with a description of the natural and cultural history to provide an appropriate context for analysis. Lundgren’s supply and demand model — (1) tourist destination area (TDA); (2) trans- port function (TF); (3) travel generating area (TGA) – will then illustrate that the public sector’s role in the development of destination attractions, transportation infrastructure, and definition of appropriate niche markets are recent initiatives that are opening up the Big Land to the world (Roberts 1999, 3).

Background

Natural History

The Quebec-Labrador Peninsula is approximately 420,000 square miles in area, bounded by the Gulf of St. Lawrence in the south, the North Atlantic (Labrador Sea) in the east, the Hudson Strait and Ungava Bay in the north, and Hudson Bay and the Rupert, Mistasssini, and Betsiamites Rivers in the west (See Figure 1) (Grenfell 1895). The cold Labrador Current extends southward along the east coast, resulting in a harsh climate with low precipitation and long winters, with brief summers in the north and short, warm summers in the south (Bone 1992).

48 Figure 1: Labrador

49 Geomorphically, the peninsula is part of the Canadian Shield composed of Precambrian Rocks with outcroppings of feldspar, labradorite, copper pyrites, mica and asbestos in the north and Silurian sandstones, red syenite and basalt in the south (Grenfell 1895). Hydrologically, Labrador is part of two drainage basins – the Atlantic, with rivers such as the Fraser River, draining to the east and the Hudson Bay, with rivers such as the Koroc River, on Labrador’s northern boundary, running west (Bone 1992). The climate and geomorphology of the area has resulted in the slow development of biological life, natural vegetation and soil formation that has produced a physical environment that is characterized as fragile and sensitive (Hall and Johnston 1995, Bone 1992).

The natural vegetation of Labrador is divided into two biomes – the Arctic and sub- Arctic. In the north, the Arctic biome supports continuous and discontinuous perma- frost zones with tundra vegetation, such as lichens, predominating. Further south, shrubs, sedges birches and willows provide a cover to the landscape. Edible berries such as bakeapples, cranberries, and gooseberries are also common (Bone 1992, Grenfell 1895). The treeline, found at approximately the 59th parallel, represents the dividing line between the Arctic and sub-Arctic biome regions (Grenfell 1895). South of the treeline, the boreal forest predominates supporting black spruce, balsam fir, larch, pine, birch and poplar (Bone 1992).

The vegetation supports terrestrial mammals that include polar and black bear, moose, fox, otter, beaver, mink, marten, lynx and the largest caribou herd in the world (Grenfell 1895). The rivers and streams are also well known for their plentiful trout and salmon populations. A rich marine environment supports fish species that include cod, capelin, flounder and herring. Whales, seals, shellfish, seabirds and waterfowl are also present. The natural resources of Labrador have served as an impetus for settlement and the development of a northern economy that has been traditionally based on natural resource extraction.

Cultural History

Culturally, the earliest settlers to Labrador arrived approximately 10,000 years ago with the retreat of the glaciers. These Aboriginal peoples, identified as part of the Maritime Archaic Tradition, settled in small bands along the southern coast and then migrated north more than 6,000 years ago. They were hunter-gatherers who used spears, harpoons, and stone knives, for hunting terrestrial mammals and exploiting marine resources, such as whales, salmon, seals and seabirds (Whalen 1990, Tuck 1976).

After the Maritime Archaic people, groups of Paleo-Eskimos arrived in successive waves from the north, 4,000 to 1,000 years ago, depending on the rich marine and terrestrial resources and settling mainly on the coast. They were hunter-gatherer societies based on the Arctic Small Tool Tradition using flint to shape bone and ivory into hunting tools (Bone 1992, Tuck 1976). The most recent of these peoples, the Inuit, still inhabit the northern sections of Labrador. About 1,000 years ago another Aboriginal culture, the Innu, arrived in Labrador from the south and settled mainly along rivers in the interior hunting caribou and salmon (Mak 1984).

50 The first European arrivals to Labrador were the Vikings in the 10th century who esta- blished a settlement in northern Newfoundland at L’anse aux Meadows (Wheeler 1998, Bone 1992). English, Portuguese, Spanish, French, and Basque explorers arrived in Labrador by the 16th century, harvesting the abundant marine resources, mainly whales and cod (Proulx 1993). John Cabot upon his return to Europe in 1497 reported,

The Sea there is swarming with fish which can be taken not only with the net but in baskets let down with a stone, so that it sinks in the water (Cabot in Kurlansky 1997, 48).

Soon schooners from all over Europe were fishing in coastal waters. By the 18th century, the King of France was granting concessions along the southern Labrador coast to establish some of the first permanent settlements in the region (Whalen 1990).

In 1763 the Treaty of Paris granted the British control of the Labrador coast resulting in the reorganization of the fish trade and the establishment of merchant premises. The merchants adopted a credit system that kept settlers in a perpetual state of indebtedness (Fitzhugh 2000, 37).

The 18th and 19th centuries are marked by the arrival of the Moravians and the continued development of a local economy based on resource extraction. In northern Labrador, the Moravians established a series of missions to work with the Inuit First Nation in the areas of culture, economy, education, medical services, and religion (Rowe 1980). In the 19th century, the Hudson Bay Company or “Great Company of Adventurers,” was organized and dominated the fur trade, establishing outposts from the Strait of Belle Isle to Killinek. At the same time, fishing fleets from the island of Newfoundland and other North American ports arrived annually in summer “on the Labrador” fishing for cod (Fitzhugh 2000).

The 20th century brought improved medical, human, and social services. In 1912, Wilfrid Grenfell founded the International Grenfell Association (IGA). By 1914, the IGA had established hospitals and nursing stations, schools and orphanages (Fitzhugh 2000). Confederation in 1949 brought entry into Canada. The provincial government, in an effort to provide efficient and cost-effective services, adopted a centralization program that resulted in the relocation of many residents into communities to provide enhanced education, welfare, and medical care programs (Fitzhugh 2000).

In 1992, the Federal Fisheries Minister announced, after centuries of exploitation, the closure of the cod fishery forcing 30,000 fishermen out of work. As Kurlansky (1997, 186) states, “Just three years short of the 500-year anniversary of the reports of Cabot’s men scooping up cod in baskets, it was over. Fishermen had caught them all.” The effects on local residents are still being felt. The shellfish industry supports some families today but on a limited scale. As a result of the closure of the fishery, policymak- ers are turning to other sources of revenue in an attempt to diversify and restructure the economy of the region.

51 One strategy is linked to the development of the adventure tourism industry. The next section will describe in detail government efforts to develop a series of attractions that are linked to the rich natural and cultural heritage of the region.

The Tourist Destination Area (TDA)

According to Inskeep (1991, 75) the tourist destination area is comprised of attraction features that

should reflect an area’s inherent, distinctive, and unique natural and cultural character, and be authentically developed to reinforce that character. Typically, selection and evaluation of tourist attractions should be made relative to the existing and potential tourist markets...”

In the case of Labrador, the government is playing a major role in developing attraction features that draw on the unique character of the region and that are targeted at the adventure tourist market. The purpose of this section is to: (1) identify the natural and cultural attractions in Labrador, (2) outline the government’s role in the development of these sites and (3) identify the challenges that the government is confronting in developing these sites for adventure tourists.

Non-consumptive natural attractions

The first National Park in Canada was Banff National Park, established in 1885 (McNamee 1993). James Harkin, the first Commissioner of the Dominion Parks Branch, advocated a park policy position that “was a mixture of reverence for the power of nature and a pragmatic view of the economic value of nature and the parks to society” (McNamee 1993 24). The tourism value of parks was recognized as an important element in promoting recreational opportunities for visitors (McNamee 1993). At the beginning of the 21st century there are 35 national parks, national park reserves and one national marine park in Canada. In the Arctic, designation of protected areas operates primarily under a federal government management regime (Hall and Johnston 1995, 4). However, in La- brador, only four provincial protected areas have been designated (See Figure 2).

Gannet Islands Ecological Reserve

The Gannet Islands are a group of seven islands, 202 hectares in total size at the entrance to Sandwich Bay, established as a provincial reserve in 1983 (Jarvis 2000). All of the islands are low lying and rocky with vegetation dominated by dwarf heath scrub with sedges and grasses characteristic of the tundra. The Gannet Islands support breeding populations of thick-billed murres, razorbills, Atlantic puffins, black guillemot, northern fulmar, black-legged kittiwake, great black-backed gull and Leach’s storm- petrel and farlequin ducks (Canadian Important Bird Areas 1998).

52 Figure 2: Natural attractions of Labrador

53 Redfir Lake-Kapitagas Channel Ecological Reserve

The Redfir Lake-Kapitagas Channel is an 8,100-hectare region in southwest Labrador that was fully designated as an ecological reserve in 1998. The reserve protects the only known stands of jack pine in the province and represents the most eastern point of jack pine in North America (Great Outdoor Recreation Pages 2000).

Duly Lake Provincial Park

Duly Lake is 690 hectares located 10 kms southwest of Labrador City/Wabush and was designated as a park/reserve in July 22, 1980. The park was set aside as a representative sample of the mid-sub Arctic forest of Labrador. Camping is a popular activity at the park.

Pinware River Provincial Park

Pinware River Provincial Park is a 68 hectare park opened in 1974 in southern Labrador and provides hiking, fishing and camping facilities for visitors. The park is located adjacent to the Pinware River and the Strait of Belle Isle (Government of Newfoundland and Labrador 2000b).

At the beginning of the 21st century, the national and provincial governments are working to establish two national parks in mountainous regions of the province – the Torngat Mountains in the north and the Mealy Mountains in central Labrador— as well as another provincial wilderness reserve in southwestern Labrador.

Torngat Mountains Proposed National Park

The proposed Torngat Mountains National Park is described as “a spectacular Arctic wilderness of rugged mountains, gentle valleys, fjords, and sheer cliffs fronting the Labrador Sea” (New Parks North 1999). According to the Protected Areas Association of Newfoundland and Labrador, the Torngat Mountains are the

breeding and nesting sites for many rare and endangered species including the peregrine falcon and eastern harlequin duck. The world’s largest herd of caribou, the George River herd with over 800 thousand individuals, roam in the southern parts of the region. More importantly, the area contains the entire range of the Torngat Mountains caribou herd. Black bears, muskox, wolves, polar bears and eagles can be found in these mountains, along with ancient archaeological and burial sites (Protected Areas Association of Newfoundland and Labrador 1999)

At present, mineral claims, land claims, and Crown Land development have been major hurdles for securing park designation. The nickel discovery at Voisey’s Bay in northern Labrador increased mineral exploration throughout Labrador and in the proposed Torngat Mountains National Park in the 1990s. On December 11, 1998, the Government

54 of Newfoundland and Labrador designated the sensitive caribou calving area of the proposed park as Exempt Mineral Land thus prohibiting future claim staking. This announcement was followed by a ban on Crown Land developments (WWF 1998).

In the fall of 1999, a lawsuit against the Federal Government’s Indian and Northern Affairs Minister Robert Nault by the Makivik Corporation, representing the Nunavik Inuit of Quebec, also stalled the park designation process for a period of time (Pomeroy 1999). The lawsuit argued that the efforts of the Minister to settle the land claims process with Labrador Inuit Association (LIA) was jeopardizing the land claims pro- cess for the Makivik Inuit in Quebec (Wells 2000). As of June 2000, a Memorandum of Understanding between the LIA and the provincial government has been finalized to protect the land being proposed for the park (Bennett 2000). Parks Canada is now in a position to negotiate an Impact Benefits Agreement with the Labrador Inuit and a federal-provincial agreement with the province clearing the way for park designation. Even though the federal government’s efforts have been delayed, trekking companies and adventure tourism operators are already offering tours to the region (see Nature Trek Canada 2000, HNA 2000).

Mealy Mountains Proposed National Park

The Mealy Mountains are located on the southern shores of Hamilton Inlet, an inland sea that extends over 150 km from the Atlantic Ocean into Labrador. The snow-capped mountains are the highest mountains in southern Labrador, rising above Lake Melville and reaching heights of over 1200 metres. The varied environments in this area include mountain tundra, expansive uplands, bogs, boreal forest and rivers that have sustained generations of Innu people. The region is home to caribou, moose, black bears, wolves, lynx, polar bears, snowshoe hares, and the endangered eastern harlequin duck and Peregrine falcon.

The Mealy Mountains were first identified as a potential national park in the early 1970s. The Innu Nation and the Canadian federal government fully support a feasibility study for the establishment of a National Park in the Akamiuapishku region. However, the Newfoundland provincial government has not agreed to the feasibility study. In fact, the Newfoundland provincial government has recently sanctioned various developments within the Park study area. The developments include the Ptarmigan Snowmobile Trail, the Trans-Labrador Highway, and a commercial forestry project near Sandwich Bay, all of which could seriously threaten the proposed park. The Protected Areas Association of Newfoundland and Labrador (2000a 1) warns that A careless routing of Trans-Labrador Highway could bisect the park study area. This is one of the last major roadless wilderness areas in the province, and routing a major highway through such a pristine wilderness area would have devastating effects on the ecological integrity of the area. It would put the caribou herd in greatly increased danger, and destroy our best options for establishing a world-class national park.

Premier Brian Tobin’s announcement on the economic potential of the road mentioned possible forestry operations but neglected to mention the proposed national park (Protected Areas Association of Newfoundland and Labrador 2000a). At present an

55 interim agreement between the Innu Nation and the provincial government obliges the government to conduct a feasibility study for the National Park in exchange for permis- sion from the Innu to construct another section of the Trans-Labrador Highway that they initially blocked court through a court injunction in 1997 (Rich 2000 27).

Lac Joseph-Atikonak Proposed Wilderness Area

The provincial government’s Wilderness and Ecological Reserves Advisory Council (WERAC) proposed the Lac Joseph-Atikonak provincial wilderness area for protection in 1974. The 17,000 km2 region of lakes and rivers, lichen woodlands and feathermoss forests, ribbed fens and string bogs is located in the south-west corner of Labrador. The region is home to the Lac Joseph-Magpie caribou herd and the George River herd. Other terrestrial mammals include wolf, red fox, ermine, black bear, star-nosed mole, marten, river otter, heather vole, water shrew and little brown bat. Birds include bald eagle, northern hawk-owl, hermit thrush, osprey, merlin, Swainson’s thrush, three-toed woodpecker, and Lincoln’s sparrow.

The proposed reserve is also located in the traditional hunting lands of the Innu and has been identified as a wilderness/adventure tourism destination for visitors and Labradorians (Protected Areas Association of Newfoundland and Labrador 2000b).

In 1999, WERAC was seeking provisional reserve status when Newfoundland and Quebec announced plans to negotiate the development of the $12 billion Lower Chur- chill Hydro project (Clugston 1999). The proposed hydro project would require new transmission lines that would cut through the reserve. Conflicts with the Innu over land claims and a decrease in the demand for electricity has stalled the development project and leaves the future state of the reserve in question (Protected Areas Associa- tion 2000b, Innu Nation 1999).

Protected areas represent an important component for developing adventure tourism at a destination. In Newfoundland and Labrador, protected areas have been identified as one of the province’s most appealing attractions for tourists (Economic Planning Group of Canada 1996). However, in the case of Labrador, land claims, transport infrastructure, and proposed forestry and mega-development projects have stalled a number of federal and provincial efforts to increase the network of protected areas in the region. At present, the Torngat Mountains Proposed National Park, the Redfir Lake-Kapitagas Channel Provincial Ecological Reserve, Duly Lake Provincial Park and Pinware Provincial Park are four sites that are receiving visitors and that have the greatest potential for being integrated into a provincial adventure tourism strategy. However, the future of the Mealy Mountains Proposed National Park and the Lac Joseph-Atikonak Provincial Wilderness Area are uncertain due to proposed mega-development projects.

In examining the role of the public sector in establishing a network of natural attractions in Labrador, a number of conclusions can be drawn. First, protected area designation in the region is new. The first protected area in Labrador was established in 1974. The fact that protected area designation is recent corresponds with global trends that reveal that 80% of the 8,500 protected areas worldwide have been established in the last thirty

56 years (Brandon 1996). Second, it is evident that planning for protected areas and associated tourism development is a very politicized process. Even though the federal and provincial governments are working collaboratively on protected area planning in the Torngats, they are at odds over the second proposed national park in the Mealy Mountains. Hall and Johnston (1995 3) point out that even though “tourism has tremendous potential to aid economic development in northern communities the existence of tourism with other uses of the natural environment, both subsistence activities and industrial operations, carries with it potential for conflict.” The resource use conflicts in both the Mealy Mountains Proposed National Park and Lac Joseph Atikonak Proposed Provincial Wilderness Area illustrate the challenges that are facing many communities across the Arctic.

Finally, the provincial government is providing limited support for establishing protected areas in the province, even though the number of visitors has doubled from 250,000 in 1993 to approximately 500,000 visitors in 1998 (Department of Tourism, Culture and Recreation 2000). Since 1990, the number of hectares under protection in the province has actually decreased (Protected Areas Association 2000c). In contrast, the Government of Canada and the Inuit recently signed an Inuit Impact and Benefit Agreement to establish three national parks in 1999 in the territory of Nunavut to the North (New Parks North 2000). The continued involvement of the federal government in park designation in Labrador will be critical for expanding the network in the region.

Non-consumptive cultural attractions

The cultural attractions of Labrador have a “world class appeal to support niche market development” (See Figure 3) (Economic Planning Group of Canada 1996, 6). The provincial tourism department argues that the cultural attractions of Labrador have the potential to enrich the experience of visitors engaged in adventure tourism activities by offering them genuine and unique experiences with the local culture. Market trends indicate that tourists are increasingly “sensitive to environmental conditions and practices, and are more respectful of traditional values and cultures than in the past” (Economic Planning Group of Canada 1996, 4). As a result, the federal and provincial governments are recognizing Labrador’s cultural heritage through the designation of historic sites in the region. At the federal level, Parks Canada

is responsible for Canada’s program of historical commemoration, which recognizes nationally significant places, persons and events. All such designations are made by the Minister of Canadian Heritage on the advice of the Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada .In the last quarter of the 20th century, what constitutes heritage has broadened considerably to include industrial complexes, transportation corridors, urban and rural historic districts, cultural landscapes, and sacred places and traditions. The system plan provides a framework that guides national commemoration, reflecting this expanded view of Canadian history (Parks Canada 2000).

57 Figure 3: Cultural attractions of Labrador

58 In 1987, the federal government designated the Red Bay National Historic Site, the site of a significant 16th century Basque whaling station. The site attracted an estimated 6,900 visitors in 1999, an increase of 31% from 1998 (Department of Tourism, Culture and Recreation 2000).

The Department of Canadian Heritage has also commemorated the national significance of (1) a Maritime Archaic Burial Mound that is the earliest known funeral monument in the New World at L’anse Amour (1978); (2) the Moravian Missions at Hopedale (1970), Hebron (1976), and Okak (1978); (3) the fishing community of Battle Harbour, the commercial center of coastal Labrador in the 19th and early 20th centuries (1998), and (4) the iron mines in Labrador City (1977).

The provincial government has recognized the Labrador Interpretation Center in North West River and the Point Amour Lighthouse in L’anse Amour as Provincial Historic Sites and Museums. The Labrador Interpretation Center explores the history of human occupation in Labrador through exhibits and dioramas focusing on the culture and language of Labrador’s Innu, Innuit and Settler populations while the Point Amour Lighthouse, built in 1857, is the tallest lighthouse in Atlantic Canada and contains exhibits on the history of the Labrador Straits (Badcock 2000).

At both federal and provincial historic sites, efforts are underway to broaden the inter- pretation programs and product development opportunities. At Red Bay National Historic Site, interpretation programs are expanding to incorporate interactive, hands- on displays with video and film (Economic Planning Group of Canada 1996). At L’anse Amour Lighthouse, there is an annual play put on by local residents re-enacting the shipwreck of the H.M.S. Raleigh, and local interpreters provide tours of the site in period costumes.

The provincial government’s product market match study on cultural and heritage tourism (Economic Planning Group of Canada 1996) also identifies the following needs and opportunities for heritage sites in Newfoundland and Labrador:

• additional support and nurturing for community arts and culture • support and assistance with community pageants • packaging and marketing • increased opportunities for visitor’s to experience the province’s culture • enhanced interpretation and living history at historic sites and attractions • increased opportunities for revenue generation at historic sites • quality interpretive information • longer/more consistent operating season • opportunities for learning vacations • further development of the festival and event product

The study explains that the lack of available capital for non-commercial tourism attractions, such as museums, special events, festivals and performing arts, is the biggest challenge to tourism development. The report states,

59 Governments increasingly are reluctant to provide financial assistance to enterprises that cannot become financially self-sustaining within a reasonably short time frame for the very types of projects which build tourism While funding support is still available for more commercial enterprises (hotels, restaurants, golf courses), these are not the things that build tourism; they live off tourism (Economic Planning Group of Canada 1996 14).

In the case of Labrador, funding for non-commercial enterprises is usually awarded through a combination of federal, provincial or private granting agencies. For example, the Labrador Heritage Museum in Northwest River was opened in 1999 and is owned by the Labrador Heritage Society. The restored museum is an old Hudson Bay Company store built in the 1930s. Funding for the museum was secured through three programs — the Labrador Co-operative Comprehensive Agreement for restoration and exhibit development; the Human Resources Development Canada for labour and preservation of artefacts, and; the International Grenfell Association for operating expenses (Hibbs 2000). The challenge for many enterprises is how to sustain funding over the long-term.

In conclusion, both the federal and provincial governments have developed programs that recognize and conserve the unique cultural attractions of Labrador. Programming at these sites reflects changes at cultural sites worldwide in which policies support the conservation of the site along with an “integrated presentation and explanation of the site through exhibit, demonstration and animation techniques” (Inskeep 1991 248). Hall and McArthur (1999) argue, in their review of heritage management strategies, that there is an increasing merger taking place of non-commercial and commercial sectors attempting to maintain local values and satisfy visitor interests. The challenge facing government policymakers in Labrador will be how the diversity of cultural attractions can be organized and integrated into a regional tourism strategy that can bring benefits to the remote areas and the local people. Promotion and marketing strategies in the TGA section of this paper will help to identify further the efforts of the public sector to integrate commercial and non-commercial adventure tourism enterprises.

The Evolution of a Labrador Tourism Plan

Edward Inskeep (1991, 16) argues that in an effort to optimize the benefits of tourism at a destination and prevent or mitigate any problems, there is a need for good planning and management of tourism. In Labrador, tourism is a relatively new activity where local policymakers and planners have had limited experience in promoting its development up until the decade of the 1980s. Prior to the 1980s, hunting and fishing excursions were the main focus for tourism development due largely to the airforce base at Happy Valley-Goose Bay. The airmen from NATO countries, who came to Labrador for training, helped to spur the development of small scale outfitting services resulting in the development of mobile and fixed camps as well as lodges (Miller Pitt 2000).

The first tourism plan for Labrador was completed in the region of Labrador West in the mid-1980s. At that time, Labrador West was in the best position to develop tourism due

60 to higher education and employment levels in the region, greater accessibility with the railway link from Sept-Iles, Quebec and a more diversified economy as a result of the mines. A downsizing in the mines spurred local policymakers to consider the development of other sectors of the economy, including tourism. As a result of the plan, a regional promotional program Destination Labrador was created to market the unique natural and cultural heritage of Labrador internationally (Miller Pitt 2000).

During the late 1980s, the Labrador Straits Historical Development Corporation commissioned Heritage Canada to complete a regional tourism plan based on the heritage resources along the southern coast from L’anse au Clair to Mary’s Harbour. With the downturn in the fishery in the region, local policymakers identified tourism as a new strategy for development. Historical discoveries of the Basque presence at Red Bay and the Maritime Archaic burial mound at Point Amour, and the presence of the tallest lighthouse in Atlantic Canada provided the region with a series of heritage attractions upon which a tourism industry could be organized (Miller Pitt 2000).

In the 1990s, with the closure of the fishery in the province, the Economic Renewal Commission was created by a joint federal/provincial initiative to help define new economic opportunities for residents. Through the efforts of the Commission, the first province wide plan focused on adventure tourism was completed in 1993. The plan was soon followed by a 17-volume product market match study in 1996 “to identify those niche markets and niche products which offer the best potential for the province in the national and international markets” (Economic Planning Group of Canada 1996). The product market match study has helped public and private organizations to target markets, and organize sightseeing and touring opportunities for visitors. According to Miller Pitt (2000), the study has helped to position the province as an “adventure tourism destination where heritage provides a bit of added ‘color.’”

Since the product market match study, the provincial government has completed a number of initiatives to take the theories and strategies identified in the product market match study and put them into practice. Workshops with regional tourism associations are helping to define development strategies for individual regions of the province. A series of reports, Investment with Impact: A Tourism Plan for Newfoundland and Labrador (1997) and Destination of Choice: A Strategy and Guidelines for Tourism Investment in Newfoundland and Labrador (1997) are helping to provide a direction for planning that acknowledges natural and cultural resources, the identified markets, and local human resources (Miller Pitt 2000). As tourism has become a priority across the province in the last decade, regional tourism development boards have been organized. At the present time, provincial planners are working with five local boards in Labrador to help draft tourism plans, implement strategies for product development, and monitor progress (Miller Pitt 2000). Summary reports address core attractions, access, accommodations and amenities, product development, marketing, and human resources issues (See Table 1).

Over the last two decades tourism planning in Labrador has evolved from a small-scale local development strategy responsive to hunting and fishing concerns, to tourism development on a regional scale. In the last five years, a series of provincial reports and

61 Chart 1: Zonal board summary reports for tourism in Labrador

62 studies have helped to assist Labradorians in coming together to develop a coordinated adventure tourism strategy for the region. The increasing interest by the federal and provincial governments in protecting natural and cultural attractions in Labrador over the last decade is helping to identify more clearly the adventure tourism products available to visitors and the markets that local residents need to cater to in order to generate revenues. However, as the next section will illustrate, government efforts are at present more broadly focused on improving access to the region.

Transport Function

Johnston (1995 32) points out that “access plays a key role in the development of tourism in the northern circumpolar world” by providing a route for travelers and also encouraging the establishment of associated services to particular destinations. Transit routes also provide the important link between the destination and the generating region (Lundgren 1995). In Labrador, access and transportation services have been identified as serious constraints to tourism development in the region at the beginning of the 21st century (Economic Planning Group of Canada 1996). The next section will trace the historical development of transport routes in Labrador.

In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, a network of water-based transportation systems provided the first access to the region (See Figure 4). Government run steamers from the island of Newfoundland, originating in Port-aux-Basques or St. John’s, provided trans- port for adventurers to Labrador in the late 19th century (Prowse 1905). These steamers would travel the Newfoundland coast north and meet at Battle Harbour. Once in Battle Harbour, the steamer from St. John’s would continue north to Nain, visiting both Hamil- ton Inlet and Sandwich Bay. Visitors interested in exploring rivers of the interior had an option at Hamilton Inlet of connecting to a mail boat servicing North West River and Grand River. These steamers were mainly cargo ships that provided a limited number of rooms for travelers. The Hudson Bay Company supply ship S.S. Nascopie, servicing the outposts of Labrador, also provided another option for visitors interested visiting the region on a cargo vessel (Lundgren 1995).

In the 1920s, steamers from Quebec City and Montreal, owned by the Clark Steamship Lines, began providing “pleasure cruises” to the community of Forteau, Labrador in the Strait of Belle Isle (Franck 1980). The Clarke daybook (1978) reported

These cruises brought thousands of tourists to this region for the first time. Labrador, the unknown country, became more than just a syno- nym for polar regions. The new cruises did much to make the people aware of the work of the Grenfell Medical Missions in the North Coun- try and aided that enterprise in many ways, focusing attention on a region which proved to be so rich in natural resources

At the beginning of the 21st century, steamships continue to provide transportation services to visitors interested in visiting the isolated outports of the Labrador coast

63 Figure 4: Early transport routes of Labrador

64 Figure 5: 21st century transport routes of Labrador

65 (See Figure 5) (Porter 1988). The Northern Ranger, makes a roundtrip from St. Anthony to Nain, Labrador, every 12 days in the summer, stopping at 48 ports of call (Marine Atlantic 1994). An adventure tour, Cruising Labrador, is offered to visitors who want to experience life on a “working coastal passenger freighter”(Government of Newfoundland and Labrador 2000a). Two other passenger and car ferries service cen- tral and southern Labrador. The Sir Robert Bond, travels from Lewisporte, Newfoundland to Happy Valley-Goose Bay from June to September twice weekly. The Apollo services the Labrador Straits, from St. Barbe, Newfoundland from May to December daily (Government of Newfoundland and Labrador 2000a). Statistics from the 1995 provincial exit survey indicate that approximately 9,400 visitors arrived in Labrador on these ferry services (Department of Tourism, Culture and Recreation 1995).

In the last sixty years water-based transportation has been supplemented with land and air based services. In 1954 the 566 kilometer Quebec North Shore and Labrador Railway was completed linking Sept-Iles, Quebec to Labrador City/Wabush, Labrador (Warkentin 1997). Similar to the ferry services, the primary purpose of the rail line was to transport cargo, in this case iron ore. However, passenger services were and still are available. In 1995 approximately 200 visitors to Labrador traveled by train from Sept-Iles, Quebec to western Labrador (Department of Tourism, Culture and Recreation 1995).

Air services to Labrador were available in the 1930s. However demand was minimal due to weather and expense. In the 1970s jet propulsion decreased travel time but the costs of flights still remained high (Lundgren 1995, Johnston 1995). Today Wabush and Happy Valley-Goose Bay serve as the gateway airports to the region with smaller airs- trips being found in 14 communities including Nain, Rigolet, Makkovik, Cartwright, and Mary’s Harbour. Roundtrip tickets to small community destinations such as Nain require a stop in Wabush or Happy Valley-Goose Bay and an overnight before connecting the next day. Tickets alone for these trips can cost, on average, $1,000 per person from Halifax or Montreal for an economy fare one week in advance (Air Canada 2000). In 1995, the Department of Tourism, Culture and Recreation (1995) reported approximately 10,000 visitors to Labrador between May and October. Package trips for hunting and fishing are often organized with chartered planes that service the region (Marshall, Macklin, Monaghan Ltd 1989).

In the Canadian North, tourism development is largely concentrated around roads and highways that act as tourist corridors (Johnston 1995 33). These roads are funded through joint federal/provincial agreements. The road network in Labrador was initiated in the 1970s with the construction of the Freedom Road in Central Labrador linking Churchill Falls and Goose Bay. In 1992, the road was extended to connect Happy Valley-Goose Bay with Churchill Falls, Labrador City/Wabush, and Baie Comeau, Quebec. The completion of the road through Quebec served to link central Labrador with the North American road network (Warkentin 1997). In 1995 approxmately 1,500 visitors to Labrador entered by Trans Labrador Highway (Department of Tourism, Culture and Recreation 1995). In southern Labrador an 84 kilometer road from Blanc Sablon, Quebec to Red Bay, Labrador was completed over the last two decades.

In 1999, the Government of Newfoundland and Labrador announced the Labrador Transportation Initiative, a federal, provincial funded project of $340 million (Rich 2000).

66 The initiative is a three phase project that will upgrade the Trans Labrador Highway from Wabush to Happy Valley-Goose Bay providing year round access to the rest of Canada (Rich 2000, Roberts 1999). Phase Two of the project, to be completed in 2004, will be a 355 kilometer highway linking Red Bay to Cartwright with a 30 kilometer spur to Charlottetown. The road will connect many communities in Labrador South to the Labrador Straits and is expected to lure adventure tourists (Rich 2000). Phase Three of the project is a proposed link of the road from Red Bay to Happy Valley-Goose Bay that would effectively provide a road circuit through Labrador that would open up the region to tourism, trade and vehicular access (Rich 2000 26). The premier Brian Tobin praised the initiative as “a symbol of freedom and mobility that will open the ‘Big Land’ to the world” (Roberts 1999 3). Funding for Phase Three of the project has not yet been secured but a feasibility study is underway to evaluate the impacts of the road on the local economy.

As part of the feasibility study, the provincial government hired The Tourism Company in 1997 to conduct a series of case studies of roadways around the world that have become tourist destinations in their own right (Tourism Company 1998). The purpose of the study was to help define the tourism potential and economic impacts of the Proposed Trans Labrador Highway. In addition, the study was meant to also influence the alignment of the road to maximize the tourism potential of the Labrador South region by integrating the five major components of destination roadways – attractions, support facilities and services, access system, benefits that match the needs of a tourist market, and the price for the mix of services and facilities (Tourism Company 1998).

Conclusions from the study argue that Labrador has the necessary resources to be develop a destination roadway due to its spectacular scenery, cultural heritage resources, potential year round nature, culture, adventure tourism products and community services. One case study that is considered as a model for road development is the RV 17 Coastal Route in Norway due to its similar geography and initial dependence on ferry services along the Norwegian coast (Tourism Company 1998).

Provincial tourism planners argued that if the Trans-Labrador Highway was routed properly it could become a destination in and of itself similar to the case study of Norway. Unfortunately, the final route determined by the engineers is not optimizing the full tourism potential of the route. Even so, the completion of the highway is critical to improving the accessibility of the region to visitors (Miller Pitt 2000).

At the beginning of the 21st century, the transport routes to Labrador include a mix of air, land, and water based services. The federal and provincial governments have played a critical role in developing the transport infrastructure in the region since the late 19th century. Initially, a network of steamship services provided passenger and cargo services in coastal waters. In the mid-20th century air and rail services were constructed. In the last 30 years, a road network has developed, linking central and southern Labrador to the North American road system.

The diversification of transport services has helped to support a tourism industry of approximately 20,000 visitors annually (Department of Tourism, Culture and Recreation

67 1995) Approximately 50% of these passengers travel by road to the region reinforcing the fact that roads play a critical role as tourist corridors in the North (Johnston 1995).

Government policymakers are hoping to maximize the economic and social benefits of increasing accessibility to the region but are well aware of the dangers. As Janet Miller- Pitt, head of Strategic Planning for the Provincial Department of Tourism, Culture and Recreation cautions, “ The road will bring enormous economic potential and great danger. The goal will be to raise awareness to protect the natural and cultural resources and discourage inappropriate development” (Miller Pitt 2000). As one local resident commented recently, the highway “has taken a long time to come let me assure you there is much optimism and many fears regarding this development” (Jefferies 1999).

The Generating Regions –Analyzing Tourist Demand

Tourism has become a new priority for economic development in Newfoundland and Labrador. This is largely due to the fact that adventure travel is one of the fastest growing markets in Canada, expanding ten to fifteen percent annually over the past five years (CTC 2000a 3). Even though the province has a wealth of natural and cultural resources that have the potential to appeal to international markets, many tourism products in the province are not being marketed to maximize their potential. In fact, limited resources are preventing the province from being able to compete with other comparable adventure tourism destinations (Economic Planning Group of Canada 1996).

Traditionally, analyzing tourist demand is based on a review of market studies and planning strategies that promote and market destinations (Gunn 1994). The purpose of this section is to identify the “generating regions” for the Labrador adventure tourism market in a context of recent market studies and then to outline the planning strategies that have been and are being used to market Labrador as a destination for adventure.

The Labrador Adventure Tourism Market

In 1995, the Provincial Government of Newfoundland and Labrador administered an auto/train departure survey to identify the socio-demographic characteristics of visitors, their motivations for choosing the province as a destination, and the activities they engaged in while touring the province. Regional profiles of visitors were compiled based on points of entry to Labrador. Data was collected in the Labrador Straits and Western and Central Labrador.

The results of the survey reveal that there were 11,105 visitors to Labrador by train and car in 1995. In addition, the survey estimates that 10,000 visitors arrived in Labrador by air during the time period of the survey (Department of Tourism, Culture and Recreation 1995). Labrador therefore welcomes approximately 21,000 visitors annually. These statistics are comparable to visitor numbers in Svalbard (29,000) and Arctic Alaska (25,000) but are low when compared to Iceland (129,000), the Yukon (177,220), and

68 northern Scandinavia (500,000). The visitor numbers reflect the “great variation within the region” which is largely a result of the greater accessibility of certain regions due to the presence of roads (Johnston 1995 31). Labrador’s road network has, thus far, limited access. However, the Labrador Transportation Initiative is likely to increase visitation if other accessible northern destinations are any indicator.

In summarizing the socio-demographic characteristics, motivations, and activity profi- les of visitors, it was found that the majority of visitors to Labrador were from North America, specifically Ontario, Quebec, the island of Newfoundland and the east coast of the United States. The majority of travelers are over 50, with annual household incomes over $60,000. They are first time visitors who request travel information well in advance of their trip. They travel in groups with the majority of visitors engaging in sightseeing, dining out, and visiting craft shops. The majority of visitors were also satisfied with their visit and would recommend Labrador as a destination to their friends (Department of Tourism, Culture and Recreation 1995). The results of the survey indicate the increasing popularity of Labrador not only as a destination for hunting and fishing but also for non-consumptive adventure activities, reflecting similar trends at other destinations in the Canadian North (Milne and coll. 1995).

Government Planning Strategies for Promotion and Marketing

The federal and provincial government have instituted a number of planning strategies to help expand and strengthen the promotion and marketing of adventure tourism.

At the federal level, the Canadian Tourism Commission has undertaken several initiatives to assist in the development of the adventure travel sector. An extensive study assessing the products, markets and the business potential of the industry was completed in 1995. In 1997, an analysis of the sector’s strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats, along with an action plan for development was completed. Implementation workshops throughout the country in 1997 brought together industry representatives to discuss key issues and strategies to improve competitiveness, leading to 32 recommendations to develop adventure travel in Canada (Economic Planning Group of Canada 1999).

In January 1999, the Economic Planning Group of Canada was commissioned by the CTC to facilitate the Adventure Travel and Ecotourism Best Practices Tour to provide small business operators with an opportunity to “experience first-hand the practices of successful similar businesses, and to transfer these experiences to their own businesses” (Economic Planning Group of Canada 1999). A number of tour operators providing adventure travel tours in Labrador participated in the survey. The outcome of the tour was the publication of two “best-practices” manuals for adventure tourism operators across Canada addressing issues concerning: • Administration • Operations • Product Development • Human Resources • Marketing Strategies

69 • Market Research • Packaging • Working with Suppliers • Customer Service • Interpretation • Environmental Practices • Other Insights

These manuals have been distributed to 2,000 adventure tourism operators across Canada. Andre Villemaire, a product specialist with the CTC, argues that the efforts undertaken by the CTC in recent years to assist the industry are “paving the way for success as a sustainable sector in Canada” (CTC 2000a 5).

At the federal level the Business Development Bank of Canada and the CTC have also established the Tourism Investment Fund to allow operators with proven earnings or a potential for future growth to apply for loans of up to $10 million to assist in the expansion and renovation of tourism businesses (CTC 2000b 17). A monthly newslet- ter, Communique, published by the CTC, also provides information on industry development and research for the tourism sector.

Provincially, the Government of Newfoundland and Labrador, since the early 1990s, have been promoting and marketing Labrador as a destination for adventure. Destina- tion Labrador, a federal/provincial and private initiative, was started in 1991 and lasted for approximately 8 years. The goal of the campaign was to create an image and awareness of Labrador as a unique destination in eastern Canada. A private adverti- sing company was commissioned to develop promotional brochures and videos to highlight the unique features of the five sub-regions in Labrador. The targeted market for the campaign was Europe and the strategy was to create enough of an international interest so that as visitor numbers grew, infrastructure development would then follow (Crotty 2000). A broad-based strategy for promotion was adopted to “convince travel wholesalers, tour companies, travel media, cruise lines and a host of others to promote Labrador to adventure travelers” (Destination Labrador 1993 1). “Awaken your heart and soul” was the theme for the promotional campaign that highlighted not only the natural attractions of the region but also the history and culture. In 1993, the Adventure Tourism Strategy for Newfoundland and Labrador was released through funding from the federal/provincial Economic Recovery Commission in an attempt to capitalize on the rapid international growth rates in the adventure tourism industry. At the time, adventure tourism in the province included both consumptive (hunting, fishing) and non-consumptive activities (wildlife viewing, sea kayaking) (De- partment of Tourism, Culture and Recreation 1994).

In 1996, the province commissioned the Economic Planning Group of Canada (1996 1) to complete a study to “identify the niche markets and niche products which offer the best potential for the province in the national and international markets” advocating the need for two complementary programs aimed at promoting adventure tourism. Only non-consumptive activities were critiqued as part of the study. The first program is aimed at improving the destination awareness of the traditional touring market, based

70 on natural and cultural attractions in the province. As a result, the promotion and marketing of Labrador’s traditional touring product is now integrated in to an overall provincial strategy that targets largely domestic and North American markets through a promotional campaign which includes an annual travel guide for visitors. The guide highlights scenic tours; attractions and activities; shops, studios and galleries; and accommodations. The Labrador section offers four scenic trails – the Viking Trail, the Ptarmigan Trail, Iceberg Alley, and the Frontier Circuit. These trails help identify desti- nation attractions for visitors that assist them in organizing travel itineraries (Government of Newfoundland and Labrador 2000a).

The second program is aimed at targeting specific niche markets for future development that focus on cultural and heritage tourism, nature tourism, hiking, scuba diving, canoeing and sea kayaking, fishing, and winter tourism (Economic Planning Group of Canada 1996). One of the nature programs, entitled “Whales, ‘bergs,’ and birds” is sponsored by the provincial wildlife division, and identifies sites and activities across the province, using a colourful map, where visitors can participate in salt water adventures that focus on wildlife viewing (CTC May 2000c 9).

Another important development has been the adventure tours offered as part of the growing cruiseship industry. Historically, cruises to Labrador offered travelers to participate in a “small Arctic expedition” (Prowse 1905 114). At the end of the 20th century the cruiseship industry is offering cruises to “a mystical and intriguing land” (Cruiseship Authority of Newfoundland and Labrador 2000). Between 1991 and 1999 the market has grown by 115% in Atlantic Canada generating more than $300 million dollars (CTC 2000b 11). In 1999, Labrador communities welcoming cruiseships included North West River, Happy Valley-Goose Bay, Cartwright, Red Bay, Rigolet, Cape Harri- son, Hebron, Nain, and Point Amour. The number of cruiseships in St. John’s, one of the main gateways ports for visiting Labrador increased by 160% from 1998 to 1999 (Cruiseship Authority of Newfoundland and Labrador 1999). The Atlantic Canada Cruiseship Authority advertises Newfoundland and Labrador as being

ideally situated to take advantage of the two largest cruise industry markets in the world—North America and Europe. A place where passengers can experience a safe and relaxed lifestyle, while enjoying a clean, naturally invigorating climate discover history discover culture discover nature discover yourself (Cruiseship Authority of Newfoundland and Labrador 2000).

One cruiseship product proposal being considered is linked to the one of the greatest maritime disasters, the sinking of the Titanic in 1912 (Miller Pitt 2000). As the number of cruiseships increase in Labrador, the question becomes; at what point does the adventure tourism industry become a mass tourism experience?

In general, the Labrador adventure tourism market is comparable to data collected by other researchers investigating adventure tourism. These travelers are attracted to areas of natural beauty and uniqueness and are interested in education, environmental conservation and outdoor recreation. They are attracted to “wild” places that welcome

71 relatively small numbers of tourism with little development. Demographically, adventure travelers travel in small groups or alone and are between the ages of 35 to 50, with high disposable incomes, and a high level of education. They are willing to pay a high price for a quality experience. An increasing number of families and seniors comprise this travel market (Economic Planning Group of Canada 1996).

Planning strategies aimed at attracting adventure tourists to Labrador have evolved overtime. Regional tourism plans have been replaced by federal and provincial programs that are attempting to integrate commercial and non-commercial activities into adventure products that are competitive in the global market, promote best practices and are coordinated at the federal, provincial, regional and local levels. The challenges for policymakers in Labrador are how to effectively market Labrador on a limited budget and provide a quality experience while preserving the unique environment that attracts adventure tourists to the region.

Conclusions

At the beginning of the 21st century, Labrador has been recognized as one of the premier destinations for adventure travel in the world (Economic Planning Group of Canada 1996). The goal of government policymakers is to attempt to capture a corner of the adventure tourism market, one of the fastest growing sectors of the tourism industry in Canada. In an attempt to position the region as a leader in providing a high quality product, the federal and provincial governments have initiated a number of strategies to develop destination attractions, improve accessibility, and promote and market the region.

Over the last three decades, natural and cultural sites in the region have been preserved through government programs that safeguard the distinctive natural and cultural character of the Big Land. At federal and provincial sites, interpretation opportunities are being diversified to enhance the visitation experience. In general, federal efforts are presently concentrating on the establishment of a number of national parks. Provincial efforts are focused on the establishment of a comprehensive tourism planning process that will integrate policies for development with local needs. Mineral claims, land claims, transport infrastructure, and forestry and hydro-mega development projects are hurdles to development that threaten to derail conservation efforts aimed at providing a quality environment for product development.

Traditionally, steamship services provided the only means for exploring Labrador. In the last century, air, land and water-based services have been developed to diversify travel opportunities. Even though steamship services remain a popular form of travel, the Labrador Transportation Initiative is rapidly changing the ‘tourist corridors’ from water-based to land-based routes. Joint federal/provincial government funding is provi- ding capital to construct a road that will eventually link the Labrador Straits, Labrador South and Central and Western Labrador ending a lifetime of isolation for many local residents. Provincial planners are lobbying to consider the possibility of building the

72 road as a destination roadway to take advantage of the spectacular scenery and historic fishing villages. Local concerns about the negative impacts of the road are echoed by provincial planners who are arguing for the need for controlled, planned development along the route.

Market studies of visitors to Labrador indicate that the region annually attracts approximately 21,000 visitors largely from the North American market. Visitors tend to be older, with high disposable incomes and advanced degrees. Traditional hunting and fishing segments of the market remain strong while the number of visitors interested in non-consumptive activities is increasing rapidly.

Federal and provincial promotion and marketing strategies are geared to increasing the number of adventure tourists interested in hard and soft activities. At the federal level, a study of exemplary practices in the adventure tourism industry is providing local operators with guidelines and information on how to build a successful adventure tourism package that integrates commercial and non-commercial sectors to satisfy visitor interests. At the provincial level, a program to target niche markets for future development is now supplementing the marketing of the traditional touring product for the province. The small Arctic expeditions that were offered to travelers at the beginning of the 20th century are now being replaced by cruiseship services that promise a visit to the mystical and intriguing land that is Newfoundland and Labrador.

Government programs have been and continue to be instrumental in providing capital investment and technical assistance to guide adventure tourism development in Labra- dor. One of the greatest challenges for Labradorians over the next few decades will be how to control the negative impacts of development as improved accessibility “opens up the Big Land to the World.” As one local economic development officer recently commented, “We have to direct the economic and social development of our communities in a way that is positive that will have lasting benefits for the future”(Jeffries 2000). The sustainability of the adventure tourism industry in Labrador will ultimately depend upon the adoption of government policies that integrate the needs of local residents while preserving the region’s rich natural and cultural resources. Only then will the land of boundless beauty and unique history continue to unlock the spirit of adventure for future generations, as it has done for centuries.

73 References

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75 Valley-Goose Bay, Labrador. November 19-21, 1999. St. John’s, Newfoundland: Memorial University of Newfoundland. Pp. 79-81. Johnston, M. 1995. “Patterns and Issues and Arctic and Sub-Arctic Tourism.” C.M. Hall and M. Johnston (eds) Polar Tourism: Tourism in the Arctic and Antarctic Regions. Toronto, Ontario: John Wiley and Sons. 27-42. Kurlansky, M. 1997. Cod: A Biography of the Fish that Changed the World. Toronto, Ontario: Walker and Company. Lundgren, J. 1995. “The Tourism Space Penetration Processes in Northern Canada and Scandanavia: a Comparison.” C.M. Hall and M. Johnston (eds) Polar Tourism: Tourism in the Arctic and Antarctic Regions. Toronto, Ontario: John Wiley and Sons. 43-61. Mak, A. 1984. “The Montagnais on the Lower North Shore: Past and Present.” In The Lower North Shore. Quebec City, Quebec: Minister of Cultural Affairs. P. 86-99. Marine Atlantic. 1994. Labrador Coastal Service. Port-aux-Basques, Newfoundland and Labrador. Marshall, Macklin, Monaghan Ltd. 1989. Central Labrador Regional Tourism Plan. Marshall Macklin Monaghan Limited. Toronto, Ontario: Omnifacts Research Limited. McNamee, K. 1993. “From Wild Places to Endangered Spaces: A History of Canada’s National Parks.” P. Dearden and R. Rollins (eds) Parks and Protected Areas in Canada: Planning and Management. Toronto, Ontario: Oxford University Press. 17-44. Miller-Pitt, J. 2000. Personal Communication. Government of Newfoundland and Labrador. Director of Strategic Planning. Department of Tourism, Culture and Recreation. Personal Interview. July 7, 2000. Milne, S., S. Ward, and G. Wenzel. 1995. “Linking Tourism and Art in Canada’s Eastern Arctic: the Case of Cape Dorset.” Polar Record. 3 (176) 25-36. Nature Trek Canada. 2000. Wilderness Expeditions Labrador. http:// www.naturetrek.ca/ New Parks North. 1999. Labrador. http://www.newparksnorth.org/labrador.htm Parks Canada. 2000. National Parks: Introduction. http://www.parcscanada.gc.ca/ np/english/nptxt_e.htm Peacock, F.W. 1986. Reflections from a Snowhouse. St. John’s, Newfoundland: Jesperson Press. Pomeroy, B. 1999. “Labrador Inuit Land Claims.” The Labradorian. November 1st, 5. Porter, H. 1988. “By coastal boat to Labrador,” Newfoundland Lifestyle. 6 (5) 16-17. Powell, B.W. 1979. Labrador by Choice. Toronto, Ontario: Testimony Press. Pouliot, T.C. 1934. La Grande Aventure de Jacques Cartier. Glanures Gaspesiennes, Quebec. 328pp. Protected Areas Association of Newfoundland and Labrador. 1999. Torngat Moun- tains. http://www.nfld.net/paa/torngat.htm. Protected Areas Association of Newfoundland and Labrador. 2000a. Mealy Moun- tains. http://www.nfld.net/paa/mealy.htm Protected Areas Association of Newfoundland and Labrador. 2000b. Lac Joseph- Atikonak Wilderness Area. http://www.nfld.net/paa /lacjoe.htm

76 Protected Areas Association of Newfoundland and Labrador. 2000c. What is the PAA?. http://www.nfld.net/paa/paa.htm Proulx, J-P. 1993. Basque Whaling in Labrador in the 16th Century. Ottawa, Ontario: Environment Canada, Parks Service. Prowse, D. 1905. The Newfoundland Guide Book, Including Labrador and St. Pierre. London Bradbury, Agnew. Rich, L. 2000. “New Highway and a Network of Logging Roads Will Open Up Southern Labrador’s Natural Resources to Human Exploitation.” Atlantic Salmon Journal. (Summer). Volume 49 (2), 25-27. Roberts, T. 1999. “Work Starting on Red Bay Road to Cartwright this Summer: Premier Says it will Open up the Big Land to the World,” The Northern Pen. St. An- thony. May 3 Section A. p. 3. Rowe, F.W. 1980. A History of Newfoundland and Labrador. Toronto, Ontario: McGraw- Hill Ryerson. Sugden, D.E. 1989. “The Polar Environment: Illusion and Reality.” Ambio. 18(1): 2- 5. Tourism Company. 1998. Trans Labrador Highway Case Studies. Toronto, Ontario. Tuck, J. 1976. Newfoundland and Labrador Prehistory. National Geographic. Ottawa, National Museum of Man/National Museums of Canada. Wallace, D. 1983. The Lure of the Labrador Wild. St. John’s, Newfoundland: Breakwater Books. Warkentin, J. 1997. Canada: A Regional Geography. Scarborough, Ontario: Prentice Hall Canada. Wells, C. 2000. “Progress continues to establish national parks in Labrador.” The Labradorian. January 24th, 4. Whalen, D.J. 1990. Just One Interloper After Another: the Unabridged, Unofficial, Unauthorized History of the Labrador Straits. Forteau, Labrador: Labrador Straits Historical Development Association. Wheeler, D. J. 1998. The Vikings in Newfoundland. Newfoundland and Labrador Tour- ism. http://www.wordplay.com/ WWF. 1998. Endangered Spaces Progress Report on Canada’s Wild Lands: Newfoundland and Labrador. Toronto, Ontario: WWF Canada. Yates, J. 1997. A Guide to Battle Harbour, Battle Harbour, Labrador: Battle Harbour Historic Trust.

77 78 The Manitoba-Hudson Bay Northern Tourism Corridor

John Selwood & Stephanie Heidenreich Department of Geography, University of Winnipeg

Introduction

Tourism in Canada´s North is certainly not a new phenomenon. Indeed, one might consider the early explorers themselves to have a certain kinship with modern-day tourists, sharing their desire to venture into the unknown, to drive back frontiers of knowledge and experience. Of course, Franklin and his cohorts were travelling into uncharted areas that were literally unknown to their European contemporaries, while for modern “explorers” it is merely a matter of venturing into the personal unknown, and pushing back their own individual frontiers. And, although the development of infrastructure in what we shall refer to as the ”central” arctic, namely the Manitoba- Kivalliq corridor, is in a fledgling state, many of the basic amenities are in place, though most were not built with the leisure traveller in mind.

Tourism has only recently come to be considered a northern industry in its own right, on par with resource extraction which is the region’s traditional economic base. Now, however, its contribution to the economy is significant enough, and its potential for expansion is seen as promising enough, to warrant investment to aid its development. With the depletion of ore deposits around established communities, the decline of the military presence, the recession of the 1980s and new environmental concerns, tourism is seen by many as a viable alternative to diversify and enhance local economies in the North. Greater government commitment to addressing unemployment in northern communities, particularly on Native reserves where figures as high as 80-90 per cent are not unheard of, has also made a difference in this respect (Kienetz, 1996). At the same time, there is a recognition on every level that if tourism is to expand, it will no longer suffice for visitors to ”piggy-back” on the rudimentary infrastructure put into place to service resource towns. Everything from transportation to accommodation and inter- pretation of sites will have to be upgraded. No doubt, this ”rumbling of activity” will translate into increased visitor numbers and a growing appreciation of what the central arctic region has to offer.

79 Overview

Geographically, the northern part of the province of Manitoba and the Kivalliq district of Nunavut have many characteristics in common, and therefore face some of the same challenges in positioning themselves in the tourism industry. Approximately three- quarters of Manitoba’s area is generally considered to be part of Canada’s ”North”, according to the index of nordicity developed by Louis Hamelin. That is, the area boasts the same vastness, pristine wilderness, emptiness and spiritual nature. As Hamelin insists, ”it is more than an area, it is a passion” (Hamelin, 1978, p.9). North of latitude 53 degrees, which Manitobans have traditionally regarded as ”the North”, the landscape is dominated by the heavily glaciated Precambrian shield, spotted with lakes and covered by coniferous forests. In the province´s far North, these give way to the tundra that extends over Kivalliq. Neither the forests nor the tundra support large populations. A mere eight per cent of the Manitoba’s population lives in the northern part of the province and these are concentrated in the larger resource towns of The Pas, Flin Flon, Lynn Lake, Thompson, Gillam, and the seaport of Churchill, on Hudson Bay, the area’s largest single tourist destination. Outside of these towns, the population is predominantly Aboriginal and most other settlements are on Native reserves, many of which are accessible only by air or by winter roads (Kienetz, 1996).

Nunavut shares a similar situation, with circa 25,000 inhabitants spread over nearly 2,000,000 square kilometres, an area roughly three times that of France (figure 1). Iqaluit, the territorial capital, is located on Baffin Island and has some 4,200 residents, while Rankin Inlet, the regional capital and transportation hub of the Kivalliq region, has just over 2,000 inhabitants. Rankin was in fact a strong contender in the bid for the new territory’s capital. However, perhaps because of the proximity of Churchill, which effectively serves as a regional centre for Kivalliq as well (70 per cent of its hospital patients are from Nunavut), it lost the bid.

The great distances, poor transportation links and small population combined are serious impediments to economic development in the region. Long dependent on natural resource extraction, many communities are left in limbo as these activities become less viable. A shift is in progress, whereby tourists, whose options were once limited to frequenting private fishing or hunting lodges or making do with amenities put in place for other purposes, are being actively sought out and accommodated by northern communities. Unfortunately, comprehensive data on tourist movements are not available on a regional basis and it is therefore not possible to identify with precision how many visitors tour the region, or how valuable tourism is to the North. However, it is safe to say that the numbers are relatively small and that the region is largely undeveloped. Certainly, from a touristic perspective, the area meets all the criteria of a peripheral region (Brown and Hall, 1999).

The region which falls within the central corridor, extending from Winnipeg, Manitoba to the northern community of Pelly Bay in Nunavut, is an area that may be considered doubly peripheral. Reaching deep into the continent’s inaccessible and sparsely populated northern fringe, it is also “anchored” in the central plains region of North

80 America, which although much more populous and economically significant, is nevertheless marginal in terms of tourist appeal. The central portion of the northern periphery, then, is at a disadvantage when compared to its western and eastern counterparts, which may be reached via such major gateways as Vancouver, Montreal and Ottawa, all significant tourist destinations in their own right. Winnipeg, Manitoba’s capital city, is, in contrast, a moderately-sized city with relatively low prestige in the minds of international, or even national, travellers. Set on the edge of the prairies with no other major centres of population within a 1,000 kilometres, Winnipeg’s ability to tap into major markets and funnel visitors northward is limited at best. Other than Winnipeg, the region’s prime touristic asset is Churchill, a distinctive town set on the shores of Hudson Bay. Accessible by sea, air and rail, Churchill boasts an unusual number of quality attractions and has managed to position itself as the “Polar Bear Capital of the World” and as the ideal spot from which to observe the northern lights. The town’s promotional efforts have met with a large degree of success, and visitors are sufficiently intrigued by the destination to make a very long trip to experience it.

According to a 1995 (Mackay et al) survey of tourists entering Manitoba, the great majority remained in the southern part of the province. Only five per cent penetrated into the North at all, while only two per cent reached the far northern districts. As with the rest of the province, equal numbers of the northern tourists gave visiting friends and relatives, or a vacation as their principal reason for doing so (Mackay et al, 1995a). However, a special survey of visitors to Churchill, done in conjunction with the wider study, indicated a number of significant differences between the two groups. Whereas visitors to the various parts of Manitoba came for a wide variety of reasons, the Churchill visitors were much more bent on holiday making. In particular, they came to see the polar bears, view other wildlife, and to learn about the culture and history of the area (Mackay et al, 1995b). The Churchill visitors were also older, more educated, more affluent, travelled in smaller parties, and were primarily international, rather than Canadian in origin. Churchill, then, is atypical in that it is a primary destination whereas Manitoba in general is more likely to be a secondary destination.

Figure 1.

81 It becomes evident that an appreciation of the current situation and future prospects for tourism in the region must take into account the area’s relative accessibility and its power to attract visitors. It is also clear that the physical isolation of the region is one of its main attractions, making it a good example of the “paradoxes of peripherality” discussed by Brown and Hall (1999), wherein the very remoteness and unique attributes of the area become the basis for building the tourism industry. The remainder of the paper will deal with the development and present status of the transportation system giving access to the region, and with what there is to attract visitors into the north- central portion of the continent. Because of their geographical distribution, these attractions are dealt with on a regional basis. Finally, there will be some consideration given to new initiatives and the region’s prospects for future tourism development.

Accessibility

Unlike in the other northern parts of the country, all conventional forms of transportation provide access into the central corridor to some extent. The Hudson Bay route opens up the area to ocean going vessels, even if only for a limited period of the year. The rivers have traditionally been important means of movement through the interior. Surprisingly, air transport was next on the scene and remains the only practical mode of travel over much of the north. A railway line to Hudson Bay is still the central spine of the transportation corridor, but roads are gradually penetrating further north as the system is extended.

Water travel

The earliest mode of access into the north was by sea. First the explorers arrived by ship, followed by the employees of the Hudson’s Bay Company who established themselves on the shores of Hudson Bay. Many of the company’s former trading posts are still the focus of settlement, and have come to be considered as tourist attractions within the region. Early adventurers and travellers availed themselves of the Hudson’s Bay Company’s hospitality and came to the North on the Company’s ships. This practice continued until relatively recently (Lundgren, 1995, p.43). The deep water port of Churchill, built at the terminus of the Hudson Bay railway, opened in 1931 (Sweet, 1996) and is now enjoying an upsurge in contemporary cruise ship arrivals. Although the port is ice free for only about three months of the year, Churchill has become the destination for several cruise ships and an important intermodal point on a northern travel loop.

In 1999, three cruise ships berthed at Churchill for a brief period. These were small but extremely luxurious vessels, catering to an elite adventure tourism market. The Akademic Ioffe registered in Kalingrad and sailing under its master, Valerie Beluga, was the first ship of the season to arrive at Churchill on July 24. Disembarking 114 passengers and embarking 112, the Akademic Ioffe, stayed two days at the port before leaving for its final destination of Iqaluit. It was followed by the Le Levant, a French ship which set

82 down 78 passengers and picked up 79. Its two-week cruise began at St-Pierre et Miquelon, calling at Cape Dorset and Rankin Inlet before terminating at Churchill. It then returned to St. Pierre to repeat the circuit with similar numbers of passengers. The final and largest vessel was the Radisson Seven Seas luxury ship Hanseatic, arriving in Churchill on 21 August with 150 passengers and departing with 124 on the same day. The last ship to clear the port before freeze-up was a cargo vessel that left on October 29. These vessels have been fitted with ice-strengthened hulls designed for sailing in arctic waters. Two other cruise lines with similar vessels have expressed interest in coming to Churchill during the summer of 2000. These ships cater to a wealthy, adventure niche market which is virtually self-sufficient. Visitors stay on-shore for only a few hours at best, thereby avoiding the rudimentary facilities that tend to characterize the region. However, many of them spend freely on souvenirs produced by the area’s craftspeople. Tourists leaving or joining the cruises at Churchill fly in, or use the railway in completing their itinerary (Hudson Bay Port Company, 2000: Hutchins, 2000).

Farther south, other water-based travel has been significant on the lake and river systems. In the pre-railway era, steamboats were once popular on Lake Winnipeg, heading to the northernmost sections of the lake. However, they lost their allure once railways determined the pattern of settlement (Welsted, 1996). Although there have been several more recent attempts to revive lake cruising, these have been short-lived. At the other extreme, wilderness white-water canoeing and rafting are enjoying a rapidly growing popularity, especially on the Bloodvein River in eastern Manitoba, where about 200 canoes a season brave the river. Tourists are flown in to various points along the river, taken down to the rivermouth settlement, then ferried across Lake Winnipeg to Matheson, before being returned to their base (Blair, 2000). Canoe “safaris” are also becoming popular, with a number of independent outfitters leading small groups of more hardy adventure tourists along stretches of the river system. Several of these specifically retrace the tortuous routes of the early fur traders or voyageurs (Welsted, 1996, p.268; Blair, 2000),

Air services

Largely because of the difficult terrain, northern air transportation has a history almost as long as the aeroplane itself. Airline linkages are very well developed in the region. In fact, the central corridor into the arctic was the first to be developed, with the earliest flights to the near north originating in Manitoba, because in the more prosperous east it was not considered worthwhile to penetrate a relatively insignificant hinterland (Lundgren, 1995).

In central Canada, the lure of the North, combined with the search for forestry, oil and mineral resources, led to important exploration flights taking place in the 1920s. The planned construction of the railway to Churchill was another factor in the development of air transport into the North. Bush pilots like “Pat” Reid, “Punch” Dickens and Colonel MacAlpine made dramatic reconnaissance flights from Winnipeg to the Hudson’s Bay Company’s outposts at Norway House, Churchill, Chesterfield Inlet, Baker Lake and beyond (Main, 1967, p.p. 65-75). The achievements of these early flyers, and the Lindburghs’ epic journey in their float plane the Sirius, not only helped map the region’s

83 resources, they also contributed to the romance of the North (Lindburgh, 1935). By the 1930s, air passenger travel had become firmly established, with Western Canadian Airlines (later becoming Canadian Airlines) servicing both sides of Hudson Bay, reaching Chesterfield Inlet and Baker Lake in the west, and comparable latitudes in the east (the northernmost tip of Quebec). Air service continued from then on, receiving a considerable boost during the “Cold War.” Churchill was a major beneficiary of the military build-up and it has maintained its strategic importance as a northern supply centre since then (Main, 1967). Although the military are no longer a highly visible presence in the higher latitudes, certain of their facilities continue to be maintained and still generate traffic into the area (Skonberg, 2000).

Given the low population density in the North, the area is well served by airways. All of Kivalliq’s settlements (figure 2) have airstrips and boast scheduled flights. The Manitoba Department of Highways and Transportation also owns and operates 22 staffed airports through the province’s northern region that are open for scheduled flights. These are in addition to Thompson and Churchill, The Pas, Lynn Lake, Leaf Rapids and Gillam which are either municipally or privately owned. All the province-owned airports are gravel strips, but the larger airports have paved runways. Scheduled flights connect virtually all settlements with any population of note, while private charter aircraft provide access to almost anywhere else of interest. As is the practice elsewhere in Canada, the airline network is built around a number of hubs, or basing points, with links between them and with spokes radiating out from the hubs (figure 2).

Winnipeg is of course the principal hub, the major gateway into the region from other parts of Canada and from international points of origin. Canada’s national airline, Air Canada, through its recent takeover of Canadian Air and regional partner Calm Air, is the primary link with the North. Its jet aircraft form the central spine of the system, joining Winnipeg with Thompson, the main hub for the central part of the province; with Churchill, the entry point into the Far North; and with Rankin Inlet, the principal airport serving Kivalliq, or central Nunavut. Apart from Iqaluit, Rankin is the only community in Nunavut boasting direct flights from the Canadian ecumene. Furthermore, it services Arviat and Baker Lake, Nunavut’s two most populous settlements after Iqaluit and Rankin Inlet itself. Rankin also has direct east-west flights linking it to Yellowknife and Iqaluit. This service is provided by First Air and Canadian Air, using Boeing 737s. Although Iqaluit registers significantly more flights, Rankin’s importance as a northern hub should not be underestimated.

Winnipeg also functions as a secondary hub for Canadian/Calm Air service to other important northern resource towns in the province. Thus there are direct or non-stop flights into The Pas, Flin Flon, Gillam, and to Cross Lake and Norway House which fly out of Winnipeg. At a third level, smaller, Aboriginal-owned airlines such as Ministic Air use Winnipeg as their base in providing service to the more southerly Native communities on the east side of Lake Winnipeg.

Thompson, the main administrative centre for northern Manitoba, is not surprisingly the major hub for that part of the province. Calm Air has been headquartered at Thompson since 1985, having grown from its humble beginnings in 1962 as Carl Morberg’s bush

84 Figure 2.

85 pilot operation to his fishing camp. Calm Air’s fleet now consists of larger Saab 340s, Hawker Siddley 748s, seating up to forty passengers, and a variety of smaller craft (Calm Air, 2000). The other regional airline operating out of Thompson is Skyward Aviation, another private airline also owned by a long-time resident of the region, Frank Behrendt. Skyward services all of the communities in the Middle North. Its fleet consists mainly of turbo-prop Cessna aircraft, with the largest plane having a capacity of nineteen passengers (Skyward Aviation, 2000). Skyward also provides service to the more southerly of Nunavut’s settlements, including Arviat, Whale Cove, Rankin Inlet, Chesterfield Inlet and Baker Lake.

The local Nunavut services use Rankin Inlet as their base. In addition to Skyward’s far northern operations, Kivalliq Air operates nine-seater, turbo-prop PC 12s down to Arviat and on a northern circuit that includes Repulse Bay, Pelly Bay, Taloyoak, Gjoa Haven, Baker Lake and back to Rankin. Before this route was initiated people visiting friends and relatives in these communities had to go overland by snowmobile or take a most circuitous and extremely expensive air route via Yellowknife. Kivalliq Air also flies an- other loop out of Rankin that includes Repulse Bay and Coral Harbour before heading south to Winnipeg via Churchill. This service is coordinated with First Air and Canadian’s Boeing 737 east-west flights linking Rankin Inlet with Yellowknife and Iqaluit, the North’s two other major administrative centres generating passenger volume (Skonberg, 2000).

Despite the extensive network of airlines, passenger volumes are still small and the services provided are limited in their capacity. In part, this is because airport facilities are not well developed, thereby constraining the size of aircraft that can be employed. Ironically, this situation is about to improve. Largely because of a disastrous crash at Little Grand Rapids in 1997, there is now a program to upgrade the northern airports (Manitoba Minister of Highways and Transportation, 1998). The program includes runway extensions, installation of running lights and equipment upgrading to permit full loads, larger aircraft, and the operation of air ambulance services. The longer runways of 3,500-4,000 feet will allow 10-15 passenger jets like the Cessna Citation to use these strips. Recently, the Government of Canada announced funding to support improvements at Berens River, Cross Lake, Gods Lake Narrows, Little Grand Rapids, and Island Lake airports (Winnipeg Free Press, 2000b).

Another factor of relevance is that air passenger services are generally secondary to the more lucrative market in freight. According to local operators, “people will have to go where the freight goes.” This has implications for the tourist trade in that the cheaper scheduled flights will tend to follow the demand for freight services. Because these tend to coincide with the established settlements in the North, which at any rate more readily provide other facilities sought after by the tourist, the one reinforces the other. For services elsewhere, there is a host of private charter services available, with almost 50 being listed by Travel Manitoba (2000b) on its website. Unfortunately, many of these services are not accounted for in the data gathered on passenger volumes and it is therefore not possible to produce a fully comprehensive picture of the system. The data also create a false impression of tourist volumes, because they do not discriminate between people returning to their place of residence, those arriving as tourists, and those who are merely stepping off the plane during a brief stop. They also include both

86 enplanings and deplanings, thereby greatly inflating the true numbers of visitors. However, the overall low figures are revealing.

It is evident that the low air traffic volumes recorded are the result of relatively low demand due to the small resident population, small numbers of tourists, and the high costs involved. A return excursion fare from Winnipeg to Rankin Inlet costs $835 Canadian and another $500 on from Rankin Inlet to Pelly Bay. Prices are even higher when travelling on shorter hops within the Far North with, for example, a return fare between Rankin Inlet and Pelly Bay costing $1080. Full fares are virtually double the excursion fare. Stand-by fares are significantly cheaper, but they are a gamble which may end up costing more if flights are full, or delayed by inclement weather. Higher volumes and greater competition make for relatively cheaper flights further south, but costs are still high (Kivalliq Air, 2000). Furthermore, the infrequency of flights on some routes, scheduling irregularities, and cancellations due to poor weather conditions create especial difficulties for independent travellers and tour organizers working within limited time frames and according to strict timetables. It is safe to infer that the majority of passenger traffic presently carried by the local system is generated by visiting friends and relatives, by administrators, and other business travellers. Sports tourists use scheduled air services in gaining access to hunting and fishing sites, but the great majority of these employ private charter services to fly-in lodges and campsites. The principal exception to this traffic would be Churchill-bound tourists, choosing to fly into the North rather than taking the slower train service.

Rail services

Modern tourism into the central North really began soon after the completion of the railway line to Churchill in 1929. By 1932 the railway had organized an annual summer trip designed to take nature lovers to Churchill. These early trips were principally for the benefit of bird watchers. It was not until much later, after the virtual loss of military operations and the growth of the local polar bear population that occurred in the 1960s, that tourism increased significantly (Haglund, 1993). By 1980 tourism had become Churchill’s major industry and the railway became the favoured means of getting there. The train trip continues to be popular with both Canadian and foreign tourists and is frequently incorporated into tour packages using cruise ships or flights into and out of Churchill. Via Rail, Canada’s national passenger rail system corporation, promotes the Churchill line as a tourist attraction, offering an extended eight-day rail package tour between Vancouver and Churchill, as well as the shorter Winnipeg-Churchill run. En route stops can be arranged at any point along the Churchill line, allowing independent adventure travellers to step off directly into the “real” wilderness. Via is now actively marketing its Churchill service to potential Japanese tourists through its website (VIA Rail, 2000). During the off-season, Winnipeg to Churchill fares can drop as low as $152 return, although they are much higher during the peak period and the trains are generally fully booked well in advance during that time. The Churchill line also provides passenger service for domestic travellers visiting the communities along its route, it being the only means of land transport available to many of them.

87 Roads to the North

Roads to the North in the central corridor are poorly developed once they leave the more heavily settled southern agricultural districts (figure 3). In eastern Manitoba, road access peters out at around latitude 51 degrees north, not even halfway up the length of Lake Winnipeg. Northern penetration is far superior on the other side of the lake. Two main highways service the western side of the province, giving access to the mining areas centred on The Pas, Flin Flon Lynn Lake and Thompson. From Thompson, a single highway heads northeast to Gillam, at the centre of Manitoba’s huge northern hydro-electric projects. But that is as far as the all-weather road extends, still about 250 kilometres south of Churchill, and well short of the Nunavut border. Churchill itself has a local road system, but vehicles have to be shipped in by rail. Except around settlements, there are no roads at all in the Kivalliq region of Nunavut. Overland travel there is mostly by snowmobile and concentrated during the winter months.

Manitoba’s Department of Highways and Transportation is responsible for maintenance and improvement of ground transport communication in the province. However, in northern Manitoba, road building and maintenance are particularly costly because of the hard rocks of the Precambrian shield and the after effects of glaciation, with its irregular drainage, wide fast flowing rivers, large numbers of lakes, and muskeg - not to mention the harsh climate and permafrost. As in Nunavut, overland travel is made easier during the winter because of the ground being frozen.

Each year, the department negotiates contracts for its winter roads program wherein temporary roads are cleared to provide access to remote Aboriginal settlements (Foster, 1995). Local people normally construct these roads, giving them both paid employment as well as much cheaper supplies than shipment by air. Although building costs usually run to $1-$1.5 million a year, and the season only extends for roughly six weeks from late January into March, depending on weather conditions, the savings are significant, since the cost of hauling provisions by truck is only one-tenth of that by air. The department monitors the roads for safety, issuing bulletins about road conditions, declaring first when they are safe for light traffic, then heavier traffic as the temperature drops lower and the frost penetrates deeper below the surface. At times, roads are restricted to night use only when daytime temperatures turn the surface to slush. The winter roads are used primarily for transporting bulk fuel, food, and construction materials, although they are open for general traffic as well. However, the road conditions do not encourage automobile use and tourist traffic is minimal to non-existent (Blair, 2000).

Tourist traffic is not a great deal heavier on the all-weather roads of northern Manitoba. According to the most recent (1997) traffic counts, even day-to-day volumes are relatively light, with annual average daily traffic (AADT) counts (both directions) on the inter-urban sections of Highways 6 and 10 south of Thompson being in the order of 400-500 vehicles. Traffic is heavier in the immediate vicinity of settlements, but the rapid drop-off in volumes between centres indicates a low level of through movement. Beyond Thompson volumes decline even further. Between Thompson and Leaf Rapids the

88 Figure 3.

89 AADT drops to only 140, while the highway to Gillam has a mere 80 AADT. Summer volumes are higher, but generally only about 25 per cent above the annual average. This would indicate that there is some tourist traffic. However, the very low absolute volumes demonstrate that even with relatively good road access, the level of tourist interest is still weak. Furthermore, time series data from the past decade show only a small increase in the level of traffic (University of Manitoba Transport Information Group, 2000).

Apparently, the call of the North does not grip the imagination of the average southerner, at least not enough to prompt them to make the trip. There are good reasons for this. One is that much of the more southerly part of the province is very well endowed with similar “natural” terrain so that much of the demand for nature-based tourism is satisfied in more accessible and better serviced locations. The high cost of access into the North is also a deterrent. However, for those with the means and the desire to experience the unique attributes of the higher latitudes, there are strong motivating forces encouraging people to visit the attractions offered by the northern periphery.

Attractions

As Jan Lundgren points out in his introduction, the northern geographical and cultural landscape hardly affords the degree of variety common in the Canadian ecumene, or south of the Canada-U.S. border. Unlike these regions, which offer a broad range of natural and cultural attractions and may truly claim to have “something for everyone,” the North is limited to a much narrower market segment. Small northern communities certainly afford a unique and worthwhile experience for interested travellers, but they cannot claim to offer anywhere near the array of entertainment and leisure activities (theatre, museums, fine dining, shopping, nightclubs, etc.) that even a moderately- sized centre in the South can provide. The landscape is indeed stunning. However, comparable “wilderness” settings are available much farther south in the province. For instance, Riding Mountain National Park, three hours north of Winnipeg by car, or Whiteshell Provincial Park, less than two hours to the east, offer vast natural landscapes with the lakes, forests, and Precambrian rock which characterize much of Manitoba’s northern region. Thus the number of people willing to travel great distances for a very specific set of attractions is highly limited, impeding the possibility for large-scale expansion of the industry even with continuing improvements to the tourism infrastructure.

The distinction between natural and cultural attractions commonly applied in analyzing tourist destinations is difficult to put into practice in the context of the central arctic, since the relatively undeveloped state of the tourism product as well as the inherent nature of the product render such divisions unfitting. Traditional lifestyles and nature- based activities are often inextricably meshed, a fact which is reflected in many of the packages proposed by northern tour operators. For instance Tumi Tours, based in Rankin Inlet, offers expeditions by dogteam, allowing visitors to experience the “beauty of winter and springtime on the Hudson Bay coast” as well as a traditional Inuit mode

90 of transport. The trip provides photo opportunities and the chance to overnight in an igloo, constituting a culturally-based wilderness adventure (Nunavut Tourism, 1999, p. 45). This is not to imply that all visitors to the North incorporate both cultural and wilderness components into their itineraries. A recent study of tourists in Pangnirtung, on Baffin Island reveals that a segment of the visitors showed little if any interest in the life of the community, and came strictly to explore the nearby national park. Others expressed an interest in the local culture, but lacked the time to explore it, since the primary purpose of their trip was outdoor recreation. Most often, however, tourists incorporated the two to a greater or lesser extent, both conceptually and in their itineraries. Interviews with visitors revealed that while it is most often the natural environment which sparks tourists’ interest in the region, this fascination most often leads to some degree of interest in Inuit culture as well (O’Hara, 2000).

Because visitor expectations and experiences of the destination often spill over the standard categories of “nature-based” and “culture-based” activities, a spatially based discussion appears preferable for this region. Distinct spatial patterns indeed emerge, reflecting variations in the landscape, in settlement patterns and in the transportation network. While the natural setting obviously plays a crucial role in determining what a destination has to offer, transportation links are a deciding factor in determining which locations will be frequented by travellers in the sparsely settled and relatively homogenous terrain.

This section will discuss the North as a destination in terms of the transportation patterns described in the first section of the paper. The Manitoba-Kivalliq region may be divided into three basic zones: auto-accessible areas used primarily for family trips and excursions; the eastern region of northern Manitoba with its fly-in lodges catering to a more specialized clientele; and finally the northernmost “adventure” zone with its array of cultural and nature-based attractions. Travel Manitoba, the official government tourism organization, markets the northern part of the province on the basis of two distinct areas, differentiated by their varying levels of accessibility and development. The tourist region roughly north of latitude 53 degrees is divided into the Anorthwestern/ central” district serviced by road and rail, and the northeastern region, served primarily by air and winter roads (figure 3) (Selwood and Lehr, 1999). Indeed, the types of leisure activities available in the respective regions bear out the logic of this distinction, and the travel industry differs quite dramatically from one region to the other.

The Northwest/Central Region

The northwest/central region has a much longer history of development than its eastern counterpart, since mineral deposits and hydro-electric resources lured businesses here at an earlier stage. As mentioned earlier, the area is marked by greater accessibility, with provincial highways 6 and 10 running north from Winnipeg, linking the provincial capital with centres like The Pas, Flin Flon, Thompson, Lynn Lake and Gillam, as well as smaller communities in the area. The population base is also greater here, preparing the ground for a substantial regional tourism market.

91 The communities within this region are primarily resource towns, but are attempting to diversify their economic base through tourism. Many have set up small local museums, such as the Sam Waller Museum in The Pas, which is located in the old courthouse. The museum recounts the building’s history and interprets the town’s natural surroundings. In a similar vein, Thompson’s Pioneer North Museum has a pioneer display and a number of artifacts related to the fur trade (Travel Manitoba, 2000a). While such museums may be of local interest and serve an educational purpose within the community itself, one might surmise that they are of limited appeal to outside visitors and insufficient in themselves to draw in tourists from any great distance, although travellers passing through may stop in to look around.

Festivals are perhaps the most important community-based attraction, and most communities organize at least one event to bring together locals and non-residents to celebrate various aspects of their heritage. Lynn Lake (pop. 1,038) has no less than three such festivals, with the Pike Festival in June, the February Winter Carnival and a Powwow in November. The Pas, a slightly larger centre with a population of 5,945, draws greater numbers with its well-established Northern Manitoba Trapper’s Festival which celebrates the area’s pioneer past, as well as the Opaskwayak Indian Days, an agricultural fair, and the Bill Bannock Fishing Classic (Travel Manitoba, 2000a). Such events are excellent generators of regional tourism, drawing visitors from nearby communities and further afield.

The contribution of regional tourism should not be underestimated in the northern context. The long, expensive journeys are prohibitive not only for the southern market, but for northern residents as well. In fact, they may be an even greater obstacle here given the North’s much higher cost of living and greater economic uncertainties. Thus, much travel by northerners takes place in the North, creating a significant regional tourist market. In addition to visiting friends and relatives, three major sectors emerge in the regional travel market: business travel, leisure travel, and travel for sporting events. The importance of these groups to the travel industry is evident in the promotional literature of The Pas’ Kikiwak Inn, which targets each one separately in its publicity material. The “Business Matters” brochure emphasizes the hotel’s business facilities, including the banquet and conference centre, while the pamphlet entitled “Discover Northern Manitoba’s True Nature” highlights the region’s natural attractions. Sports teams are a rather unusual category, but evidently comprise a significant segment of the clientele, since there is a separate brochure advertising the inn’s comfortable rooms, relaxing pool and hearty meals, all to ensure “your [team] is in top condition” (Kikiwak Inn, 2000). In discussing tourism in the central northern region, it is important to bear in mind that the market is not solely comprised of southerners, but that regional travellers account for a significant number of tourist visits.

For most visitors, whether local or not, nature is the North’s primary tourist attraction. The demand for outdoor recreation is easy to satisfy in the North, where wilderness settings abound. “Nature” is easily accessible in the three main northern provincial parks, conveniently located along the road network in relative proximity to the larger communities of Flin Flon, The Pas and Thompson (figure 3). Located just over 20 kilometres north of The Pas, Clearwater Lake Provincial Park offers such recreational

92 activities as beach volleyball, swimming, boating, walking trails, fishing and ice fishing, cross-country skiing and groomed snowmobile trails. These activities are comparable to those found in parks further south, and cater primarily to a regionally-based clientele. Meanwhile Grass River Provincial Park lies 74 kilometres north of The Pas and about half that distance from Flin Flon, but is almost four times as large as Clearwater Lake, covering an area of 228,018 hectares. In addition to providing a similar array of leisure activities, this park offers enhanced wildlife viewing opportunities (caribou, wolves, moose, bear and wolverine) as well as spectacular canoeing on the Grass River. The park’s emphasis on “wilderness” has the potential to draw visitors from farther afield, although the main customer base is still essentially regional. Paint Lake Provincial Park, meanwhile, is situated 32 kilometres south of Thompson, and offers similar activities to those found at Clearwater Lake, with the addition of windsurfing, skating and tobogganing. The park also has a lodge which operates year-round, providing more comfortable accommodations than the campsites provided by each of the parks (Manitoba Parks, 1999).

Campsites are integral features of each of the parks mentioned above, with Grass River providing four different campgrounds, Clearwater Park containing three and Paint Lake only one. In addition, smaller campgrounds of 10 to 70 sites are available in most of the communities, including Gillam (Travel Manitoba, 1999). The campgrounds are clustered around the road-accessible parks and the four major communities of Flin Flon, The Pas, Thompson and Lynn Lake. They are conveniently placed for local excursionists from the North’s principal population centres, but less so for travellers engaged in auto touring who might wish to venture farther afield. The region boasts relatively well- developed tourism which is, however, better suited to the regional market than to southerners who can enjoy similar recreational activities closer to home.

The Northeast (Fly-in) Region

Because tourism in the North is so closely tied in with the notion of a “wilderness experience,” remote areas accessible only by air are very popular with outside visitors despite being more difficult to access. Fly-in lodges punctuate the northeastern part of the province, and four new parks and park reserves have recently been established in the northernmost region with no road access available. The paradox of northern tourism is such that inaccessibility limits the industry’s expansion, but is in a sense the very thing that safeguards the Apristine” setting that is the primary attraction for many visitors.

Isolated lodges cater to a much more specialized clientele than do other attractions in northern Manitoba. An estimated 90 per cent of fly-in guests are from the U.S., as are 50 per cent of the guests to drive-in lodges found in the northwest. In fact, most hunting and fishing packages are priced in American dollars. The success of Manitoba’s northern lodges can in all probability be attributed to the good match between a sufficiently large potential market and the attractions afforded by the destination. Hunting and fishing are popular pastimes in the American Midwest, which lies due south of the region in question, and Manitoba has an excellent reputation for its pristine lakes and forests.

93 Prices of up to $1000 U.S. per day are apparently acceptable to enough individuals for the establishments to remain viable. Lodges and outfitters in the area are in fact enjoying a great degree of success, and in 1999 were booked almost to capacity. The success of the lodge and outfitting industry has also been attributed to factors including a growing interest in outdoor leisure activities, improved transportation linkages and more effective marketing on the part of lodge owners and outfitters (Winnipeg Free Press, 1999).

The number of lodges is impressive when one considers that the Manitoba Lodges and Outfitters Association (MLOA) reported 193 licensed lodge operators in the province in 1995, with an estimated total bed capacity of 6,180 (Canadian Tourism Research Institute, 1995). Of course, a large proportion of these are located in the South, with only approximately 1,200 bed spaces available in the northern region. Still, the number of lodges north of 53 latitude is substantial given the fact that most such establishments have quite limited capacities, with the average lodge providing 24 bed spaces (Selwood and Lehr, 1999). The total number of lodges has remained stable over the last decade, hovering at approximately 150 province-wide. The number of outfitters, however, has increased dramatically, jumping from about 80 in 1996 to close to 250 in 1999. Given the emphasis on adventure tourism in the North, it may be inferred that a considerable number of these are based in the North. Randy Bean, vice-president of the MLOA, pegged the total revenue generated by lodges and outfitters at $350 million in 1999, and estimates suggest that the industry generates more than 5,000 direct jobs in the province (Winnipeg Free Press, 1999). Clearly, lodges make a significant contribution to the province’s tourism industry both in terms of generating revenue and in boosting the region’s profile abroad. While northern lodges account for only a portion of the provincial figures, they make a major contribution to the northern tourism industry.

Churchill

On the cusp of the central corridor’s most northerly “adventure” zone, Churchill is a significant anomaly in the regional pattern. Accessible by sea, air and rail, though not by road, this town of 1,100 residents has emerged as one of the country’s most recognized northern destinations. Capitalizing on two natural phenomena in particular, namely polar bears and the northern lights, it receives some 12,000 visitors annually (Selwood and Lehr, 1999). The town’s 512 bed spaces compare favourably with numbers found in larger locations farther south, such as Thompson (629) or The Pas (758), and certainly outnumbers those of other northern Manitoba communities of a similar size, such as Lynn Lake (56) or Snow lake (26) (Travel Manitoba, 1999). Considering its size and remoteness, Churchill may therefore be viewed as the central region’s tourist destination par excellence. The town has been successful in marketing itself as the “Polar Bear Capital of the World,” and saw the development of such bear-related innovations as the “tundra buggy,” large vehicles adapted for off-road tundra excursions, from which polar bears can be safely viewed. The recent creation of Wapusk National Park, whose name derives from the Cree word for “white bear,” protects the world’s largest polar bear denning area and is the second national park to be established in Manitoba, after Riding Mountain. Located less than 30 kilometres from Churchill, the park is accessible

94 only by water or air. To reach the park, potential visitors can choose from three local tour operators, as well as a Churchill-based helicopter outfit or Winnipeg-based Taiga Air Services (Parks Canada, 2000).

Another local innovation is the “tundra dome”, a plexiglass dome from which stunning displays of the aurora borealis may be comfortably observed. The lights are especially popular with Japanese tourists on their honeymoon, since children conceived under the stunning phenomenon are believed to be blessed with good luck (Threndyle, 1999). The northern lights can be viewed from the end of September to the end of April, a period that complements the short polar bear season which begins in early July and runs until early October, when numbers peak and then drop off abruptly with the freeze- up of the bay (Selwood and Lehr, 1999).

Churchill is also endowed with a host of other attractions (figure 4), including four major historic sites: the Churchill West Peninsula, with archaeological sites representing the pre-Dorset, Dorset, Thule, Inuit and European cultures; Prince of Whales Fort, an 18th-century stone fortress; Sloop’s Cove where Samuel Hearne and others engraved their signatures into the rock; and Cape Merry, a gun position and magazine. Visitors can also tour the Eskimo Museum, observe tundra flora and fauna or go bird and beluga whale watching, with the latter two activities being especially popular. The concentration of attractions, as well as their quality, sets Churchill apart from other northern destinations. Still, efforts to diversify the product must be made since the majority of visitors come primarily for the polar bears, resulting in a strong seasonal flux for the industry.

Figure 4.

95 Wilderness Adventure in the “Far North”

Wilderness adventure essentially begins north of Gillam, the northernmost community on Manitoba’s highway network. The importance of this region has grown in the last several years, particularly with the creation of Nunavut on April 1, 1999 and the accompanying boost in tourism marketing and development initiatives. South of the border, two new provincial wilderness parks and two park reserves were established in 1995, with fishing and wildlife viewing as their primary activities for visitors. Most activity, however, currently comes from Nunavut, where territorial parks and historic sites are being identified and established at an impressive rate.

Though the Kivalliq region has no national parks as yet, plans are well underway for the creation of such a park at Wager Bay. The eastern arctic’s three national parks constitute significant attractions, and it may surmised that such a designation for Ukkusiksalik, at Wager Bay, would enhance the central region’s visibility and prestige. Representative of the Central Tundra Natural Region, the park would lie between Pelly Bay, Repulse Bay and Baker Lake. The proposed site contains a variety of wildlife, including polar bears and whales, as well as coastal attractions and a reversing waterfall. The area is also rich in archaeological resources, and has an abandoned 20th-century Hudson Bay Post and Roman Catholic Mission (Government of Canada, 2000b).

The Kivalliq region offers some excellent wildlife opportunities. The numerous protected areas include migratory bird and wildlife sanctuaries, as well as several historic sites and a territorial park. Nunavut’s territorial parks play a role in protecting natural and cultural landscapes, but their primary purpose is to “serve local tourism through the provision of camping and local recreational opportunities” (Government of Nunavut, 2000a). Ijiraliq (Meliadine) River Territorial Park, near Rankin Inlet, is an excellent example of such a park. Like provincial parks to the south, Ijiraliq provides recreational activities such as fishing and wildlife viewing, in addition to picnic sites and very basic camping facilities. There is also an elders’ cabin used for community events. Of greater interest to visitors are the archaeological sites, easily accessible here since the park is only 10 kilometres from Rankin, and is linked to the community by a road. The park is relatively new, with the land having been transferred as recently as 1994. Amenities like signs, picnic tables, outhouses and the elders’ shelter were put in place in 1997, and a new design for the visitor centre in Rankin Inlet is currently being developed, which is to include promotional and interpretive materials on the park (Nunavut Tourism, 2000b).

Ijiraliq’s accessibility stands in marked contrast to the Thelon Wildlife Sanctuary, which lies over 100 kilometres from Baker Lake, and can be reached only by canoe, or by scheduled flights from Baker Lake. The first alternative is a grueling journey to be undertaken only by experienced wilderness canoeists, while the latter is an expensive proposition (Nunavut Tourism, 2000a).

The development of heritage sites in Kivalliq is rather more complex than interpreting natural sites, as most consist of archaeological remains, posing some interpretive difficulties. Arvia’juaq National Historic Site was created in 1995 to protect a traditional summer camp. The site’s importance lies not only in the tangible archaeological artifacts, but also in the oral traditions and traditional place names associated with the place.

96 While local outfitters are encouraged to include the island in their tour itineraries, the site is on an island more than 10 kilometres from Arviat. A display at the Margaret Aniksak Visitor Centre in Arviat may satisfy the curiosity of most visitors, given the greater difficulty of accessing the site itself (Government of Canada, 2000a).

The Fall Caribou Crossing National Historic Site lies approximately 75 kilometres south of Baker Lake, and is also interpreted at the community’s Inuit Heritage Centre. Again, difficulties in reaching the site may deter visitors from going to its actual location, especially when there is little at the site to indicate its significance. Rather, the area was chosen to represent a story, namely that of the traditional fall caribou hunt. Again, Inuit place names, oral tradition and archaeological sites are the basis for the crossing’s designation (Government of Canada, 2000c). While the setting is no doubt interesting in its own right, one might surmise that the history is equally well represented at the visitor centre, saving interested parties the time and cost of the excursion. The potential of such historic sites to develop into substantial tourist attractions seems doubtful, given the desire on the part of most travellers to see easily assimilated “packaged” sites, rather than landscapes that bear no readily identifiable cultural markings.

The communities themselves offer a number of attractions, though these are quite homogenous throughout the district. Most communities offer a combination of wildlife and vegetation viewing, cultural tourism in the form of education about traditional lifestyles, Thule archaeological sites, arts and crafts, hunting, fishing and bird watching. Many communities also list such facilities as mining operations, gas reservoirs and cemeteries as noteworthy features of their communities, though obviously these in themselves would hardly warrant the journey for the typical visitor (Government of Nunavut, 2000b). As a result, the more significant centres of Rankin Inlet, Arviat and Baker Lake are the primary tourist destinations, as is indicated by their much larger number of hotel rooms. The airfare appears to play little role in determining visitors’ patterns, since the fare from Rankin to Whale Cove and Chesterfield Inlet is almost a third of that to Arviat and Baker Lake. Perhaps, however, the $400 price difference is negligible when one considers that return flights from Winnipeg to Rankin Inlet cost $1648 in themselves (Government of Nunavut, 2000b). For this reason it is also not surprising that Rankin should have by far the largest number of beds available, totaling 145, while Baker Lake is a distant second with a mere 82 guest beds. The subsequent decline is even sharper: Arviat comes third with a mere 31 beds, and the rest of the communities claim approximately 25 beds on average.

The numbers suggest that population size plays a much larger role in Kivalliq than in northern Manitoba in determining tourist trends, a fact which is not surprising since visitor services are at a very rudimentary stage in most communities here. Rankin is the sole centre to offer banking services, and only Rankin, Arviat and Baker Lake have visitor centres. Thus, it is quite natural for visitors to congregate to these foci, given the relatively homogenous tourism product. The key attractions of wilderness and traditional lifestyles may be experienced in various forms in any of the communities, so accessibility and tourist amenities play a much greater role in determining tourists’ choice of destination. Because of this, and because tourism is seen as having an important - if not the most important - role to pay in development of the north, there are many initiatives being taken or at least being discussed that will encourage tourism growth.

97 Discussion

Northern tourism is increasingly being promoted by joint initiatives and partnerships which are being supported and subsidized by the various levels of government through a number of their departments. Some are not directly related to tourism, but they will have a spillover effect on the industry. The federal government recently announced its new foreign policy for the Arctic in which a variety of initiatives were outlined. The details are few, but there is the promise of investments that will enhance the area’s facilities and generate more government and business travel in the region. These activities can only lead to upgrading of the infrastructure (Samyn, 2000a).

In a more direct move, the federal government has recently given VIA Rail an injection of funds that promises to upgrade rolling stock on the Churchill run (Samyn, 2000b). Furthermore, OmniTRAX, the owner of the port and the rail line between The Pas and Churchill, has ambitious plans to dramatically increase the tonnage shipped along the line and through the port. OmniTRAX has joined the Town of Churchill and others in lobbying for an extended shipping season from the present mid-July/October- ending with ice breaker service and reduced insurance fees for shipping. It is hoped that these initiatives will open the port by late June and keep it open until the end of November. Part of this objective is to have Churchill become the principal supply port for Nunavut (McNeill, 2000). If successful, the longer season will also benefit the tourism industry by improving the transportation system both for rail passengers and those arriving by sea.

In developing closer ties and co-operation between Manitoba and Nunavut the two governments have established a Joint Steering Committee and signed a broad-reaching agreement in February 2000 identifying “a number of areas of interest including transportation, mining, energy, health, tourism, cultural development, arts and crafts, value-added processing, resource development, trade and commerce, regional and community economic development, and education.” (Manitoba Government, 2000) Among the ideas bandied about was the construction of an all-season road connecting the two territories (Kuxhaus, 2000a; 2000b).

Manitoba’s Department of Highways and Transportation has recently expressed its commitment to improving road transportation in the North, where there is acknowledged to be a “significant transportation deficit.” The provincial government has announced significant budgetary increases for northern road improvements (Lyons, 2000a). These will focus on the area around Thompson, thereby making journeying north less threatening to automobile users. The winter road program is being extended into the far north-western area of the province to provide access to Lac Brochet, Brochet, and Tadoule Lake, directly west of Churchill. Perhaps the public’s current love affair with the heavy duty SUV can be developed into a niche market for more wilderness travel, especially since the Department of Highways and Transport does provide advice and support for road users. It seems ironic that such vehicles should be confined by their owners to city driving! Certainly, if the North is to capitalise fully on its “northernness,” it will have to develop a greater appeal to the mass tourism market, which nowadays,

98 largely depends on the automobile for its mobility. Marketing initiatives and a more concerted effort to increase tourism have the potential to increase car travel into the North.

Northern Manitobans and the people of Nunavut continue to dream about the creation of a continuous road link between southern Manitoba and Kivalliq. A preliminary study into the feasibility of such a project has recently been completed for the Joint Steering Committee established by the two governments. This study proposed a number of possible options that included the construction of an all-weather road, or a number of alternative winter roads, including one that would be routed on the sea ice parallel to the west shore of Hudson Bay between Churchill and the Nunavut coastal communities. The northern road(s) would join up with the southern road system at Gillam, or at Lynn Lake, a less expensive routing due to the somewhat easier terrain. Cost estimates are intimidating. An extension of the all-weather road all the way up to Rankin will cost up to two billion dollars, and for winter roads, the initial development costs are in the order of $20,000,000 with annual maintenance costs of around $7.3 million. Clearly, these costs are beyond the financial capacity of the provincial and territorial governments, and federal government support will be essential. However, given the renewed federal governments recent commitment to Arctic development, this has to be considered a possibility. The political equation will determine the decision (Klym, 2000).

If built, these roads will open up the North to a much larger segment of the travel market; the growing number of vacationers who prefer travelling by car. The prospect of a road running through the heart of the continent, joining the Gulf of Mexico with Hudson Bay and penetrating the “polar bear country” beyond may be viewed as an exciting initiative. But the implications of constructing an all-weather road into Nunavut are stunning. Environmental impacts will be severe, even before any traffic uses the road. Local wildlife habitats are already threatened by the limited tourism numbers currently penetrating into the region (Haglund, 1993: Johnston, 1997, 1998). On the other hand, given the low traffic volumes presently recorded on existing roads in northern Manitoba, the likelihood of great increases in visitor numbers due to better road accessibility remains marginal. However, highway improvements will certainly have a significant impact on regional mobility, facilitating inter-community movement and substantially reducing travel costs for the local population.

Government is also dedicating money to improving the living conditions for the Native population. Land transfers back to Native groups, along with cash settlements, are opening up possibilities for economic development. One example is the transfer of 17,600 hectares of land to the Wuskwi Sipihk Cree Nation whose chief has indicated there are plans to establish a bison ranch, build a fishing lodge, and develop a ski resort (Bray, 2000). In May of this year, the province announced a $1,000,000 fund for northern “aboriginal economic and social development” (Cash, 2000). The provincial government has committed itself to allowing the First Nations to build and operate several gambling casinos as a means of improving opportunities for development through increased revenues and employment. Two of the proposed casinos have been recommended for northern locations, one in The Pas and the other in Thompson (Lett and Nairne, 2000).

99 These projects are presently being hotly debated but, if built, they will undoubtedly have an impact on the pattern of casino gambling activities, which will become decentralised and encourage people to try their luck in the northern communities rather than tripping down to Winnipeg which currently boasts Manitoba’s only casinos.

Efforts are also being made to “project” the North to potential visitors when they come to Winnipeg. One such initiative is the creation of Spirit Island, an “Interpretive Tourism Facility that showcases Aboriginal, Metis and Inuit Culture.” Spirit Island is located at the junction of the Red and Assiniboine Rivers and adjacent to “The Forks,” Winnipeg’s most popular tourist attraction. Another project is “The Gateway to the Arctic Featuring the Great Whites of the North,” a substantial upgrading of the polar bear exhibit at Winnipeg’s Assiniboine Park Zoo, also a major tourist attraction (The Winnipeg Millennium Council, 2000). Churchill is also being featured on a mural being unveiled at Winnipeg International Airport later this summer. The event is being turned into a week- long exhibition of tourism attractions and an opportunity for operators to feature their activities. These partnership initiatives are becoming increasingly common as the various participants in the industry acknowledge the benefits to be derived from working together in luring tourists into the North. It is unlikely, however, that these initiatives will ever bring the North to the centre of the average tourists’ consciousness. The North is therefore almost certainly destined to remain at the tourism periphery, dependent on its unique attractions, its vast emptiness, and its relative inaccessibility.

100 References

Blair, B. (2000), Manager of Marine Operations, Manitoba Highways and Transportation, pers. comm., 11 May. Bray, A. (2000), “Historic land transfer inspires hope for Cree nation”, Winnipeg Free Press, 20 April, A11. Brown, F. and D. Hall (1999), “Introduction: the paradox of peripherality” in Case Studies of Tourism in Peripheral Areas, eds. F. Brown and D. Hall (Bornholm: Unit of Tourism Research at Research Centre of Bornholm), 7-14. Calm Air, (2000), www.calmair.com. Canadian Tourism Research Institute and the Conference Board of Canada (1995), Manitoba Lodges and Outfitters Economic Impact Analysis. Cash, M. (2000), “We’re making up for neglect of the North”, Winnipeg Free Press, 11 May, A1. Foster, R.H. (1995), “Winter Roads” in The Geography of Manitoba: Its Land and Its People, eds. J. Welsted, J. Everitt, and C. Stadel (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press), 175-176. Government of Canada (2000a), Arvia’juaq National Historic Site, Canadian Heritage- Parks Canada, National Historic Sites, www.newparksnorth.org/arviajua.htm, 26 February. Government of Canada (2000b), Ukkusiksalik (Wager Bay), Canadian Heritage-Parks Canada, National Parks, www.newparksnorth.org/wager.htm, 26 February. Government of Canada (2000c), Fall Caribou Crossing National Historic Site, Canadian Heritage-Parks Canada, National Historic Sites, www.newparksnorth.org/fall.htm, 26 February. Government of Nunavut (2000a), A New Nunavut Parks Program, Department of Sustainable Development, Parks, Trade and Tourism, www.newparksnorth.org/ newpark.htm, 26 February. Government of Nunavut (2000b), Community Development Profiles. Haglund, D.K. (1993), “The autumnal polar bear migration of Churchill, Canada and its associated tourism industry”, paper presented to the Arctic Tourism and Ecotourism Symposium of the 5th World Wilderness Conference and the First Northern Forum, Tromso, Norway, 24 October-1 September. Hamelin, L. (1978), Canadian Nordicity: It’s Your North Too, trans. W. Barr (Montreal: Harvest House). Hudson Bay Port Company (2000). “HBPC 1999 Shipping Traffic”, unpub. report. Hutchins, S. (2000), Hudson Bay Port Company, pers. comm., 30 May. Johnston, M.E. (1997), “Polar tourism regulation strategies: controlling visitors through codes of conduct and legislation”, Polar Record 33(184), 11-18 ——— (1998), “Evaluating the effectiveness of visitor-regulation strategies for polar tourism”, Polar Record 34(188), 25-30. Kienetz, Alvin (1996), “Northern Living and Resource Towns”, in The Geography of Manitoba: Its Land and its People, eds. John Welsted, John Everitt and Christoph Stadel (Winnipeg: The University of Manitoba Press), 167-176 Kikiwak Inn (2000), “Your Home Away from Home”, brochure, The Pas, Manitoba.

101 Kivalliq Air (2000), “Fare Structure”, 21 June. Klym, R. (2000), “Executive Summary, Route Sub-study, Manitoba-Nunavut Transportation Assessment”, unpub. report. Kuxhaus, D. (2000a), “Doer backs road link to newest territory”, Winnipeg Free Press, 23 November, A8. —— (2000b), “Manitoba, Nunavut sign trade, co-operation pact”, Winnipeg Free Press 21 February, A1. Lett, D. And Nairne (2000), “Headingly casino all but dead: Doer”, Winnipeg Free Press, 6 June, A8. Lindburgh, A.M. (1935), North to the Orient, (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company). Lundgren, J.O. (1995), “The tourism space penetration processes in northern Canada and Scandinavia: A comparison”, in Polar Tourism, eds. C. M. Hall and M. E. Johnston (Chichester:Wiley), 42-61. Lyons, John (2000), “Help on the way for northern roads”, Winnipeg Free Press, April 20, A5. Mackay (1995a), Travel patterns Travel Report No. 3. Mackay (1995b), Focus on Churchill Travel Report No. 6. Mackay, K.J., Brayley, R.E., Lamont, D.E. and Nazer-Bloom, L. (1995), Manitoba Tourist Exit Survey: Executive Summary, Health, Leisure & Human Performance Research Institute, University of Manitoba, Winnipeg. MacKay, K.J., Lamont, D.E. and Partridge, C. (1996), “Northern ecotourists and general tourists: An intra-provincial comparison”, Journal of Applied Recreation Research, 21(4), 335-357. Main, J.R.K. (1967), Voyageurs of the Air: A history of civil aviation in Canada 1858- 1967, (Ottawa: Queen=s Printer). Manitoba Government (2000), “Premier to travel to Nunavut for signing of co-operation agreement”, News Release, Winnipeg: Information Services, 20 February. Manitoba Minister of Highways and Transportation (1998), Report of the provincial Airports Working Safety Group, 28 October. Manitoba Parks (1999), Manitoba Magic: Provincial Parks Guide 1999, Manitoba Natural Resources. McNeill, M. (2000), “Churchill shipments to soar: railway”, Winnipeg Free Press, June, B3. Nunavut Tourism (1999), The Arctic Traveller Vacation Planner, Nunavut Tourism in partnership with the Government of the Northwest Territories. Nunavut Tourism (2000a), Thelon Wildlife Sanctuary, www.arctic-travel.com/chapters/thelonpage.html, 30 May. Nunavut Tourism (2000b), Ijiraliq (Meliadine) River Territorial Park, www.arctic-travel.com/chapters/thelonpage.html, 30 May, O’Hara, Charles (2000), “Time in Pangnirtung”, chapter 5, Tourism and the Social Construction of Place: A case study of tourists’ spatial practices in Pangnirtung, Nunavut, M.A. Thesis, Department of Geography, Carleton University, Ottawa. Parks Canada (2000), Wapusk National Park, parkscanada.pch.gc.ca/parks/manitoba/ wapusk/english/getthere.htm#tourop, 30 May. Paul. A. (2000), “Global warming besieges parks”, Winnipeg Free Press, 24 May, A1. Redekop, B. (2000), “Northern lifelines turn into mush”, Winnipeg Free Press, 6 March,

102 A3. Samyn, P. (2000a), “Feds’ Arctic policy comes in from cold”, Winnipeg Free Press, 8 June, A3. —— (2000b),”Churchill run to benefit from Via=s funding boost”, Winnipeg Free Press, 13 April, B5. Selwood, H. John and John C. Lehr (1999), “Tourism in Manitoba: North of the Fifty- Third,” Téoros 18 (2). Skonberg, G. (2000), Operations Manager, Keewatin Air, pers. comm., 15 June. Skyward Aviation (2000), www.skyward.mb.ca, 14 June. Sweet, G. (1996) “Churchill; Historic Settlement, Arctic Seaport, Tourist Centre” in The Geography of Manitoba: Its Land and Its People, eds. J. Welsted, J. Everitt, and C. Stadel (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press), 167-176. The Winnipeg Millennium Council (2000), ASummary of Current Promotional Activities,@ www.winnipeg-millennium.mb.ca, undated. Threndyle, S. (1999), “Warming to Winter”, Report on Business Magazine, February 13(8), pp. 87-88 and p. 90. Travel Manitoba (1999), Manitoba Accommodation and Campground Guide 1999. Travel Manitoba (2000a), Manitoba Explorer’s Guide. Travel Manitoba (2000b), www.travelmanitoba.com/hunt_fish/air_charter_services.html, 16 June. University of Manitoba Transport Information Group (2000), http:// umtig.mgmt.umanitoba.ca, 13 June. VIA Rail (2000), www.viarail.ca, 20 June. Welsted, J. (1996), “Manitoba’s Water Resources” in The Geography of Manitoba: Its Land and Its People, eds. J. Welsted, J. Everitt, and C. Stadel (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press), 267-283. Winnipeg Free Press (1999), “Lodges luring U.S. greenbacks: Americans get back to nature, Manitoba to net profit” , May 14, B3 and B8. Winnipeg Free Press (2000a), “Sport Fishing Starting”, 10 May, A4. Winnipeg Free Press (2000b), “Five airports to get $2.2 million”, 10 February. Winnipeg Sun (1999), “Doer discusses deal to build highway to Nunavut”, 23 November.

103 104 Tourism in Canada’s Northwest

Tom Hinch Faculty of Physical Education and Recreation University of Alberta

Introduction

Although the vast majority of Canadians live within a few hundred kilometres of the country’s southern border, the North lies at the heart of the country’s national identity. Similarly, the North is a fundamental component of the way that the rest of the world views Canada. Tourism in Northern Canada has therefore been influenced by this psychological positioning of the North almost as much as it has by its spatial positioning. The North is a very special attraction in the context of tourism in Canada and it faces a unique set of challenges. This paper provides an overview of the development of tourism in Canada’s Northwest - specifically as it relates to tourism in the Northwest Territories and the Yukon. The intent of this overview is to provide a base, which may be used to compare and contrast the evolution and status of tourism in Northern Canada to tourism in the northern areas of Scandinavia.

This paper opens with an overview of the Northwest region and the context in which tourism exists. A general description of the evolution of tourism within this region is then presented followed by a discussion of the natural and cultural tourism attractions found within the area. Regional tourism issues associated with these attractions are then highlighted. Finally, the spatial distribution of tourism development is addressed with specific reference to modes of transportation. As per the terms of reference for this project, much of the material contained in the report has been drawn from existing publications by the author (See Hinch & Swinnerton, 1993; Hinch, 1995).

The Northwest Tourism Region

The Northwest tourism area can be defined in many ways. For the purposes of this discussion it is delimited by the political/administrative boundaries of the Yukon and

105 Northwest Territories (NWT) in Canada (Figure 1). The Yukon Territory has an area of 536 thousand square kilometres and the recently reconstituted NWT has an area of 1,170 thousand square kilometres. The northern portion of this area is dominated by the Arctic Coastline including the coastal areas of the western third of Canada’s Arctic archipelago. Climatic and soil conditions do not support substantial agriculture, forest or fisheries production but the region is rich in potentially recoverable oil, gas and mineral wealth.

The region is characterized by Subarctic terrain to the southwest and Arctic terrain to the northeast. The division between these two land types follows the 10oC isotherm for July, which corresponds, closely to the northern boundary of continuous forested area in the south (i.e., the natural border popularly known as the tree line). The boundary between sub-regions runs diagonally from the northwest corner of the Yukon to the southeast corner of the NWT. Usher (1987: 485) has described the physical features of each region in the following way:

The Arctic is treeless, whereas the Subarctic is commonly considered to consist of the northern forest zone, ranging from closed Crown forest, in the south, to open woodland in which tundra vegetation predominates... Subarctic summers can be occasionally hot, but are always brief (not more that four months with a mean temperature exceeding 10o C). The winters are long and cold, although not as extreme as in the Arctic. A major physical attribute of the northern environment is permafrost, soils or rock frozen at all times of the year. In the Arctic, permafrost tends to be universal, whereas in the Subarctic, it is more likely to be discontinuous in its extent.

With populations of 31,768 and 39,672 respectively according to the 1996 census, the Yukon and NWT accounted for less than 1 percent of the people living in Canada. This low population contrasts strikingly with the large geographic area. The population of both territories is made up of a combination of indigenous peoples and non-native residents. With the exception of Nunavut to the east, the NWT remains the only Cana- dian province or territory with indigenous people making up the majority of its popula- tion.

It should be noted that the NWT has just recently been divided into two separate territories. Nunavut includes what was formerly the eastern half of the old NWT. This new territory generally corresponds to the traditional lands of the Inuit indigenous people. The western half of the former NWT has retained that name. This reconstituted territory is comprised of the traditional lands of the Dene indigenous people with the exception of its western Arctic Coastal area, which includes the traditional land of the Inuvialuit. While the intent of this paper is to focus on the new NWT, much of the literature and the data, which inform this discussion, refer to the former entity. This is an unavoidable limitation to the discussion but it is mitigated to the extent that the tourism industry in the Yukon has dominated that of the NWT in visitation and that even within the old NWT, the western portion was the area where the majority of visitors were concentrated.

106 Source: Canadian Circumpolar Canadian Source:

Figure 1: Northern Parks of Canada

107 Evolution and Development of Tourism

Estimates of the number of travellers to this region vary according to data source, jurisdiction, definition and methodology. Nevertheless, annual visitation statistics do tend to be consistent in terms of magnitude and are indicative of the growth that has characterized tourism in this area. In terms of the former NWT, only 600 tourists travelling for pleasure were estimated to have visited in 1959 (Department of Industry & Development, 1972). This figure contrasts dramatically with the 45,494 tourists reported to have visited the NWT during the summer of 1998. Total spending was estimated at $30 million in relation to these tourists (NWT Resources, Wildlife and Economic Development, Personal communication, July 24, 2000). Between these years a relatively steady rate of growth occurred with the exception of a brief plateau in the early 1970s and moderate growth in the 1990s (Figure 2).

Statistics of visitation for the Yukon are complicated by a change in the method of estimation that occurred in 1987. A major component of this change was the further culling of the travel of Yukon residents from these statistics. It was felt that the new method was more statistically sound than the previous method (Government of the Yukon, 1989). Annual visitation shown in figure 3 should therefore be interpreted as being more accurate after 1987. The statistics for the years prior to 1987 are indicative of growth trends rather than definitive levels of visitation. In 1969 annual visitation was estimated at 137,262. It climbed steadily to 486,403 by 1987. After making adjustments to the methods used to arrive at these estimates the modified figure for 1987 was 199,586. Visits have increased at a relatively steady rate with the latest estimate being 299,267 in 1998 (Yukon Tourism, n.d.). In terms of economic impact, it is estimated that visitors spent over $124 million in the Yukon in 1996.

Seasonality

Rogers’ (1997) analysis of tourism throughout Canada’s north concludes that it is a ”fair weather” destination for the non-domestic tourism market. Fifty-eight percent of all trips to the Yukon by Americans and 57 percent of those by overseas visitors occur during July, August and September while a more moderate 37 percent of Canadian visits occur during this period. This seasonal pattern is consistent with a market that sees the North as a pleasure trip destination. Canadians travelling to the North also tend to concentrate their trips to the summer but, perhaps reflecting a broader range of travel purposes, the distribution of their trips is more even throughout the year.

Origin of Visitors

There is an interesting discrepancy in the literature in terms of the origin of visitors to this region. Rogers (1997) suggests that the primary market for Canada’s north is located ”close by”. In the case of the key sources of peak season pleasure trips to Canada’s northwest, 63 percent were identified as Canadian with the majority of these being from

108 Figure 2: Visitation to NWT (Selected Years)

Figure 3: Annual Visitation to Yukon

109 British Columbia and Alberta. Visitors from the USA represented 28 percent of the total while overseas visitors made up 9 percent (with the majority of these being from German speaking countries). A probable explanation for this pattern is that the relatively advanced road network in this region, compared to the eastern Arctic, makes it particularly accessible to these ”close by” markets.

In contrast to this distribution, the 1994 visitor exit survey for the Yukon showed a much different pattern. Of the 88,100 visitor parties to the Yukon, 17 percent were from Canada, 73 percent were from the USA and 10 percent were from overseas (Government of the Yukon, 1996). The 1999 visitor exit survey showed a similar distribution with 15 percent from Canada, 74 percent from the USA and 11 percent from overseas. In terms of growth rates, the number of Canadian visitors decreased by 1 percent from 1994 to 1999, visitors from the USA increased by 11 percent and overseas visitors increased by 36 percent (Yukon Tourism, nd.). One possible explanation for this distribution is the shared border with Alaska, thereby making the Yukon very accessible for this USA market segment. A second explanation is the presence of the Alaska Highway, which carries many Americans from the lower States through the Yukon on their pilgrimage to Alaska. Clearly, the Yukon is relatively more dependent on visitors from the USA while the NWT is dependent on visitors from Canada.

Trip Purpose and Activity

Marsh (1987:303) suggests that ” it is difficult to distinguish some of the later explorers from some of the earlier tourists in the North ”, but he suggests that intrepid pleasure travellers probably started arriving in Canada’s North about one hundred years ago. Big game hunting and fishing lodges began to be established as early as the 1920s but were given an additional stimulus in the 1940s with the advent of the bush plane. As air and ground transportation within and to this region improved throughout the 1950s and 1960s, a more broadly based tourism industry slowly began to expand (DEDT, 1990a).

Although there is little official documentation to confirm these trends, it appears that the type of tourist travelling to this northern region has also changed over time. Early explorer tourists (Marsh, 1987) were followed by elite sport tourists in search of big game and fishing trophies (Department of Industry & Development, 1972). These hunters and anglers appear to have been the predominant group from the 1930s to the 1960s. Joining these special interest tourists in growing numbers throughout this period were independent visitors interested in general touring and sightseeing (Acres International Limited, 1990). Group tours, such as ”sprint vacations” for Japanese tourists interested in viewing the aurora borealis (northern lights), emerged strongly during the 1980s and 1990s (DEDT, 1990a). At the same time, there has been a tremendous increase in adventure and ecotourism offerings. Notwithstanding this development, general highway touring along with visiting friends and relatives represent the most dominant tourist activites, at least in the NWT throughout this latter period (Acres International Limited, 1990).

110 Canadian visitors vary much more in their activity patterns than do American and overseas visitors. The top ranked activities in terms of Canadian overnight peak season pleasure trip travelers to the North included: 1) outdoor activities, 2) visiting friends and relatives, and 3) hunting and fishing. Americans’ top ranked pursuits were 1) outdoor activities, 2) sight seeing and, 3) visiting parks and historic sites which was tied with shopping (Rogers, 1997). Overseas visitors paralleled Americans in terms of their activity rankings while in the North.

Resource Base

A much more diverse range of tourists and tourist activity exists in this tourism region during the last decade in earlier periods. A 1990 survey of visitors to the NWT indicated that tourists ranked the following features as being the most attractive: 1) landscape, 2) people, 3) culture, 4) fishing, and 5) wilderness (Acres International Limited, 1990). This breadth of features represents a major departure from the narrow focus on fishing and hunting which dominated the tourism activity throughout the 1940s, 50s and 60s. A 1994 study of visitors to the Yukon identified 1) scenery, 2) people, 3) specific communities, 4) attractions, 5) transportation, 6) weather, and 7) activities as being the top ranked positive features of their trip (Government of the Yukon, 1996). While the ordering of these attributes differs from the NWT case, it too highlights the diversity of tourist interests in the North.

In both territories, the primary tourism resources can be classified into two main categories: natural and cultural. While there are definite differences between the tourism products found within each of the territories both of them emphasize these two dimensions. This focus is nicely captured in an open letter of welcome contained in the 1992 Explorers’ Guide for the NWT (Department of Economic Development and Tourism, n.d.).

During your visit you will discover the many things that make the North unique. Boundless space and beauty of land and wildlife, majestic moun- tain ranges, glaciers and tundra all on a scale that is difficult to imagine. Most of all, however, you will discover the warm hospitality we extend to all our visitors. You’ll witness our distinctive cultures, art, history, legends and our deep sense of community. Welcome to the world’s last great wilderness frontier Canada’s Northwest Territories, ”Within reach, yet beyond belief.”

In terms of the natural environment, it is the landscape and the wildlife that dominate the promotional material. From the perspective of the cultural environment, indigenous cultures represent a major attraction to visitors as do historic developments such as those associated with the Klondike Gold Rush in the Yukon.

These natural and cultural resources have been consciously commodified for tourism. This commodification is reflected in the promotion of ”untouched wilderness” and ”wildlife on a grand scale” in the Yukon Travel web pages. For access to untouched wilderness, visitors are directed toward sites such as Kluane National Park. A more

111 ubiquitous natural attraction that has been promoted is the night sky - whether it’s ”the midnight sun” in the summer or the ”northern lights” (Aurora Borealis) in the fall and winter. In terms of wildlife, Yukon Tourism actively promotes the viewing of bison, muskox, and porcupine caribou while the NWT features pictures of lynx, wolves, arctic fox, wood buffalo, caribou, walrus, muskox and polar bear in its web page photograph gallery (Government of the Yukon, n.d.). Traditionally, wildlife has been popular with visitors interested in hunting and fishing. More recently, however, a variety of ecotourism, adventure tourism, and general touring products have been developed around this theme (Government of the NWT, n.d.).

The people and lifestyles of the North not only impact on tourism by providing a hospitable environment but they have emerged as attractions in and of their own right. The NWT highlights this dimension of their tourism product by describing their celebration of culture:

We celebrate aboriginal cultures, the Dene — the hunters of the forests and tundra, the coastal Inuit — the Inuvialuit and the Copper Inuit, and the Metis — descendants of the Dene and the fur trader/voyageurs who settled here more than two hundred years ago. We also treasure the heritage of more recent arrivals — the ”others” who came to work for a year or two,and chose to stay. (Government of the NWT, n.d.)

These cultures are celebrated both in terms of their traditional and contemporary dimensions. Examples of indigenous based tourism in the North include a diverse mix of cultural events, historical museums and attractions. The arts and crafts of these people are both distinctive in terms of regional destinations and are popular with visitors. Non- indigenous cultural attractions are also very significant. Perhaps the best example of this is the popularity of Dawson City in the Yukon and its heritage as the centre of the Klondike Gold Rush. More generally, the heritage of non-indigenous residents in the North such as the early European explorers and fur traders or the more recent aviators, police, missionaries and others, is increasingly recognized for its appeal to modern day tourists.

Northern Tourism Issues

As with any type of tourism development, a variety of issues have arisen in this region. Two of the most important realms within which these issues arise are the natural environment and the social/cultural environment

Natural Environmental Issues

The importance of the natural environment as one of the fundamental tourism resources in this region has already been highlighted. It follows then that any degradation of this resource would represent a major threat to the tourism industry. In the past, the spatial

112 characteristics of the North have not made it attractive for widespread development of these resources for tourism or for most other forms of resource exploration. These geographical factors are, therefore, largely responsible for the existence of this “last wilderness frontier.“ However, these same factors also contribute to the fragile character of the region’s natural attractions. Especially significant are the harsh climatic conditions that are responsible for the short growing seasons and therefore long periods of rege- neration needed after any disturbance to an ecosystem, particularly in the context of the Arctic areas. The carrying capacity of these lands in terms of tourism is therefore usually felt to be substantially lower than land in more southerly regions.

In recognition of the sensitivity of these resources, the territorial governments have taken action designed to protect the resources. As early as 1972, although anxious to expand their tourism industry, the NWT urged fishing and hunting lodges to institute conservation practices (Department of Industry and Development, 1972). This call for conservation has increased to the point where the government of the NWT encourages not only tourist operators but also appeals directly to potential tourists to adopt conservation and preservation practices (DEDT, n.d.). Similarly, while growth is a goal of the Yukon’s tourism development strategy, limits of capacity have long been recognized in tourism contexts such as big game hunting (Government of the Yukon, 1986).

At an even more tangible level, preservation and conservation concerns are manifest in the system of national and territorial parks. A paradoxical relationship exists between tourism and preservation within each of these subsystems. While the mutual benefits of partnership between tourism and the preservation of the natural environment are generally recognized, tourism does have the potential to be a destructive force within the environment as well (Swinnerton, 1999).

The existing national parks such as Kluane, Wood Buffalo, Nahanni, along with those found even further north represent major tourist attractions in this region. Their very designation, let alone the active promotion of them, clearly marks parks as significant destinations for tourists. Under the National Parks Act preservation and the recreational use of these resources are both emphasized. To date, the emphasis in the North has been on preservation as there have been relatively low levels of tourism associated with each park. Nevertheless, a trend towards more visits is apparent and is likely to require the further articulation of management priorities associated with tourism and preservation.

Although the balance between tourism development and natural resources conservation remains contentious in the National and Territorial Parks, this system of parks represents one of the best opportunities to manage human impact on the natural environment. To a greater degree than in southern Canada, the development and management of these park systems have been closely tied to the indigenous land claims process. In the settlement of claims to this point, aboriginal Northerners have generally been granted preferential or exclusive access to fish and wildlife in these areas and in the surrounding regions. Land claim settlements have also been granted on the principle of co-manage- ment in relation to environmental protection, regulation and land-use planning (Notzke,

113 1998; Usher, 1998). This principle is very significant given the central place of the natural environment in terms of tourism demand.

The trend towards ecotourism, adventure tourism or alternative tourism also appears to offer an attractive mechanism for the mitigation of tourism’s negative impact on the natural resource base (Seale, 1992). These forms of tourism operate at a smaller scale and tend to be sensitive to and have less impact on the natural and cultural environments. Official government policy recognizes the importance of these target markets and encourages this type of tourism (DEDT, 1990b) and of sustainable tourism development in general (Government of the NWT, 1990). Notwithstanding the positive features of these types of alternative forms of tourism, they also have their own limitations. Fore- most among these is that there is a danger that ecotourism simply represents the first stage of more destructive types of development. If negative environmental and cultural impacts are to be avoided, the tendency to increase the scale of tourism must be carefully managed. A trade-off exists between protection of the natural resource and increased economic benefits. Even where tourism is kept to a small scale, ecotourists by their very nature will be likely to leave the “beaten trail“ and therefore have an impact on the natural environment.

Social and Cultural Issues

Cultural heritage also represents one of the key foundations of the Northwest’s attraction as a tourism destination. Anthropological studies have clearly articulated the stress that tourism has placed on aboriginal peoples in similar situations (Smith, 1989). However, tourism represents only one of the many agents for cultural change in the NWT. In fact, the opportunity that tourism offers to locals to participate in the wage economy while maintaining close ties with the land and to traditional values, may offset or counter some of the stronger factors for change such as the broadcast of television programs from the south (Butler & Hinch, 1996). Cross-cultural contact between indigenous hosts and non-indigenous visitors also presents challenges in terms of hospitality and business practices. For example, visitors often arrive in the North with unrealistic impressions of indigenous people (Notkze, 1998). Strategies to correct these expectations need to be developed and implemented.

Ecotourism would again appear to offer an attractive approach to development in that it caters to tourists that would fall under Smith’s (1989) categories of ”elite” or ”off- beat.“ According to her typology, the impact of these two groups of tourists would be much less than that associated with “mass“ tourism. This lesser impact results not only because ecotourists come in fewer numbers, but also because they are more appreciative of the culture which they are visiting, although Butler (1990) suggest that this form of travel poses its own dangers. Even if negative cultural impacts can be controlled, fewer tourists usually translates into lower revenues unless higher prices ecotourists are charged can make up the difference.

The non-consumptive orientation of ecotourists may conflict with the traditional consumptive wildlife harvesting practices of Northerners (Hinch, 1998). The temporal

114 and spatial separation of ecotourists from concentrated hunting activity may be necessary. Even more important is the need to educate these visitors about the cultural context of these activities.

Doxey’s (1975) concept of local attitudes changing from support to opposition toward tourism offers interesting insights into tourism in Canada’s Northwest. It would appear that the area residents may avoid the normal progression through Doxey’s “irridex.“ Aboriginal land claims, native self-government, the devolution of power from the fede- ral to the territorial governments, and experience with other resource development issues have contributed to the sophistication of Northern residents. While many groups have endorsed tourism wholeheartedly, a significant portion has remained skeptical. The offer of tourism employment has not overridden other concerns related to proposed parks, many of which were delayed pending the satisfactory settlement of aboriginal land claims throughout the 80s and 90s. This tempering of the initial euphoria in sup- port of tourism may be indicative of a more cautious approach. The settlement of these land claims has not, however, guaranteed the preservation of aboriginal culture or the avoidance of the eventual progression of euphoric support for the industry followed by apathy, annoyance and eventually antagonism. Along with increased self-government, the settlement of these land claims has empowered local residents to make their own decisions about the direction that they would like to take. The direct impact of their actions on their culture and on their attitude towards the tourism industry will be played out over time. These settlements have, however, created some very unique situations in the North for indigenous peoples. Indigenous peoples are now the largest group of private landowners in the territorial North, they have negotiated and have been awarded substantial cash settlements thereby providing a capital base for development initiatives and co-management structures have been put in place to ensure that indigenous people have a major role in resource management and environmental protection (Usher, 1998).

Spatial Distribution and Transportation Networks

Tourist visits were not evenly distributed throughout the old NWT. In the summer of 1989 over 80% of the visitors to the NWT reported their primary destinations as being at the western end of the NWT. This western emphasis is also reflected in the distribu- tion of tourism facilities with over 85% of the hotel rooms located in the western portion of the old NWT (DEDT, 1989). Similarly, in the Yukon, the distribution of visitors is significantly weighted toward the southern regions of the territory. Such variations in visitation are not surprising and may be attributed to a number of factors but one of the most important factors concerns access, whether it is by land, air, or water. Transportation networks have long been recognized as a major influence in northern development (Sugden, 1982) and more recently they have been studied in the context of tourism development (Lundgren, 1995). Figure 4 provides a schematic perspective of travel flow flows by transportation mode in this part of Canada’s North.

115 Figure 4

116 Land

Relative to the Eastern Arctic, the Northwest features a substantial level of road development. The Yukon is well serviced by roadways in its southern regions. Domina- ting this system is Highway #1, part of the Alaska Highway, which begins at Dawson Creek in British Columbia, and stretches for 2,233 kilometres (1,388 miles) before reaching Delta Junction, Alaska. Another popular entry route is the Stewart-Cassiar Highway, which winds through B.C.’s interior, meeting the Alaska Highway 22-km (14 mi.) west of Watson Lake, Yukon. Both of these routes are particularly important entry points for American travellers who are on their way between the southern states and Alaska. While on the Alaska Highway they have direct access to the capital city of Whitehorse and Kluane National Park. As well as being the major transportation network in the Yukon, the Alaska Highway is also an attraction in its own right given its historic construction for military defense purposes during WW II.

A significant number of additional roadways are found throughout the southern regions of the Yukon providing access to various tourism facilities including the Alaskan port of Skagway thereby providing an important transportation link for ferry and cruiseship passengers travelling the Inside Passage. This link is also served by the Yukon Route Railway - a narrow-gauge railway that crosses the stunning White Pass Summit, past blue glaciers and rushing waterfalls. The major north/south route is the Klondike highway, which services Dawson City. From here tourists can travel west on the Top of the World Highway to Alaska or they can travel north on the Dempster Highway which eventually enters the NWT and terminates past the Arctic Circle at Inuvik. The other major roadways in the NWT include the MacKenzie highway, which enters the NWT from Alberta and follows the southern portion of the MacKenzie River Valley. A variety of other highways service the area around Great Slave Lake and Yellowknife. Fort Smith and Wood Buffalo National Park are also serviced by highways and consideration is being given to extending this network so that it links to Fort McMurray in Northeastern Alberta.

The impact of these roadway systems is significant not only in providing access to the North from more southerly areas, but also in terms of influencing the distribution and type of tourism activity that occurs throughout the North. A 1994 survey of travellers to the Yukon revealed that 50 percent of visitors travelled by car/truck/van within the territory, 24 percent travelled by bus/coach, 16 percent by motorhome/Recreational Vehicle, 6 percent by camperized truck, 1 percent by air and the balance by alternative modes such as motorcycle, bicycle, canoe, raft or on foot (Yukon Government, 1996). This distribution represented a significant shift in comparison with 1987 when only 28 percent travelled by car/truck/van and substantially more people travelled by bus/ coach, camperized truck and air. Recently released data from the 1999 exit survey shows a similar distribution to the 1994 study with the biggest change being the increased proportion of visitors travelling by Motor Home/Recreational Vehicle at 20 percent (Yukon Tourism, n.d.).

117 Air

Air travel has also been an important mode of transport both in terms of getting to the North and in terms of travelling within the region. Strong linkages exist between the image of the North as Canada’s last frontier and the image of Canadian bush pilots flying into remote northern communities. Lundgren (1995) reported that the first scheduled passenger service to the North was launched out of Winnipeg in the 1920s. Today, the Yukon boasts that it is less than a day’s flight from any North American city and that it features scheduled services to Whitehorse from Vancouver, Edmonton, Juneau, Anchorage and Fairbanks (Government of the Yukon, n.d.). While the majority of travel within the Yukon is by land, major portions of the NWT and northern areas of the Yukon are still only readily accessible by air. Chartered air services remain a very important part of the tourist transportation networks in these more isolated areas and, in fact, this mode of transportation dominates many of the ecotourism, adventure tour- ism and sport hunting and fishing activities.

In 1999, 65 percent of visitors exited the Yukon by private vehicle, 24 percent by motor coach and 11 percent by air. In terms of relative change since 1994, the number of visitors exiting by air has increased by 47 percent. This market segment is particularly important in the context of the tourism industry because their average expenditure while in the Yukon was $736 per person compared to $214 per person for visitors in private vehicles and $62 per person for visitors exiting in motor coaches (Yukon Tour- ism, n.d.).

A special study of this market was conducted in 1998 titled Air Travellers Profile (Yukon Tourism, n.d.). Of the total estimated volume of visitors who arrived by air (24,046) 46 percent were Canadians, 37 percent were Europeans, 12 percent were Americans and 5 percent were from other countries. The Americans tended to be older (44 percent of the over 55 group), the Europeans were more likely to be male (61 percent) and the Cana- dians were more likely to be visiting for business purposes (24 percent) than visitors falling within the other market segments. While only representing 37 percent of all air visitors, Europeans generated 43 percent of total expenditures by air travellers. All of these visitors tended to stay in the Yukon for relatively long periods with Canadians and Europeans leading the way at 15.8 and 15.5 nights respectively. Americans stayed an average of 6.4 nights. It is interesting to note that while travel agents and tour operators were listed as being the primary source of information for the trip, the Internet was listed as the second most important source of information with a full 20 percent of the study respondents listing it as an information source. Although the North can be described as being on the periphery of Canada’s tourism landscape it is certainly not on the periphery in a technological sense. A variety of sophisticated web sites can be found on tourism attractions and infrastructure in this region thereby catering to the information search strategies of emerging markets such as the one made up of air travellers.

118 Water

This region has substantial coastal areas but given the climatic regime the waters of these coastal regions are frozen for much of the year. Despite this barrier, there has been sporadic cruiseship activity in the area starting with the MS Lindblad Explorer, which carried 98 passengers through the Northwest Passage in 1984 (Marsh & Staple, 1995). While several more cruises have traversed this area since 1984, in terms of the total visitation to the Arctic regions, cruiseship passengers represent a minute fraction. A much more important marine linkage involves sea-going traffic along the Inside Pas- sage of British Columbia and Alaska. While these waters do not actually border the study region, they provide convenient access to the Yukon via land transport from Skagway, Alaska and other more distant ports. Two primary types of travelers access the Yukon through these routes. The first are luxury cruise passengers who choose to disembark at Skagway for an excursion to the Yukon, either returning to their ship or continuing their travels by another mode of transportation. The second type of traveler uses the Alaska Ferry system to transport their vehicle, as the cruise portion of part of a northern tour that combines ferry travel with ground transport on the Alaska Highway. The Inside Passage trip is usually seen as an attraction in and of itself, which complements the attraction of tourism in the northern regions.

Conclusion

The western portion of Canada’s North as defined by the Yukon and the NWT is clearly a dynamic tourism destination. While visitation to this area is of a lower order of magnitude than visitation to destinations in southern Canada, it is substantial and it is growing. In fact, given the low population levels in the North, the relative proportion of visitors to residents is high.

Tourism activity has a significant impact on the people of the North. Not only are visitor numbers increasing but these visitors are involved in a growing range of activities. They tend to target the region’s natural and cultural resources whether it is through general sightseeing activities or more intensive eco and adventure tourism pursuits. The impacts of this level of activity are substantial. Tourism is an important dimension of the northern economy. At the same time, the commodification of natural and cultural resources has led to a variety of development issues associated with sustainability. To a large extent, the distribution of these issues is a reflection of the distribution of tourism activity within the region. In the case of the Yukon and the NWT, this distribu- tion tends to reflect the concentration of road networks in the southern portions of these territories.

The degree to which tourism continues to grow and the degree to which it remains sustainable depend on a number of factors. Some of these are beyond the control of the local tourism industry such as market and sociopolitical events and trends. Yet, even though these trends cannot be directly controlled, the regional tourism industry can develop tourism strategies that position the industry favorably within a dynamic

119 environment. For example, with the inevitable improvements in communications and transportation the isolation and remoteness of the North is going to decrease. Patterns of tourism development will respond to these opportunities by reconfiguring in terms of focal points, regional visitation and travel flows. A planned and coordinated re- sponse to these opportunities will maximize the net benefits for the tourism industry and for the North as a whole. Throughout this planning and management process the central challenge facing tourism in this area will be to maintain the unique character of the region so that natural and cultural resources retain their attraction for both the visitors and the hosts.

120 References

Acres International Limited (1990). Northwest Territories visitors survey: summer 1989, Prepared for the Department of Economic Development and Tourism, GNWT, Yellowknife.. Butler, R.W. and Hinch, T.D. (Eds.). (1996). Tourism and Indigenous Peoples. London: International Thomson Business Press. Butler, R.W. (1990). Alternative forms of tourism: pious hope or Trojan horse, Journal of Travel Research 28(3): 40-45. DEDT (Department of Economic Development and Tourism) (1989). Growth in Northwest Territories Tourism Facilities. Government of the NWT, Yellowknife, Canada. DEDT (1990a). Quick Facts, Marketing Section, Tourism and Parks, GNWT, Yellowknife. DEDT (1990b). Building on strengths: a community based approach, GNWT, Yellowknife. Department of Economic Development and Tourism (n.d.). Canada’s Northwest Territories, 1993 explorers’ guide, GNWT, Yellowknife. Department of Industry & Development (1972). Northwest Territories tourism investors’ handbook, GNWT, Yellowknife. Doxey, G. V. (1975). A causation theory of visitor-resident irritants, methodology, and research inference. The Impact of Tourism. Sixth Annual Conference Proceedings of the Travel Research Association, San Diego, pp. 195-198. Government of the NWT (n.d.). Adventure North [On-line] Accessed June 2000. Available: http://www.gov.nt.ca/advent.htm Government of the NWT (1990). Northwest Territories Sustainable Development Policy. Government of Canada, Ottawa, Canada. Government of the Yukon (n.d.). Yukon Territory Canada (Official home page of the Government of the Yukon). Accessed June 2000. Available: http://www.gov.yk.ca/ Government of the Yukon (1996). 1994 Yukon Visitor Exit Survey: Yukon Results Main Survey, Department of Tourism, Whitehorse, Yukon. Government of the Yukon (1989) Yukon Tourism Industry Highlights Report. Whitehorse, Yukon. Government of the Yukon (1986) Yukon Tourism Strategy: Yukon 2000 - Building the Future. Whitehorse, Yukon. Hinch, T.D. (1998). Ecotourists and indigenous hosts: Diverging views on their relationship with nature. Current Issues in Tourism, 1 (1): 120 -123. Hinch, T.D. (1995). Aboriginal people in the tourism economy of Canada’s Northwest Territories. In Hall, M. and M.J. Johnston. (Eds.), Polar Tourism (pp. 115-130). Toronto: John Wiley and Sons. Hinch, T. D. & Swinnerton, G. S. (1993). Tourism and Canada’s Northwest Territories: issues and prospects. Tourism Recreation Research, 11(1): 23-31. Lundgren, J. O. (1995). The tourism space penetration processes in Northern Canada and Scandinavia: a comparison. In Hall, M. and M.J. Johnston. (Eds.), Polar Tourism (pp. 43-62). Toronto: John Wiley and Sons. Marsh, J. S. (1987). Tourism and conservation: case studies in the Canadian North. In Helson, J. G., Needham, R. & Norton, L. (Eds.), Arctic Heritage. Proceedings of a Symposium (pp. 298-322). Association of Canadian Universities for Northern Studies, Ottawa, Canada.

121 Marsh, J. & Staple, S. (1995). Cruise tourism in the Canadian Arctic. In Hall, M. and M.J. Johnston. (Eds.), Polar Tourism (pp. 85-100). Toronto: John Wiley and Sons. Notze, C. (1998). Indigenous Tourism Development in the Arctic. Annals of Tourism Research, 26 (1): 55-76. Rogers, J. (1997). The Northern Tourism Experience: Challenges & Opportunities. Ottawa: Canadian Tourism Commission. Seale, R. G. (1992). Aboriginal societies, tourism, and conservation: the case of Canada’s Northwest Territories. Paper presented at the IV th World Congress on National Parks and Protected Areas, Caracas, Venezuela, February10 - 21, 1992. Smith, V. (ed.). (1989). Hosts and Guests: The Anthropology of Tourism (2nd ed.). Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Sugden, D. (1982). Arctic and Antarctic. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Swinnerton, G. S. (1999). Recreation and conservation: issues and prospects. In Jackson, E. L. and Burton, T. L. Leisure Studies: Prospects for the Twenty-First Century (pp 199 - 231). State College, Pennsylvania: Venture Publishing, Inc. Usher, P. (1998). The north: one land, two ways of life. In McCann, L. & Gunn, A. Heartland & Hinterland: A Regional Geography of Canada (3rd Ed.). Scarborough, Ontario: Prentice Hall Canada. Yukon Tourism (n.d.) Tourism Industry Resource Centre [On-line]. Government of the Yukon. Accessed July 2000. Available at: http://www.TIRC.GOV.YK.CA/

122 Tourism in the Swedish Mountain Region

1)Peter Fredman, 1)Lars Emmelin, 2)Thomas A. Heberlein & 1)Tuomas Vuorio

1)European Tourism Research Institute, ETOUR 2)Department of Rural Sociology, University of Wisconsin-Madison

Introduction

When Swedes are “going north” for their vacations you will most likely hear them talking about going to “fjällen”, which has the unambiguous purport of visiting an area where the mountains reach above the tree line. Sweden north of the 60° latitude consists primarily of a forested landscape of rolling hills, lakes and rivers. The region of bare mountains stretches over 1,000 km in the northwest of the country, from Sälen in the south (61° lat.) to latitude 69° in the north. Because of the northern location the tree line is only 600 to 900 meters above sea level and most parts of the mountain region are have gentle slopes and are easily accessible to visitors.

The Swedish mountains provide excellent opportunities for tourism and recreation, both during the winter and the summer seasons. During the winter, tourism is concentrated to those places that feature a developed infrastructure for skiing. These visitors usually spend their whole visit in a single location and have a high demand for a variety of services. In the summer, mountain tourism is characterized by individual round trips by car. Typically, more than one area is visited and the demand for services is not as high as among winter tourists (Vuorio & Emmelin, 2000). The mountain region is the third most popular tourist destination in Sweden after the large cities and the coast. In the winter, the southern part of the region is considered the most important tourist destination in Sweden (Sahlberg, 2001). Skiing and snowmobiling are usually possible from November to late April, while the hiking season lasts from mid June to September. From November to January days are short (two to six hours of daylight) usually with low temperatures, while in the summer there is daylight 24 hours a day and for the part located above the Arctic Circle the midnight sun offers another tourist attraction. Access to the backcountry in the mountain region is facilitated by a well-established Right of Common Access to the countryside in Sweden, and also because much of the mountain region is public land. A large proportion of the mountain region is protected by the nature conservation legislation, including nine national parks and a large number of nature reserves. Furthermore, there is no tradition in Sweden of charging entrance fees

123 in such areas (Fredman & Emmelin, 2001). The Right of Common Access, based on older traditions of free passage over all land and the right to use certain resources, such as firewood and berries, to sustain the traveler, today allows access to most of the countryside. As long as no damage is caused to crops or soil and minimal zones of privacy around homes are respected one may use private land for hiking, limited camping, picking berries and mushrooms. In the mountains camping is unrestricted except in specially protected areas. The use of motor vehicles is, however, banned off the road system, with the exception of snowmobiling.

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•

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Figure 1. Map of Sweden and the 15 mountain municipalities located in the western parts of the counties of Dalarna, Jämtland, Västerbotten and Norrbotten.

124 The characteristics of the Swedish mountains are not homogeneous throughout the region. In the south, the mountains of Dalarna feature low alpine areas, with the highest peaks reaching about 1200 meters above sea level. Despite a moderate topography some of the major downhill ski areas are located in this part of the mountain chain, which is closer to the more heavily populated areas in the south. Further north in Härjedalen and Jämtland there are larger continuous areas of bare mountains above the tree line. The Åre valley in Jämtland (including the major downhill ski resort of Åre) is easily reached, both by car and train. Härjedalen and the southern parts of Jämtland are popular for hiking, cross-country skiing and snowmobiling, and include an extensive network of cabins and mountain lodges. Further north in Jämtland and in the adjacent region, Västerbotten, tourism facilities are less frequent. Most areas in this part of the mountains can be reached by road transportation only. In the most northerly part of the mountain region, Norrbotten, the highest peaks reach above 2,000 meters. Several areas are remote and feature high alpine characteristics including many glaciers. This is also where the major national parks are found, including the world heritage area of Laponia. In the very north of Sweden, where the borders of Norway and Finland meet, the mountains are close to the tundra of the north, they are lower in altitude and have less vegetation cover.

Much of the Swedish mountain area may, in a European perspective, have many of the environmental qualities associated with the “wilderness” concept. The water of lakes and streams is safe to drink, solitude is not difficult to find and in many areas the signs of human encroachment can be seen only with some degree of specialist knowledge. However, as with other areas of the world, it has been claimed that environmental problems in the Swedish mountains have caused a decrease in tourism. Empirical evidence for this is, however, lacking. There is no data on large scale environmental change that could actually be perceived by tourists. In one case where for several years the environmental debate has focused on vegetation damage as a cause of decreased tourism, we have shown that this can not be substantiated. Visitor perceptions simply do not tally with those of the relatively small group of conservation experts (Emmelin & Iderot, 1999). This of course does not mean that these types of environmental problems are unimportant to visitor satisfaction, but simply that at present they do not seem to be of a kind and magnitude that disturb the perception of the mountains as a pristine environment for large groups of visitors.

The mountain municipalities make up about 1/3 of Sweden but include fewer than two percent of the total population. The 158,000 permanent residents are spread across 145,500 sq. kilometers with a population density of about one person per square kilometer (Table 1). Most of the 15 municipalities in the mountain region are also characterized by decreasing population densities. Only two municipalities (Åre and Krokom) grew in population between 1970 and 1998. The reason for this growth could be the expansion of downhill skiing (Åre) and the “suburban” location (Krokom) to the city of Östersund.

125 Table 1. Population and land area of the mountain municipalities in Norr- botten, Västerbotten, Jämtland and Dalarna (Source: Statistics Sweden)

Norrbotten Västerbotten Jämtland Dalarna

Population 56,600 22,400 59,500 19,200 Land area km2 66,500 26,600 41,200 11,100

The Swedish mountain region has traditionally been associated with farming, reindeer herding, forestry and mining, but a decline in these industries brings expectations regarding tourism to the forefront. Contributions to the local economies from the tourism industry can be substantial, but problems of seasonal variations and short employment cycles are typical features that can undermine it as an economic base (Keith et al., 1996). The occupational structure representing tourism dependency differs across the mountain municipalities, but most of them are more dependent on tourism and agricultural-forestry than Sweden as a whole (Heberlein & Vuorio, 1999). The reindeer herding of the Scandinavian indigenous peoples, the Sami, must also be taken into account (see chapter six of this volume “Sami Tourism Resources in Northern Sweden”). In addition to making a contribution to the local economies, reindeer are found in most parts of the region and, together with the Sami culture, they offer another tourist attraction. As in many rural areas around the world, the municipalities in the Swedish mountains also have a higher proportion of older people than the country as a whole.

Looking back a couple of decades we can see that tourism (measured as the number of overnight stays) in the mountain region has increased from 2.2 million in 1980 to 2.7 million in 1999 (22 percent up). This compares to a 56 percent increase of visitor nights in Sweden as a whole for the same period. The Dalarna region, in the southern parts of the mountains, has the strongest growth, while overnight stays in the other regions are stable or declining (Figure 2). The increase in Dalarna is probably related to an increase in downhill skiing during the period (Fredman & Heberlein, 2001). Figure 2 also provides a good illustration of the relative size of tourism in the various parts of the Swedish mountain region.

126 Number of overnights (Hotels, cabins, hostels)

Figure 2. Overnight statistics of the 15 mountain municipalities in Sweden from 1980 to 1999 (source: Statistics Sweden).

Tourism development, supply and infrastructure

Arguably the earliest tourists to the Swedish mountains were the European pilgrims making their way to the shrine of Saint Olaf in Nidaros, today’s Trondheim. Several routes were used to cross the southern mountains at points were the distance traveled above the timberline could be minimized and access to the coastal settlements could be achieved as quickly and with as little hazard as possible. This traffic started soon after the death of Olaf and ended in the 16th century. At this time the knowledge of the geography of northern Sweden was very limited. It was not until the 18th century that the area was explored more systematically, primarily by scientists. Linnaeus’ reports of his two journeys in the mountains, the Iter Lapponicum in 1732 and the Iter Darlekarlicum in 1734, are also contributions to the traditions of Swedish mountain tourism.

The development of mountain tourism in the last century has been influenced by an interaction of the inherent attractions of the different areas and factors promoting access. The latter have been a complex mix of the modern development of an infrastructure and historical factors such as traditional trading routes over the mountains and older patterns of settlement that during the 17th and 18th century gradually established themselves in the mountain region. Modern tourism in the Swedish mountain region appeared during the latter part of the 19th century when British sporting gentlemen, who first discovered the Tröndelag region in mid-Norway, later extended their exploration to the hunting and fishing lands of western Jämtland in Sweden. Several hunting cabins

127 were built by the British, often located in remote areas, and local municipalities began offering services as this form of tourism developed (Sillanpää, 1999). Because of bad communications, many of the early tourists approached the Swedish mountains from Norway in the west. It was not until the railway was established in the Jämtland area in 1882 and in the Norrbotten area in 1902 that the north of Sweden became readily accessible to the population living in the south of the country. Access to ice-free harbors that made the export of forest products and iron ore possible from the Trondheim and Narvik regions were the motives. The development of hydro-electric power entailed not only major changes to the environment but also the building of roads and construction camps that were used to gain access to some of the central and most attractive mountain areas.

Most of the early travelers to the Swedish mountains relied on local guides, and at the turn of the century all the major peaks received their first ascents. In 1885 the Swedish Touring Club (STF) was founded, which started the development of a network of cabins and mountain lodges throughout the mountain region. For hiking and cross-country skiing, and more recently for snowmobiling, the marked trails are of great importance for both access and safety. This system of marked trails and basic accommodation was gradually established from the late 19th century onwards. Certain areas were quite well provided with trails, notably southern Jämtland and a considerable area south of Abisko where Kebnekaise was one of the important stations. In the 1970s the Swedish Environmental Protection Agency became the authority responsible for most of the trail system in the mountains, and the County Administrative Boards answer for their care and maintenance.

Today, there is a total of 8,000 kilometers of marked hiking trails in the mountains, 5,500 kilometers of them are taken care of by the state, 2,500 kilometers are managed by local municipalities, hotels and associations. Of the government-managed trails, 2,250 kilometers are to be found in Norrbotten, 1,000 kilometers in Västerbotten, 1,750 kilometers in Jämtland/Härjedalen and 250 kilometers in Dalarna. The trail system also contains a network of mountain huts and tourist stations (mostly run by STF), and nature information centers (Naturum). In Norrbotten one of the popular hiking trails (including the huts) has recently been taking over by a Sami management, which is a new occurrence in Swedish mountain tourism. There are a total of 353 establishments that provide lodging in the mountains, including hotels, cabin villages and hostels (Table 2). About 15 percent of the nation’s total lodging establishments are located in the mountain region. Of all overnight stays in Sweden approximately 1/5 are in the mountain region (Vuorio & Emmelin, 2000).

128 Table 2. Accommodation in the mountain region

Norrbotten Västerbotten Jämtland Dalarna

Mountain huts (STF) 29 6 10 0 Mountain lodges (STF) 4 0 4 1 Hotels 34 25 102 37 Hostels 4 4 12 5 Cottage villages 34 28 49 19

The major mountain stations owned by STF today function as entry points to, or nodes within, the main hiking and cross-country skiing areas. With two major exceptions, the Swedish Touring Club has had an increase in members since it was founded at the end of the 19th century. There was a decrease in membership during the second half of the 1960s, and since 1991 membership has dropped from an all time high of 345,000 to just below 300,000 in 1999.

The early tourists in the mountains were characteristically an intellectual middle-class that sought to be distinguished from a collective form of tourism - they wanted to be travelers not tourists (Nilsson, 1999). Traveling was done for health reasons, to breathe fresh air and to enjoy spectacular scenery, and the mountains were exclusively a summer destination. The development of tourism expanded during the first decades of the 20th century. Statistics from the touring club reports approximately 4,000 registered visitors to the mountains of the Jämtland region in 1910 and 35,000 visitors in 1933 (Swedish Touring Club, 1911 & 1933).

During the period between the two world wars an increasing number of inhabitants in the mountain region started to earn their living from tourism. The government also started to take a more active role in the development of tourism in Sweden. Tourism was recognized as a political issue since good recreational habits were promoted and the government thereby initiated funds to pay for the development of vacation homes and recreational areas (Nilsson, 1999). At this time, the “Right of Common Access”, which allows individuals free access to private land, played an important role in the development of tourism. This was also the period when the mountains were recognized as a winter destination. The first ski lift was constructed in Åre in 1940 and more organized travel to the mountain region took place. As family cars became more common in the 1950s and 1960s, the southern parts of the mountain region became accessible for people living in the south.

Today, travel to the mountain region is dominated by the car, especially so in the southern parts. In the Jämtland area and the northern parts of the mountain region air travel and trains play a significant role for long distance tourism. There are two major commercial airports in the mountain area (Östersund and Kiruna), plus a number of regional airports designed for small aircraft only (Figure 3).

129 • •

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Figure 3. Passenger flows per year at the airports and number of vehicles per day on the main roads in the mountain region.

The railway system cuts across the mountain rage in Jämtland (Mittbanan) and Norrbotten (Malmbanan). Of some significance for tourism in the mountain region is the interior stretch of railway between Mora and Gällivare (Inlandsbanan) which has tourist services during the summer (Figure 4). In a study of hikers in the southern Jämtland area it was, however, notable that the number arriving by train or air is small compared to those who come by car. A road built between Kiruna and Narvik in 1979-84 has altered the previously total dominance of trains as a means of access to the northwest in Norrbotten.

130 KIRUNA

Malmbanan

Haparandabanan

LULEÅ Stambanan genom övre Norrland

Inlandsbanan

UMEÅ

ÅNGE Mittbanan SUNDSVALL

Figure 4. The railway system of northern Sweden (source: Swedish National Rail Administration).

The nature conservation movement in Sweden was influenced both by the North American and the German conservation movements. Legislation in 1909 provided the instrument for establishing national parks and other forms of protected areas. Since one requirement was that they must be on publicly owned land, but also because of the interest in the mountain region from the newly formed touring club, several large national parks were established in this early period. Following the environmental debate of the 1960s the national government identified several areas of national interest for nature

131 conservation and recreation, many of which were located in the mountain region. Their purpose was to serve as recreational areas for the general public, to secure land for recreation and to support the development of the tourism industry. In 1967 the Swedish Environmental Protection Agency was established with a national responsibility for coordinating recreational planning in the country, including a responsibility for the planning of national parks. The future shape of the planning and management of national parks is one of the major issues in the future of Swedish mountain tourism. In 1996 the Laponia World Heritage was created out of a complex of existing national parks and nature reserves . There are in total nine national parks in the mountain region covering an area of 6,100 km2 (Figure 5).

Figure 5. National parks in the Swedish mountain region.

132 In the 1970s many local municipalities built recreational and tourism facilities to promote outdoor activities, many of which later suffered from economic problems. Tourism offices were opened and organized by the local municipalities. In the mountain region, vacation villages and time-share apartments were established in many places. This is also the period when the number of downhill skiers and ski lifts increased dramatically in the mountain region. Today downhill skiing is one of the most powerful industries in mountain tourism. While downhill skiing has increased in volume, much of the growth has been concentrated to a relatively few major ski areas. The principal ski resorts are probably Åre with a vertical drop of 1,000 meters (outstanding for Swedish conditions), and the Sälen area with the advantage of being relatively close to the heavily populated Stockholm region. The turnover among Swedish ski-lift companies increased from SEK 66 million in 1978 to SEK 540 million in 1998 (Heberlein & Vuorio, 1999), an almost 300 percent increase in real value. For the season 1999 – 2000 an all time high of SEK 620 million was recorded despite unstable weather conditions. Today, the trend is towards an increased concentration of the downhill skiing industry. The seven major ski areas have about three quarters of the total turnover of the lift tickets in Sweden (Figure 6), and five out of these are owned by two investment companies listed on the Stockholm Stock Exchange.

Figure 6. Major downhill ski areas in the Mountain Region.

133 Recreational snowmobiling also started to boom in Sweden in the 1980s. Environmental considerations and conflicts between snowmobilers and other user groups have also brought about several conflicts and a recent increase in trail construction for snowmobile driving is subsidized by the government. There is also an ongoing debate about the number and location of areas with restrictions on snowmobile use. In recent years, planning and management efforts have been made to regulate snowmobiling through the provision of separate trails. Local initiatives have also been important in promoting special snowmobile trails. Public involvement in the form of projects or funding motivated by regional policy has been and still is a major component in the development of tourism in the mountain region.

A domestic tourist destination

Official statistics of overnight stays in the mountain region (including both business and leisure travel) show that less than one percent are generated by someone from outside Europe. Four percent come from Europe outside of Scandinavia and about nine percent are from a Scandinavian country excluding Sweden. Hence, almost 90 percent of all visitor nights produced are domestic. The top four sources of international visitors to the Swedish mountains are Denmark (5,1 %), Norway (2,6 %), Germany (2,3 %) and Finland (0,9 %). Compared to the rest of Sweden, the mountain region has less than its share of international visitors (Heberlein & Vuorio, 1999). In Åre, 93 percent of the visitors are Swedes, while Kiruna in the very north receives most international visitors (19%).

However, looking at data from two site specific studies of summer visitors to the southern parts of the mountain region, we find 12 percent foreign visitors in the southern Jämtland area and 19 percent in the Femundsmarka-Rogen-Långfjället area (located in the boundary district of Dalarna, Härjedalen and Norway). In the former study international visitors were found to be younger and less inclined to hike outside marked trails compared to Swedish visitors. Among the foreign visitors, 3.8 percent came from Norway, 3.4 percent from Germany, 1.2 percent from Denmark and 0.7 percent from the Netherlands (Vuorio et al., 2000). In the latter study, a comparison between German and Swedish visitors shows that Germans stay longer in the area, are younger, are more inclined to participate in overnight hiking and canoeing, and prefer forested areas more than Swedes. Willingness to pay for their visit to the area is also considerably higher among the Germans (Lundberg & Fredman, 2001; Lundberg et al., 2000). In general, data about international visits to northern Sweden show that foreign tourists are more inclined to visit the mountain region during summer, and prefer the northern areas. Winter tourism, which is dominated by downhill skiing in the south, appears to be less attractive to international visitors.

134 A National Survey of Mountain Tourism in Sweden

It is not just what tourists do, but where they do it that is important. Heberlein (1999) reviewed tourism literature and showed that national surveys of recreation participation at a specific place were rare. National surveys about recreation participation in specific activities are more common, but they often miss where the activity takes place, which is essential information for an understanding of the regional impacts and potentials of tourism. In order to better understand the role of domestic tourism in the Swedish mountain region, a national survey of tourism participation was carried out by the European Tourism Research Institute (ETOUR) as part of a long-term multi disciplinary project on the sustainable use of the mountain region. The project was supported by the Swedish Foundation for Strategic Environmental Research (Mistra).

The findings reported in this section are based on 3,506 telephone interviews conducted in August and September 19991 (Heberlein & Fredman, 2000; Heberlein et al., 2001). Each respondent was asked about his or her most recent overnight trip to the mountain region2. Visitors to the mountain region were then asked questions about the area visited, participation in different activities and socioeconomic characteristics. If no trip to the mountains was recorded for the last five years the respondent was classified as a non-visitor. The non-visitors were also asked questions about participation in different activities, but here the focus was on trips to other places than the Swedish mountains including at least one overnight stay (Heberlein & Fredman, 2000).

In the year prior to the survey (September 1998-August 1999) 23.6 percent of the adult Swedish population indicated that they had made at least one trip to the mountain region. Based on a national population of 6,118,000 (aged between 15 and 70 years old) we estimate that over 1.4 million Swedes visited the mountain region during a single year. Looking five years back in time we find 2.66 million Swedes (43.6% of the population) reporting a trip to the mountains.

A majority of all mountain visits (85%) are for free-time, recreation or vacation. Only seven percent made a trip to visit their families and friends, and eight percent went to the mountains on a business trip. Looking at visits over time we find a bimodal distribution with two thirds of all mountain visits during the winter (December – April), and one third during the summer season (June – September). In May, October and November mountain visits are barely over one percent per month.

Most mountain visitors stayed in hotels or rented cabins (68 %) rather than in their own, friends’ or relatives’ vacation homes (14 %), the homes of relatives or friends (13 %) or in tents and recreational vehicles (10 %). After excluding those who went to the mountains for business we find that commercial accommodation (hotels, rented cabins etc.) is considerably more common among the mountain tourists than among Swedish

1 Data collection was done by the survey research firm Åre Marknadsfakta AB using a random sample of Swedish households outside the mountain area, selected from the address register PAR. Computer aided telephone interviewing (CATI) was used throughout this part of the survey. That individual in the household, aged between 15 and 70 years old, who had the most recent birthday was chosen as interview person. 2 The mountain region was defined as the 15 mountain municipalities.

135 tourists in general. For leisure trips in general within Sweden 18 percent of the overnight stays are in commercial accommodation, 25 percent in privately-owned vacation homes and 42 percent in homes of relatives and friends (SNA, 1993).

Seasonal variations

Since many of the mountain activities are restricted to a particular season, participation should be studied separately for the summer and the winter. In the summer, the most popular activity among mountain visitors is day hiking. Slightly over one third do nature studies and nature photography, about 30 percent of the summer visitors go fishing, and 18 percent do overnight hikes. In the winter, we find that more than 80 percent of the visitors go downhill skiing. Fewer than 30 percent day cross country ski, a quarter snowmobile. Only 2 percent of the winter visitors said they went on an overnight cross-country ski trip in the mountains, and 10 percent do not ski at all (Figures 7a-b).

Figure 7a. Summer participation rates.

Figure 7b. Winter participation rates.

136 Regional variations

Tourism is not homogenous throughout the mountain region. Figures 8a – d feature the origin of mountain visitors, based on five-digit postal codes. Here we can clearly identify both distance and travel logistics as important factors in the travel patterns. Most of the visitors to Dalarna come from the urbanized areas in the south of Sweden with good road connections to the north. Many of the visitors to Jämtland and Härjedalen live in the south as well, but also along the southern stretch of the Baltic coast north of Stockholm. This pattern coincides well with both the road and railroad networks. There is quite a different travel pattern among tourists in Västerbotten, where a large proportion of the visitors live along the northern parts of the Baltic coast and relatively few come from the south. In contrast to Västerbotten, the most northerly area, Norrbotten, has more visitors from the south even though travel distances are intimidating. This could possibly be explained by the relative simplicity to get there by overnight train from the urban areas of southern Sweden. The more spectacular scenery of Norrbotten might also be an attraction that Västerbotten, to some degree, lacks.

Figure 8a. Origin of mountain visitors to Dalarna

137 Figure 8b. Origin of mountain visitors to Jämtland / Härjedalen.

Figure 8c. Origin of mountain visitors to Västerbotten.

138 Figure 8d. Origin of mountain visitors to Norrbotten.

Also the choice of activity features some noticeable differences between the mountain regions studied (Table 3). While downhill skiing and cross-country day trips are more common in the south (Dalarna and Jämtland/Härjedalen), we find dayhiking, snowmobiling, angling and hunting to be more common in Västerbotten. Visitors to Norrbotten are more prone to participate in hiking, angling, overnight cross-country skiing and nature studies. It is noticeable that the relative number of visitors who undertake nature studies increases the further north one comes.

Table 3. Participation in different activities by destination (county)

Visitors to...

Norrbotten Västerbotten Jämtland Dalarna (%) (%) (%) (%) Downhill ski 17.0 29.0 53.6 69.2 XC ski day 9.2 14.5 20.5 23.4 XC ski overnight 2.0 0.7 1.7 0.4 Hike day 34.0 28.3 21.7 15.5 Hike overnight 20.9 5.5 7.2 2.4 Snowmobile 9.8 22.8 18.2 14.6 Angling 26.1 33.1 14.8 8.0 Hunting 0.7 3.4 1.4 0.5 Nature studies 26.8 21.4 18.312.0

139 Of the total volume of tourism in the four counties we also observe that the proportion of winter tourists is largest in the south (78% in Dalarna) and decreases the further north one comes (26% in Norrbotten). Consequently, Norrbotten has the largest proportion of summer visitors (65%) compared to Dalarna that has only 19 percent of its visits in the summer.

Some Recent Trends in Swedish Mountain Tourism

Mountain tourism, just like all other tourism, is not stable over time. The section of tourism development, supply and infrastructure in this paper identifies the large structural changes as tourism developed in the Swedish mountain region. Here focus is on changes in the last 20 years. In the process of conducting the national survey of mountain tourism presented above we discovered the existence of a small national survey carried out by the Swedish Environmental Protection Agency in 1985. This survey estimated base rates of mountain recreation participation between 1980 and 1984 with the focus on the area visited, choice of activities and lodging. We designed a new survey in 2000 to replicate the EPA study, so we are able to look at some of the recent changes that have taken place in Swedish mountain tourism 3,4 (Fredman & Heberlein, 2001).

Dalarna is the most popular mountain county with 34 percent of all adult Swedes making at least one visit between May 1995 – April 2000 (Table 4). Second is Jämtland (including the Härjedalen municipality) with 32 percent that have made at least one visit, while Norrbotten and Västerbotten attract fewer of the mountain visitors. The significant increase in Dalarna of 11.8 percent units is equivalent to an increase of 809,000 individuals, while the significant decrease in Västerbotten is equivalent to 111,000 individuals that have made at least one visit to the area. The increase in visits to the southern parts of the mountain region is probably an effect of an increased interest in downhill skiing. Both snowmobiling and downhill skiing feature significant increases between the two surveys. For other, historically more traditional mountain activities, such as hiking and cross-country skiing, no large changes are observed between the two surveys. We also find a significant increase in use of rented cabins, mountain lodges and second homes, all typically found close to downhill ski areas. At the same time there is a decrease in the number of individuals staying in recreational vehicles (RV) and tents, both roadside and in the backcountry. The latter type of accommodation typically being used during the summer.

3 The study carried out by the Swedish Environmental Protection Agency, in 1984 (Naturvårdsverket, 1985) surveyed 2,850 randomly selected Swedish citizens. The replication, carried out by the European Tourism Research Institute (ETOUR), surveyed 2,145 randomly selected Swedish citizens. Both surveys were conducted as mail surveys and sent to individuals aged between 15-70 years old. The surveys measure visits to the mountains during the periods 1980 – 1984, and 1995 (May) – 2000 (April), respectively. 4 The mountain region is defined as “areas with mountains reaching above the tree line, including the valleys and places with mountains reaching above the tree line within sight. Densely populated areas are not included” (Naturvårdsverket, 1985).

140 Table 4. Changes in mountain tourism participation between 1980 – 1984 and 1995 – 2000. Measured as proportions of the Swedish population.

EPA 1984 ETOUR 2000 Unit change Level of % % % significance Dalarna 22.2 34.0 11.8 *** Jämtland 29.7 31.8 2.1 n s Västerbotten 9.7 7.4 -2.3* Norrbotten 11.2 10.3-0.9 n s Downhill skiing 22.0 36.4 14.4 *** XC ski daytrip 22.9 22.4 -0.5 n s Hike daytrip 21.6 20.8 -0.8 n s Hike trail overnight 5.7 6.8 1.1 ns Snowmobile 9.4 16.1 6.7 *** Rented cabin, lodge 37.3 46.39.0 *** Second home 6.1 8.9 2.8 ** RV or tent at road 10.2 6.5 -3.7 *** Cabin at trail 4.4 4.8 0.4 ns Tent 7.6 5.6 -2.0 *

The results observed above point out some of the recent changes in Swedish mountain tourism. Most of these results are confirmed when looking at other sources of data available on mountain tourism (Fredman & Heberlein, 2001; Heberlein et al., 2001; Heberlein & Vuorio, 1999). Official statistics of overnight stays in the mountain region show a general increase for the last 20 years, and the local variations agree with the data presented here. The Swedish Touring Club might be seen as a basic pool of potential cross-country skiers and overnight hikers. The club has shown a long record of membership increase, but a negative change in this trend began around 1990. Also, looking at the data of registered snowmobiles in Sweden shows a substantial growth since the 1980s, although like downhill ski revenues the number of registered machines has leveled off in the 1990s, but not declined.

141 Discussion

What best characterizes the mountain municipalities in Sweden is a dependency on forestry, farming, mining and nature-based tourism. All of these are in some senses resource extractive industries. Along with this dependence they have a population decline and a greater than average population of older people. Tourism is concentrated to four of the municipalities and even in these areas it cannot overcome the negative economic and demographic trends.

Mountain tourism in Sweden has increased in the last 15 years and has become more concentrated to the downhill ski areas. It has also become increasingly mechanized - dependent on snow machines and ski lifts. This increase in skiing differs from the United States where skiing has been stable over the same period. With skiing and snowmobiling becoming dominant in the mountains the relation between summer and winter visits has become even more skewed. Two thirds to over three fourths (depending on the data source) of the visits are in the winter, accounting for as much as 80 percent of the annual sales. Much of the tourism infrastructure is closed during the off-season (May, June, October and November), which means that for four months each year the Swedish mountains are effectively closed to tourists. This differs from other mountain regions that have more successfully evened out their summer and winter tourism. Goeldner (1998) observes that in the United States the old paradigm of a summer only resort and a winter only resort is disappearing.

We expect that this winter concentration is due to the lack of alternatives for skiing and snowmobiling since the slopes and snow cover of the public land in the mountains have few substitutes. In the summer the Swede has many other places to visit for his/ her vacation – second homes outside the mountain region, the many islands in the several archipelagos, sailing and kayaking, and visits to the thousands of lakes outside the mountains. In the winter clearly the best and most affordable skiing is in the Swedish mountains. It is much cheaper to visit this area than to ski in the Alps or other areas outside the country.

A basic issue which is of fundamental importance to the development of the Swedish mountains is that of Sami rights. Should the present controversies be resolved and form a basis for considerably changed and enlarged Sami rights in the mountains the entire context of tourism development will change in ways difficult to foresee.

Among competing interests, apart from reindeer herding, the traditionally dominant restrictions on tourism in the mountain region come from two opposite ends of a spectrum. On the one hand conservation interests that would like to restrict access, curtail technical developments and commercial tourism. On the other hand the exploitation of natural resources: hydro power development and mining. Both ends of the spectrum are important to the future also. First there is the internal competition between different activities within the nature tourism sector for space and for such esoteric resources as silence and the “wilderness experience”. Second there is a new wave of energy development encroaching on the mountains, and massive wind power exploitation is today seen as a realistic development.

142 The Right of Common Access sets a powerful cultural context for Swedish mountain tourism. The acceptance of entrance fees or visitor pay back schemes is likely to be low. A long tradition of traditional outdoor recreation both in summer and in winter would seem to be in conflict with elements of commercial tourism development. The Swedish EPA has repeatedly voiced concern over the conflict between a more socially and environmentally motivated recreation and commercial tourism development. There has also been some serious doubt as to the future of the Right of Common Access, with respect to the emphasis on the protection of property rights by the European Union. The problem in much of the mountain region may not be as acute since much of the land is publicly owned.

The role of environmental quality for tourism is by no means a matter of simple natural science. As with other areas of the world, it has been claimed that environmental problems in the Swedish mountains have caused decreases in tourism. The empirical evidence for this is, however, largely lacking. Other environmental problems than those caused by grazing and trampling, wear and crowding may cause more important conflicts. The prime example of this is over snowmobiling, and the official response is more stringent regulation. We are however also beginning to see voluntary rules of a common pool resource management implemented by local interests (Alexandersson, 2000).

From the point of view of sustainability the shift in Swedish mountain tourism towards the south may be positive in that it generally entails shorter transport. The shift from north to south may be a long-term trend where physical access interacts with a desire for shorter, but possibly more intense experiences. Interestingly enough we can see the trend towards shorter visits also among those who hike for several days in the summer. A development that might be of considerable importance for sustainability – economic, social and ecological – is the clustering of small businesses within a destination to achieve a better use of resources, increased visibility on the market and diversity of products for the visitor. In combination with transport operators this may also be a means of reducing total environmental impacts (Emmelin, 1999).

For the future of Swedish mountain tourism it would seem that a more sophisticated understanding based on a suitable segmentation of tourists is important. In official policy declarations such segmentation is often normative or non-theoretical. We have shown the possibility of combining segmentation of visitors with economic studies as a basis for spatial planning (Fredman & Emmelin, 2001). Urbanist and purist visitors to the Långfjället-Rogen area show preferences for different mountain environments and also different levels of willingness to pay.

Furthermore, we must understand the relationship between tourists and resources. In the simplest form we might distinguish between “nature tourists” and “natural resource tourists”. To the nature tourist, an experience of environmental authenticity and conservation values is important. Values may however be based on clichés or misconceptions such as demands for traditional Sami culture or on an inability to distinguish a pristine environment from a cultural landscape. The resources sought by the natural resource tourist – abundant snow, steep slopes etc. – may be found in many places. Factors such as service, logistics and value for money may be much more important since substitutability of the resource is high.

143 The distinction between nature tourists and natural resource tourists can often be assigned to cultural differences between different tourist categories. With few exceptions the visitors to Swedish mountains are Swedes. On visiting the mountain areas one wonders if the Swedes are missing a marketing opportunity here. Are they protecting a resource from outside forces or is there something about the Swedish mountains that only appeals to the Swedes themselves? International tourism to the Swedish mountains is so small that even doubling or tripling it would make little difference.

We think that there are substantial opportunities for increasing the number of international visitors, but the Swedish potential to organize and market the resources have not been coordinated. The central downhill ski area in Åre has a major commercial airport (Östersund) only 70 kilometers away, yet few charter flights are organized to bring skiers from say the UK into Sweden. Sweden should have a great potential for the native English speaking market because so many Swedes speak English and they have little reluctance to do so. But it appears to us that the Swedish mountains are not very user friendly for English speaking international tourists. The STF mountain handbook that lists all of the trails, mountain hotels, self-catering housing along the trails, etc is available only in Swedish. The signs, menus, and information in many of the hotels in Åre are only in Swedish. While Åre has the dimensions of an international ski area, it does not have the feel of such.

Long distance back packing and hut to hut skiing may have strong appeal to the American market, whose aging baby boomers would enjoy carry a light pack and sleeping in cabins rather than on the ground. The snow lasts longer in Sweden than it does in the northern tier of the United States and many places in Europe, yet we see no concerted efforts to market cross-country ski vacations to this international market. One reason for the lack of marketing may be the general fragmentation of the Swedish mountain tourism industry. It is characterized by many small operators, which have neither the time, skills, nor the resources for a major international marketing effort. From this perspective, tourism in the Swedish mountains feels remarkably inward looking.

An environment which is perceived to be clean, pristine and vast is often considered to be the prime asset in Swedish mountain tourism. Most market studies unfortunately operate with very loose or general concepts when it comes to eliciting the motives for visiting the north or the mountain region. The north of Sweden is largely marketed with nature themes abroad but the majority of foreign tourists that claim that their motive for coming is a more or less unspecified “Nature”. Emmelin & Vuorio (1999) showed that many foreign visitors to Sweden never reach the north, they prefer to satisfy their needs in the south. It would be valuable for both marketing and environmental management to know more precisely what nature experiences and natural resources are sought and whether any of the qualities are unique to the Swedish mountains compared to other regions in the world.

144 References

Alexandersson, U. 2000. Fjällagendan. Slutrapport från FoU-projektet om hållbart nyttjande av naturresurser i fjällen. Emmelin, L. 1999. Good Examples of Sustainable Tourism in Sweden? European Tourism Research Institute, working paper, 1999:14. Emmelin, L. & Iderot, A. 1999. Mittåkläppen – en omstridd naturattraktion. European Tourism Research Institute, working paper, 1999:23. Emmelin, L. & Vuorio, T. 1999. Are the Wilderness Tourists Where They Should Be? In proceeding from 7th Nordic Symposium in Hospitality and Tourism Research 1998. ETOUR, rapport R 1999:2. Fredman, P. & Emmelin, L. 2001. Wilderness Purism, Willingness to Pay and Management Preferences -A Study of Swedish Mountain Tourists. Tourism Economics, 7 (1): 5-20. Fredman, P. & Heberlein, T.A. 2001. Changing Recreation Patterns among Visitors to the Swedish Mountain Region 1980 – 2000. European Tourism Research Institute, working paper 2001:3. Goeldner, C. R. 1998. Mountain Tourism in North America. Paper presented at the 7th Nordic Symposium in Hospitality and Tourism research, Åre, Sweden. Heberlein, T.A. 1999. Seeing Further and Better: A Longitudinal National Survey of Mountain Recreation in Sweden. In proceeding from 7th Nordic Symposium in Hospitality and Tourism Research 1998. ETOUR, rapport R 1999:2. Heberlein, T.A. & Fredman, P. 2000. Swedish Participation and Non Participation in Mountain Tourism. Results from a National Screener Survey. European Tourism Research Institute, working paper 2000:4. Heberlein, T.A., Fredman, P. & Vuorio, T. 2001. A Brief Overview of Tourism in the Swedish Mountains. Submitted manuscript. Heberlein, T.A. & Vuorio, T. 1999. People and Tourism in 1/3 of Sweden: Current Status and Recent Trends. European Tourism Research Institute, working paper 1999:29. Keith, J., Fawson, C. & Chang, T. 1996. Recreation as Economic Development Strategy: Some Evidence From Utah. Journal of Leisure Science, 28(2): 96-107. Lundberg, C. & Fredman, P. 2001. Den tyska fjällturisten. In: Tyska turister i Sverige. European Tourism Research Institute, populärvetenskapliga serien, 2001:10. Lundberg, C., Fredman, P., Jünger, E., Gudmundsson, A. & Emmelin, L. 2000. Tyskar i fjällen. Resultat från en fältundersökning i Femundsmarka, Rogen och Långfjället. European Tourism Research Institute, working paper 2000:3. Naturvårdsverket, 1985. Svenskarnas Fjällvanor. Rapport 3019. Nilsson, P-Å. 1999. Fjällturismens historia. En studie av utvecklingen i Åredalen. Mid Sweden University, Department of Tourism Studies. Report 1999:1. Sahlberg, B. 2001. Möten, människor och marknader inom upplevelsesamhället. Turism och resande i tid och rum. European Tourism Research Institute, populärvetenskapliga serien, 2001:11. Sillanpää, P. 1999. “Turning Their Steps to Some Fresh and Less-Frequented Field”: Victorian and Edwardian Sporting Gentlemen in Mid-Scandinavia. Studies in Travel Writing, 3 (1999).

145 SNA, 1993. Kulturliv, rekreation och turism. Sveriges Nationalatlas. Swedish Touring Club, 1911. Svenska turistföreningens årsskrift. Swedish Touring Club, 1933. Svenska turistföreningens årsskrift. Vuorio, T. & Emmelin, L. 2000. Naturturism i norr. European Tourism Research Institute, working paper 2000:6. Vuorio, T., Göransson, S. & Emmelin, L. 2000. Vandrare i Södra Jämtlandsfjällen – underlag för översiktlig planering. European Tourism Research Institute, WP 2000:7.

146 Sami Tourism Resources in Northern Sweden -

An Overview with Canadian Comparisons

Robert Pettersson & Dieter K. Müller European Tourism Research Institute, ETOUR & Department of Social and Economic Geography, Umeå University

Introduction

Recently indigenous people have attracted increasing numbers of tourists even to areas in the high latitudes. The indigenous people of these areas form a major tourist attraction in combination with their environment; the, at least superficially, pristine Arctic and the boreal environments. This increased interest is mainly connected to incoming tourists from other parts of the world (Harrison & Price 1996).

Even though tourism is considered an opportunity to assess social and economic challenges within the indigenous communities, it also poses a threat to their traditional way of life by eroding social structures, the local economic order and last but not least the foundation of the tourism business itself. Moreover, indigenous tourism is closely associated with questions regarding power and self-determination, particularly concerning land-ownership and land-use rights. Hence, indigenous tourism has been on the academic agenda for a considerable time (e.g. Butler & Hinch 1996, Price 1996, Smith 1989).

However, the academic study of indigenous tourism has focused very much on areas outside Europe. First, this is the case because Europe is obviously not thought of when talking about indigenous people, despite indigenous minorities such as the Sami population of Northern Scandinavia sharing their colonial experiences with other indigenous populations around the world. Second, the evolution of tourism research itself has contributed to the neglect of the European indigenous people. In North America, tourism research, regarding the continent’s indigenous peoples has been more prominent than in Europe for a long time (Ryan & Huyton 2000).

From this point of view it is obviously interesting to compare American and European experiences in indigenous tourism, particularly because of the long-time involvement of American First Nations in tourism. This is in contrast to the experiences of the European, and especially the Swedish Sami, who have only recently entered the tourism

147 market. Moreover, Canada and Sweden have been compared earlier due to their similarities regarding socio-economic structures, political system, environment and, last but not least, the penetration of the high north by tourism infrastructure (Berglund et al. 1995, Lundgren 1995).

The purpose of this article is to make a first step towards the comparative research into indigenous populations and their involvement in tourism in Canada and Sweden. This is accomplished by comparing recent research results concerning Sami tourism in Sweden (Pettersson 1999, Müller & Pettersson 2000) with experiences collected during a field trip in Canada and a review of the academic literature in the field. Thus, this article does not provide a comprehensive overview, but tries to explore and identify similarities and differences regarding indigenous tourism in Canada and Sweden. For the purposes of this article the Inuits and the First Nations represent the indigenous populations of Canada, with an emphasis on the latter.

The Research Areas and their Indigenous Populations

Even though the Swedish and Canadian environments due to their geographical location may sometimes appear rather similar, it is also possible to discern differences between Sweden and Canada (figure 1). Canada has more than three times the population of Sweden in an area 22 times as large. This makes Canada one of the most sparsely populated countries in the world with extensive wastelands found primarily in the north of the country. As in Sweden, the majority of the population lives in the south and along the coastlines and the shores of the Great Lakes. Sparsely populated areas combined with the large distances to the population centers, entail high demands on the transport network. Both countries have extensive road, rail and air links, but because of the vast distances involved in Canada, Sweden still appears to be more comprehensively developed regarding its infrastructure (Lundgren 1995).

Although not very well known, the Sami experienced a history of oppression and colonisation, too. In Sweden the Sami were exposed to an increasing competition for land and were oppressed by excessive taxation, colonisation and the exploitation of minerals. In Canada, too, the First Nations were hounded and ultimately forced into reservations. Sometimes that implied a loss of identity and increased social poverty. The periods of exploitation have followed the development curves of the western economies, and great interest has been shown in the area’s mineral and oil reserves (McKay, Hill & Buckler 1996).

Today, the Swedish Sami constitute approximately 0.2% of the Swedish population (i.e. about 20,000 inhabitants). The Swedish Sami are spread over the whole of Sweden but the Sami who are involved wholly or partly in reindeer herding (approx. 2,500) are to be found in the Sami communities in the northern and inland parts of the country. It is these Sami who, to an increasing extent, are turning to tourism related to their culture. The indigenous peoples of Canada, the First Nations and Inuits, today constitute roughly 2% of the total population of Canada (i.e. approx. 500,000 inhabitants). The Inuits live primarily in the north of Canada and the First Nations primarily in the south, in government designated reservations.

148 Figure 1. The relative sizes of Sweden and Canada, the approximate areas inhabited by indigenous peoples and the major road networks.

The geographical distribution of the countries’ indigenous populations also affects the access to indigenous tourism. Even though rather well equipped with a transportation infrastructure, the peripheral location of Sapmi - the land of the Sami - means that access to Sami tourism in Sweden is both time-consuming and expensive. Still, distance can also be seen as contributing to the exotic image of the Sami and thus, as a precondition for this kind of tourism. The Canadian indigenous population which also inhabits reservations close to major population centres, shares this Swedish experience to a limited extent. Moreover, indigenous tourism is more or less limited to the reservations or, in the case of the Inuit, to remote locations only accessible by air. Thus, indigenous tourism in Canada seems to be more of a resort-type. In contrast, Sami tourism in Sweden can be found almost everywhere along the road infrastructure within Sapmi.

Indigenous Tourism

Tourism research from all over the world provides evidence that “indigenous tourism“ can imply great advantages and opportunities but can also cause a number of problems (Butler & Hinch 1996, Mercer 1994, Price 1996, Smith 1996a). Wherever indigenous tourism occurs, it is said to involve four interrelated elements: the geographic setting (habitat), the ethnographic traditions (heritage), the effects of acculturation (history) and the marketable handicrafts (Smith 1996b). The so-called four Hs and the fields their component parts are summarised in table 1.

149 Table 1. Smith’s four Hs and the fields their component parts.

Habitat Heritage HistoryHandicrafts Access Museums Decision-makers Heritage crafts Appeal Ceremonials Conflict resolution Innovation Proximity Experiential Modern showcase Marketing Diversity Marginal men Resources Marketing

Source: Smith 1996b, p. 287.

When tourism is mentioned in connection with the Swedish Sami, it is often presented as an alternative source of income when reindeer herding in decline (Pedersen & Viken 1996, Viken 1997). Hence, tourism functions increasingly as an occupation parallel to reindeer herding. The new Sami tourist enterprises that are appearing in Sweden are often run by young Sami women who are no longer needed in reindeer herding, which today is characterised by physical labour and increasing motorisation. To them tourism offers is not only an opportunity for earning an income, it is also considered a tool for disseminating knowledge about the Sami who are sometimes confronted with racist attitudes among the non-Sami population (Pettersson 1999). Also, seasonality in tour- ism allows the Sami to maintain their traditional semi-nomadic lifestyle.

The provision of Sami tourism is restricted almost entirely to the area covered by the 51 Sami communities – according to Swedish law reindeer herding has to be conducted within these cooperative communities - from Idre in the south to Karesuando in the north. Today there are more than fifty Sami tourist enterprises working with tourism either full- or part-time. In addition, there are more than a dozen museums with exhibitions displaying Sami culture and history. The most common expression of Sami culture that is accessible to the tourist is the sale of Sami handicrafts (Pettersson 1999).

The indigenous population of Canada is considerably larger than that in Sweden, which also possibly explains why there are more enterprises selling tourism connected to the Canadian indigenous cultures. In addition, in Canada there are two groups of indigenous peoples: First Nations and Inuits. Their involvement in tourism and the attractions they offer differ somewhat, which is perhaps explained by their different origins and location. The tourist products of the Inuits are based, to a great extent, on the sale of handicrafts, hunting, fishing and guided tours in the natural beauty of the wild and distant northern parts of Canada. In addition to the hunting and fishing there is a notable attraction in the exciting history of the Inuits and a fascination with their environment. The peripheral location combined with the exclusive experience offered, means that Inuit indigenous tourism aims at a small but rich group of tourists (Grekin & Milne 1996).

In April 1999 the former Northwest Territory became a semi-autonomous area named Nunavut, which increased the Inuit’s degree of self-determination. This “Land of the

150 Inuit” is expected to give the Inuit and their enterprises many advantages in an area of development in which investment in modern technology is also expected to be vital. Based on these conditions there are hopes that tourism can contribute to increased incomes and, in the long run, strengthen the position of the indigenous people of the area. The development of tourism is, however, accompanied by a number of risks and problems. Firstly, the vast distance creates a major barrier even though there are a number of airports in the area. Secondly, to the extent tourism is allowed to develop it runs the risk of diluting the culture, changing life-styles and causing wear and tear of a sensitive environment (Grekin & Milne 1996).

The other indigenous people in Canada, the First Nations, have been involved in tourism longer than the Inuit and considerably longer than the Sami in Sweden. This is partly explained by an initially more advantageous position concerning self-determination and the ownership of land. For example, the First Nations living within the reservation boundaries have had a certain degree of economic independence which has enabled them to start casinos in the reservations, an activity which is otherwise severely restricted (Stansfield 1996). In this and in similar cases it is doubtful if this can be called tourism connected to an indigenous people’s culture. It is also debatable if the different types of hunting and fishing tourism run by the Inuit in northern Canada are examples of genuine cultural tourism.

The tourism activities existing in Sweden and Canada exhibit both a provision of and demand for attractions connected to indigenous tourism. Even so, it is possible, from an international perspective, to consider the First Nations and the Inuits to be more strongly connected to Canadian history and identity than the Sami are to Swedish history and identity. This can be due to the First Nations and the Inuits having a more clearly documented history as the first inhabitants of their country. The somewhat limited availability of indigenous tourism in the two countries can perhaps be explained by a limited tradition of entrepreneurship that makes the development of tourism enterprises difficult:

“While rural tourism enterprises in general face many problems, the aboriginal communities have additional challenges stemming from their historically isolated position in the economic mainstream, as well as a lack of capital and training.” (Getz & Jamieson 1997, p.104).

Alongside these inhibiting factors there are other restrictions in the form of the limited availability of tourist attractions. Limited availability can be measured in terms of restrictions in time, place and money. With their northern and relatively peripheral locations, both Sweden and Canada struggle with the problem that their tourist attractions are too distant for many potential visitors. Concerning prices, it can be noted that the further north in Canada the higher the cost and the greater the exclusiveness (Lundgren 1995). In Sweden prices vary somewhat, but must be considered as humane and attractive to families, as is tourism connected to the First Nations in Canada. In both Sweden and Canada emphasis is on the educational role of indigenous tourism, which is why the attractions try to appeal to a group of customers as wide as possible (Notzke 1999).

151 Tourist Enticements

Tourist brochures make an important contribution to the spreading of information and providing opportunities for attracting visitors to a particular area. In both Sweden and Canada there is a rich proliferation of brochures at tourist information offices and hotels. It is also possible to order brochures via the Internet. Vital elements in these brochures are the pictures that are intended to sell the area to potential visitors. These pictures naturally lead to expectations of how places look in reality.

When the objective is to present a group of people and their culture, it is of particular importance that the pictures do not raise inaccurate expectations nor appeal to prejudices. Cohen (1993) writes that the image of the “native” is often presented as homogenised, mystified and removed from its context (see also Edwards 1996). In those cases where the indigenous people’s culture is presented inaccurately or too stereotypically, there is a risk that the area and its inhabitants will be discredited in both the short and the long term.

Waitt (1999) describes how the aboriginal people of Australia are often represented as stereotypes and marginalized, dressed in old-fashioned clothes and carrying old- fashioned tools in artificial and unnatural environments. Waitt presents three different marketing strategies, which he identifies in this context. The first describes the escape to a primeval world, a world that seems to attract many of the city dwellers of today. The second and third refer to the adventure of the untamed frontier and the experiences of eco-tourism.

Concerning the images that are spread in the marketing of the Sami as an indigenous group, both Norwegian and Finnish researchers have pinpointed a number of poor examples (Saarinen 1997, Viken 1997). Similar studies show, however, that the image spread of the Sami in Sweden is generally quite good and the brochures contain relatively few anachronisms (Pettersson 1999).

To give an idea of how Sweden and Canada choose to sell their tourist attractions, a comparative study has been made. Brochures illustrating tourist attractions connected to indigenous peoples have been collected and examined. Table 2 shows the major groupings of pictures for each country. The collected material contained 92 pictures in the Swedish and 78 pictures in the Canadian brochures.

Table 2. Marketing content in Sweden and Canada. The table is based on pictures in tourist brochures, 92 Swedish and 78 Canadian. Sweden Canada Reindeer/Buffalo 43% 9% Traditional Costume 20% 33% Handicrafts/Art 18% 15% Sami Cot/Ti´pi1 16% 30% Others Sami Flag 3% Canoe 10% Source: Authors’ survey

1 Ti´pi, the cone-like tent of the Prairie First Nations which resembles the Sami Cot.

152 Even though this compilation deals with a limited number of brochures - the percentages should be treated with the utmost discretion - the table above provides some information on the priorities in each country. The table shows that there are both similarities and differences in what is emphasised in the brochures. Compared to the reindeer, which are of paramount importance in the marketing of tourism connected to the Sami and their culture, the buffalo has by no means the same special status. This can be explained by the fact that the buffalo has not had the same importance for the image of the First Nations as the reindeer has had for the Sami. In addition, the buffalo has played a central and important role for only some of the First Nations. Traditional costumes are the second most common motifs in Sweden and the most common in Canada. In both cases colourful and striking costumes seem to be important symbols of identity.

That handicrafts, according to Smith (1996b), form a central part of tourism connected to indigenous peoples has already been mentioned. Handicrafts of different types occur in both Swedish and Canadian brochures. The Sami cot, which in Sweden is intimately connected to the Sami, is exceeded in frequency by the ti´pi, the tent used by the First Nations, and also reminiscent of the Sami cot. In addition to these major groups there is also evidence of other images such as the Sami flag in Sweden and the canoe in Canada. The relatively large number of brochures containing pictures of canoes is not to entice people to hire canoes but forms part of a strategy to sell tourism connected to the cultures of the First Nations.

Only a tiny part of the brochures contains pictures marketing the Inuit and Inuit culture. This can partly be explained by the fact that the material was collected on a trip through the southern parts of Canada. It is notable, however, that brochures intended to market Canada as a whole, do not contain pictures of the Inuit either. Another noteworthy observation is that totem poles were not visible in the brochures. This is in contrast to the situation in Europe, where the totem pole is used as a ready symbol in discussions of the North American native peoples and their cultures.

Equally noticeable is the complete absence of other people or tourists in the pictures in brochures from both Sweden and Canada. This creates the impression that the area for a potential tourist destination is exclusive and undisturbed. On this point cultural tourism distinguishes itself markedly from the marketing of charter destinations where pictures of tourists are more common (Dann 1996).

In conclusion, it can be said that neither the Swedish nor the Canadian brochures contain any obvious inaccuracies or anachronisms. This depends of course on how one regards the representation of indigenous peoples in costumes that they seldom normally wear. Tourist enterprises run by both Sami and First Nations appear, however, to realise that the touristic representation of everyday life requires certain adjustments to attract visitors. The problem is where to draw the line for what is to be shown or not. In general one can argue that it is the indigenous people themselves that should decide which pictures are to illustrate their culture and their tourist attractions (Milne, Grekin & Woodley 1998).

153 The Tourist Attractions

For some people the impressions gained from tourist brochures and other sources of information satisfy their curiosity. Others choose to travel and these people will have the opportunity of assessing things for themselves on the spot. However, if the motivation to travel to the destination is to be realised, the tourist attraction has to be easily accessible to the visitor. Having investigated what is being marketed it will be of interest to study the accessibility of the attractions, and investigate further what exactly is being offered to the visitor. To answer these questions examples will be taken from Sweden, with a comparative glance at Canada.

A mapping of the locations of Sami tourist companies in Lapland, in northern Sweden, shows that there are a number of tourist attractions connected to the Sami and their culture (Müller & Pettersson 2000). These attractions are often close to municipal and tourist centres and, thereby, close to major roads (figure 2). With such a location it is possible to utilise the existing infrastructure of road network, accommodation, food and other supplies. The greatest obstacle for visitors to the area is getting to Lapland in the first place. Lapland is in the outer periphery of the major area of demand. Once in Lapland or in any other part of the Sami area (Sápmi), tourist attractions are relatively easily accessible. Access may however demand some preparation from the visitor. Relying on road signs is not enough.

Concerning the content of the tourist attractions in Swedish Lapland, it is possible to distinguish two main groups (Müller & Pettersson 2000). There are roughly 20 Sami tourist enterprises running their businesses parallel to their reindeer herding. Roughly half of them have a year-round service, while the others are open for parts of the year only. It is principally among the latter that the Sami who are also reindeer herders are to be found. The activities offered by these enterprises are: to participate in Sami daily life, to help with maintenance, reindeer branding, dividing the herds, feeding etc. The activities may also include story-telling of the Sami way of life and its traditions. The enterprises also offer small-scale hiking with a Sami guide. In other words the activities of the tourist enterprises’ include, following Smith’s classification, history, heritage and habitat (see table 1).

The fourth H is well represented in Lapland. The sale of Sami handicrafts is the most common attraction in the area. Handicrafts are more common in the area than could be assumed from the brochures, which can partly be explained by the fact that the people responsible for marketing the area are not the same as those responsible for the sale of handicrafts.

In addition to these attractions various outdoor locations for the visitor should be mentioned, such as ruins, museums and exhibitions specialising in Sami history and culture. Among the museums pride of place, in terms of content and number of visitors, belongs to Ájtte, the central Sami Museum in Jokkmokk.

Among the twenty or so tourist enterprises in Lapland, it is possible to find a number of more small-scale and exclusive attractions than are to be found at Ájtte. A company

154 Figure 2. Sami tourism in Lapland, Northern Sweden (Müller & Pettersson 2000, p. 16). with a wide choice of attractions is APJ’s Reindeer Farm outside Sorsele. Since the mid- 1990s this company has emphasised the modern reindeer-herding Sami and their daily life, Sami traditions and Sami history. The company forms a supplement to the family reindeer herding, which means that the farm is only open during the spring and summer. In addition to the reindeer farm, the family runs an abattoir and another tourist company. During the period when the reindeer farm is open, the visitor is invited to watch the calving process from a watchtower. Reindeer trips are provided, as are story-telling

155 evenings, slide-shows, Sami food and spending the night in a Sami cot. APJ’s Reindeer Farm is a typical example of a Sami tourist enterprise, to the extent that it is a new company run by a woman and in which the greater part of the income is reinvested. The owner has, however, married into the Sami, which distinguishes this company from other similar enterprises in the area2 .

Another tourist company is “Vägvisaren- Samiska Upplevelser” (The Guide – Sami Experiences) which was started by a young Sami in 1995. The company, which is based near Gällivare, offers, according to its owner, Sami experiences in a genuine Sami environment. Activities are mainly centred on a Sami camp that has been constructed for this purpose. The visitor is invited to spend a night in a Sami cot with dinner and to be guided around the Sami camp. The camp consists of various Sami buildings, cots and various store-houses. The area also has reindeer in an enclosure. More recently the business has concentrated more on organising hikes in the mountains with a Sami guide. During the trip tame reindeer help to carry the loads, in the same manner they have done for centuries as the Sami migrated with their herds. Alongside seeing the reindeer, experiencing the unspoilt mountain environment is a central theme for visitors. This company illustrates an emphasis on the marketing of habitat, a trend noticeable in an increasing number of Sami tourist enterprises in recent years, even if this type of attraction is still relatively unusual.

In comparison with the Canadian museums, Ájtte with its 70,000 visitors can be most suitably compared to Head-Smashed-In-Buffalo-Jump, which has roughly 100,000 visitors a year and which is situated about two hours car journey south of Calgary, Alberta. Buffalo Jump, like Ájtte is located peripherally in relation to the market. However, thanks to being on a major north-south highway, which is also the road to the border with Montana, USA, the attraction has a quite good accessibility.

The visitors’ centre is located in a place where, traditionally, the Blackfoot Nation drove the buffalo over the edge of a cliff; thereafter they slaughtered the animals and took hides and meat. In the building erected adjacent to the cliff, information is given on the shaping of the landscape through erosion, but it is also possible to learn about the buffalo and its behaviour, the seasonal cycle of the hunting by the Blackfoot Nation and the preparation of meat. There is a cafeteria serving “Buffalo burgers” and a souvenir shop selling clothes, postcards and simple handicrafts.

Since 1981 Buffalo Jump has been on the UNESCO World Heritage List, which makes this attraction particularly interesting to study. Being titled a World Heritage means a good deal of free advertising through UNESCO channels. On the other hand, being included on the World Heritage List also means that UNESCO can make demands, such as not allowing Buffalo Jump to expand and grow to the extent its owners would prefer. While Ájtte focuses on history, culture, handicrafts and, to some extent, the life of the modern Sami, Buffalo Jump has specialised in the natural landscape and the particular history connected to it. Both Ájtte and Buffalo Jump have the transfer of knowledge as a major goal.

2 Recently, APJ’s Reindeer Farm was forced to close due to a divorce, which meant that the owner, a Swedish woman, lost access to the core element of the enterprise, i.e. the Sami culture.

156 Also with regard to Swedish private enterprises such as APJ’s Reindeer Farm and Vägvisaren - Samiska Upplevelser, interesting comparisons can be made with similar Canadian companies. A modern and centrally located tourist facility connected to the First Nations is Turtle Island, which is situated in the middle of Ottawa, on Victoria Island in the Ottawa River. Tourist attractions connected to the First Nations in Canada can often be found in cities and in reservations close to cities. Victoria Island has been a traditional trading place for the First Nations for generations, which gives it an historical importance. Being centrally located in Ottawa, Turtle Island is also in the centre of an area with many potential visitors close at hand.

It seeks to attract many visitors who return on many occasions. This is why it provides many activities at relatively low prices. Here the visitor is invited to participate in traditional work and other activities such as story telling in the ti´pi, traditional meals accompanied by drums and dancing for entertainment.

“We invite you to share a journey back in time and experience the rich history and culture of Canada’s First People through interactive demonstrations, music and dancing.” (Turtle Island’s brochure 2000)

Once inside the area enclosed by a wooden fence, the similarities with a Sami tourist enterprise in Sweden are striking. On entering, the first thing you see is the Indian tent, the ti´pi. One difference is that behind the tent you can discern the outline of tall skyscrapers. Inside the area it is noticeable that an attempt has been made to create the feeling of a living camp. There are fires and people at work on preparing skins and making tools. There are also big barbecues and modern party tents with tables and chairs to feed large groups of visitors.

If you get tired of food, drums and the treatment of skins, there is also a bright green beach volleyball net on a sand volleyball court. This indicates that on several points the organisers have had to deviate from the traditional and genuine to cater for visitors’ needs. The handicrafts and souvenirs that are sold at the entrance are also reminiscent of the Sami handicrafts sold in Sweden, consisting, as they do, of artefacts made of leather and horn. As in Sweden, miniature tents, jewellery and clothing are for sale. The tourist attraction and the activities on offer at Turtle Island are similar to those found in Sweden, where tourists are entertained with song, dance and drums. In the same way, several of the Sami tourist attractions also offer the visitor opportunities to participate in the business of daily life and manual labour.

A comparison of indigenous tourism in Sweden and Canada demonstrates a limited accessibility primarily in the attractions located in the northern parts of the two countries, in other words the attractions connected to the Inuits and the Sami. The tourist attractions connected to the First Nations are closer to both the infrastructure and the market, and can therefore be said to have a greater accessibility. The comparison also shows that the pictures displayed in brochures are consistent, to a large extent, with what the visitor sees on the spot.

157 Summary and Conclusions

The images created have, to a large extent, been in agreement with what the visitor sees on the spot. It is, however, necessary to discuss the matter further. There is a gap between what the visitor sees on the spot and the realities of the daily lives of the indigenous peoples, away from the sight of the tourist. This gap can give the feeling that one is selling an almost artificial product that in the long-term runs the risk of diluting the culture it seeks to preserve.

On the other hand, as several entrepreneurs have pointed out, a certain amount of window dressing is needed to attract the visitors. Tourism that is based on a meeting between entrepreneurs and tourists perhaps has to be played out on a more-or-less artificial stage (MacCannell 1999). What is too normal has no power of attraction. Presumably, this is why the tourist attraction and the marketing of this attraction is more or less adjusted to or can be compared to “an escape to a primeval world” (Waitt 1999).

All in all, there are a range of attractions in both Sweden and Canada that are connected to the indigenous peoples and their cultures (see table 3 for a comparative compilation). The attractions are rather similar, irrespective of location. Perhaps it could be stated that the attractions connected to the First Nations in Canada tend to be located closer to major towns than the equivalent Sami attractions in Sweden; there are no Turtle Islands in Swedish cities. The tourist attractions connected to the Inuits and Inuit culture are remotely situated in northern Canada. Since there are airports in the area one can argue that the attractions are relatively accessible, but only for those disposing of the economic resources needed. For the tourist who shops around there are inexpensive and easily accessible tourist attractions in both Sweden and Canada.

On the basis of the observations made here it is difficult to draw any conclusions about the suitable direction or desirability of further developing indigenous tourism in the future. What can be argued is that it is evidently possible to earn a living from this type of tourism. The pitfalls are many, which is why further development should be carefully planned. A central issue is what actually constitutes a tourist attraction (Jansson 1993). For example, there appears to be a great deal of money to be made in investing in casinos or “the new buffalo”, as the casino branch has been called (Stansfield 1996). The balance between preserving genuine indigenous cultures and undermining the same can be difficult to negotiate.

Many people emphasise that in this context it is important that tourism investment is based on the wishes of the indigenous people themselves. Only they can decide which products are the right ones to sell and how they should be marketed (Hinch 1995). Nevertheless, many different attractions seem to be compatible with a sustainable development of indigenous tourism. The sensitive nature of the culture and environment in which indigenous peoples live, indicates that despite a sustainable development it is also important to keep the number of visitors at a low level.

Whichever line of development for indigenous tourism is followed, Sweden and Ca- nada, because of their similarities, have a great deal to learn from each other. This

158 comparison has shown that there are many similarities between indigenous tourism in Sweden and Canada; particularly regarding attractions. Still, there are also a number of differences, as in the case of the location of these attractions in relation to the demand.

In conclusion, it is important to continue research into the field, also from a perspective aimed at creating long-term and sustainable investment (see Reid 1998). Issues like the economic and social impact of change within the indigenous society, the perceptions and demands of the visitors, or the impact of marketing and promotion are still to be investigated and thus trigger, challenges for future research.

Table 3. Overview of indigenous tourism in Sweden and Canada. Sweden Canada Indigenous The Sami who constitute Together they constitute population approx. 0.2% of the approx. 2% of the Swedish population population of Canada (approx. 20,000) (approx. 500,000).

Spread of The northern inland areas The First Nations in the indigenous of Sweden: i.e. the area south of Canada. The peoples covered by the 51 Sami Inuits in the farthest north communities in Sweden. of Canada.

Location of Relatively close to the The First Nations: often tourist attractions infrastructure but often far close to or in the major away from the location of cities. The Inuits: often far demand. from infrastructure and the major cities.

Tourist Relatively good The Indians: good attractions’ accessibility once one has accessibility. The Inuits: accessibility arrived in northern Sweden. poor accessibility but better for those who can afford to fly.

Tourist attraction Greatest emphasis on Greatest emphasis on marketing reindeer but also traditional traditional costume and the costumes, handicrafts and ti´pi. the Sami cot.

Source: Authors’ survey.

159 References

Berglund, A.-K. et al. (1995): Regionalpolitik och regional utveckling in Kanada, erfaren- heter från en studieresa. Expertgruppen för forskning om regional utveckling. Rapport 86. Stockholm. Butler, R. & T. Hinch (1996): Indigenous tourism: a common ground for discussion; in R. Butler & T. Hinch (ed.): Tourism and Indigenous People, 3-19. Cohen, E. (1993): The study of touristic images of native people. Mitigating the stereotype of a stereotype; in D.G. Pearce & R.W. Butler (ed.): Tourism Research: Critiques and Challenges, 36-69. Dann, G. (1996): The People of the Tourist Brochures; in T. Selwyn (ed.): Myths and Myth Making in Tourism, 61-81. Edwards E. (1996): Postcards – Greetings from Another World; in T. Selwyn (ed.): Myths and Myth Making in Tourism, 197-221. Getz, D. & W. Jamieson (1997): Rural Tourism in Canada: Issues, Opportunities and Entrepreneurship in Aboriginal Tourism in Alberta; in S.J. Page & D. Getz (ed.): The Business of Rural Tourism, International Perspectives, 93-107. Grekin, J. & S. Milne (1996): Toward sustainable tourism development: the case of Pond Inlet, NWT; in R. Butler & T. Hinch (ed.): Tourism and Indigenous People, 76-106. Harrison, D. & M.F. Price (1996): Fragile environments, fragile communities? An introduction; in M.F. Price (ed.): People and Tourism in Fragile Environments, 1- 18. Hinch, T.D. (1995): Aboriginal People in the Tourism Economy of Canada’s Northwest Territories; in C.M. Hall & M.E. Johnston (ed.): Polar Tourism, 115-130. Jansson, B. (1993): Tourism attractiveness: Kanadensiska sevärdheter mätta utan måt- tstock; in L.-E. Borgegård (ed.): Den vet som vida färdas. GERUM 19. Geografiska institutionen, Umeå universitet. Lundgren, J. (1995): The Tourism Space Penetration Processes in Northern Canada and Scandinavia: a Comparison; in C.M. Hall & M.E. Johnston (ed.): Polar Tourism, 43- 62. MacCannell, D. (1999): The Tourist – A new Theory of the Leisure Class. London. McKay J.P., B. D. Hill & J. Buckler (1996): A history of world societies. Boston. Mercer, D. (1994): Native peoples and tourism: conflicts and compromise; in W. Theobald (ed.): Global tourism: the next decade, 124-145. Milne, S., J. Grekin & S. Woodley (1998): Tourism and the construction of place in Canada’s eastern Arctic; in G. Ringer (ed.): Destinations – cultural landscapes of tourism, 101-120. Müller, D. & R. Pettersson (2000): Access to Sami Tourism in Northern Sweden. WP 2000:2. European Tourism Research Institute, Östersund. Notzke, C. (1999): Indigenous Tourism Development in the Arctic. Annals of Tourism Research, 26:1, 55-76. Pedersen, K. & A. Viken (1996): From Sami Nomadism to Global Tourism; in M. F. Price (ed.): People and Tourism in Fragile Environments, 69-88. Pettersson, R. (1999): Turism i Sameland: dagens och morgondagens turism kopplad till samer i svenska Lappland. WP 1999:24. European Tourism Research Institute, Öst- ersund.

160 Price, M.F. (1996): People and Tourism in Fragile Environments. Chichester. Reid, D.G. (1998): Rural tourism development: Canadian provincial issues; in R. Butler, C.M. Hall & J. Jenkins (ed.): Tourism and Recreation in Rural Areas, 69-80. Ryan, C. & J. Huyton (2000): Aboriginal Tourism: a Linear Structural Relations Analysis of Domestic and International Tourist Demand. International Journal of Tourism Research 2, 15-29. Saarinen, J. (1997): Tourist destinations and the production of touristic space: Lapland as an ethnic landscape; in J. Vuolteenaho & T. Antti Äikäs (ed.): NGP Yearbook 1997, 38-45. Smith, V.L. (1996a): The Inuit as Hosts: Heritage and Wilderness Tourism in Nunavut; in M. F. Price (ed.): People and Tourism in Fragile Environments, 33-50. Smith V.L. (1996b): Indigenous tourism: the four Hs; in R. Butler & T. Hinch (ed.): Tourism and Indigenous People, 283-307. Smith V.L. (1989): Hosts and Guests, The Anthropology of tourism. Second edition. University of Pennsylvania Press. Stansfield, C. (1996): Reservations and gambling: Native Americans and the diffusion of legalized gaming; in R. Butler & T. Hinch (ed.): Tourism and Indigenous People, 129-147. Viken, A. (1997) Sameland tilpasset turistblikket; in Steen Jacobsen, J.K. & A. Viken (ed.): Turisme: Fenomen og naering. Oslo, 174-180. Waitt, G. (1999): Naturalizing the ´primitive´ a critique of marketing Australia’s indigenous peoples as ´hunter-gathers´. Tourism Geographies 1(2), 142-163.

161 ETOUR - European Tourism Research Institute ETOUR (European Tourism Research Institute) is a research institute which develops knowledge about tourism and travelling and contributes to the tour- ism industry´s development and growth, mainly in northern Sweden. The institute was founded by the Mid-Sweden University, the Swedish Tourist Authority and the Swedish Travel and tourist Federation. The research is conducted within four programme areas: Business Development, Destina- tion Development, Culture and Cultural Environment and Nature and Natural Resources. The results of the research is communicated to the tourism industry via the program unit Transfer of Know-How.

The books can be ordered by; ETOUR , Mitthögskolan, 831 25 Östersund, tel +46 63 19 58 00, fax +46 63 19 58 10, e-mail [email protected], www.etour.mh.se.

Scientific book series V 2001:7 The Olympic Host Selection Process Christer Persson, 2001 V 2000:6 The Host Selection Process for the 2002 Olympic Winter Games Christer Persson, 2000 V 2000:5 Environmental Valuation and Policy: Applications in the Management of Endangered Species, Recreation, and Tourism Peter Fredman, 2000 V 1999:4 German Second Home Owners in the Swedish Countryside Dieter K. Müller, 1999 V 1999:3 The Impact of Mega Events Tommy D. Andersson, Christer Persson, Bengt Sahlberg, Lars-Inge Ström, 1999 V 1997:2 Evenemangsmarknadsföring Organisering, styrning och samverkan vid marknadsföringen av VM i friidrott 1995 Maria Larsson, 1997 V 1997:1 Servicekvalitet inom evenemangsturism En studie av två svenska turistattraktioner Ossian Stiernstrand, 1997

Report series U 2000:3 Internet på svenska hotell En kartläggning Maria Lexhagen, 2000 U 1999:2 IT användning i turistnäringen Maria Lexhagen, En kartläggning av små och medelstora företag Anders Grevby, 1999

U 1998:1 Riktade studier för utveckling av svensk turism Studie gjord på uppdrag av Turistdelegationen Ossian Stiernstrand, 1998

Popular science series P 2001:12 Svensk Fjällturism Peter Fredman, 2001 P 2001:10 Tyska turister i Sverige Dieter K Müller, Robert Pettersson, Peter Fredman, Christine Lundberg, Bodil Frey, Maj-Britt Hansson, Dennis Bederoff, 2001

162 P 2001:9 På Resande Fot 23 forskare skriver om turism och upplevelser Sellin & Partner Bok och Idé AB, 2001 P 2000:8 Tjänster på Internet En analys av hotell, flyg, resebyråer och Maria Lexhagen, researrangörer Herbjørn Nysveen, 2000 P 2000:7 Naturturism i södra fjällen – planering, utveckling och förvaltning – Dokumentation av seminariet i Östersund i november 2000 Red. Christina Frimodig, 2000 P 2000:6 Destinationsutveckling – planering, implementering och effekter – Dokumentation av konferensen i Öster- sund i september 2000 Red. Christina Frimodig, 2000 P 2000:5 Den Goda Resan Kristina Berg, Ett projekt som ska ge nya idéer och per- Nina Danius, spektiv på utveckling av turistmåltider Johan Åstrand, Kent Öberg, 2000 P 2000:4 Turistens val En studie i Kramfors/Höga Kusten 1999 av besökare och informationskanaler Ulla Romild, 2000

P 2000:3 Festivalbesökaren Marknadsföringskanaler och attityder till Storsjöyran Maria Larsson, 2000 P 1999:2 IT användning i turistnäringen Anders Grevby, - nätverk, växtvärk och huvudvärk Lena Ångman, Maria Lexhagen, 1999 P 1998:1 Kungar, katastrofer och kryddor Om en världsomspännande industri - turismen Bengt Sahlberg, 1998

Scientific report series R 2001:6 Going North Peripheral Tourism in Canada and Sweden Editor Bengt Sahlberg, 2001 R 2000:5 Ett reservatsdilemma - Kiruna nationalparksförslag 1986-1989 och makten över fjällen som fritidslandskap Klas Sandell, 2000 R 2000:4 Fjällturismens historia En studie av utvecklingen i Åredalen Per-Åke Nilsson, 1999 R 1999:3 Pleiades - Cultural Itineraries in Rural Areas Red. Eva Åhlström, 1999 R 1999:2 Konferensrapport 7:e Nordiska Forskarsymposiet i Turism 1998 R 1998:1 Turistföretagares syn på nätverkssamarbete Göran Svensk, 1998

Fact sheets F 2000:1 Forskning om turism och friluftsliv Tuomas Vuorio, i Södra Jämtlandsfjällen Christina Frimodig, 2000

163 164 R 2001:6

Going North Going North Peripheral Tourism in Canada and Sweden

Editor: Bengt Sahlberg Peripheral Tourism in Canada and Sweden

ETOUR, SE-831 25 Östersund Tel +46 63-19 58 00 Fax +46 63-19 58 10 E-mail [email protected] Website www.etour.mh.se

RAPPORTSERIEN Bengt Sahlberg

ISBN 91-973902-8-3 ISSN 1403-4220