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The Hallway of Memory—A Case Study on the Diversified Interpretation of Cultural Heritage in Taiwan

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The Hallway of Memory—A Case Study on the Diversified Interpretation of Cultural Heritage in Taiwan The Hallway of Memory—A Case Study on the Diversified Interpretation of Cultural Heritage in Taiwan Introduction From the 1990s Taiwan was characterized by the emerging vogue of ‘museumification’ (Connerton 2006: 316) and ‘heritagilation’ (Butler 2006: 468), against the background of the liberation of political restraints and the dramatic change of economical and social environments. As a reaction to the previous cultural amnesia, the retrieval of local memories coincided with the rapid development of local museums and historic preservation cases, representing the strengthening of considerations on local identity (Mu 1999). With the pursuit of ‘locality’1, the collective past has been reshaped by the multiple interpretations of memories, indicating the intertwined forces underlying the reconstruction of the past. This paper explores the reconstruction of the past by examining the interpretations of collective ceremony and heritage renovation conducted by a local museum. The selected case for discussion is a historic site built in the Japanese colonial period -- Siliandong （四 連棟）as one of the reflections on the wider context of Taiwan’s heritage construction. This paper begins with a discussion on the Shangdongshi（上棟式） ceremony which was held to celebrate the completion of the main structure of Siliandong. As Butler summarized the points which ‘similarly positioned “heritage” as a form of “secular religion”’, she explicated that ‘these texts have given further critical depth to the relationship of the “rise of heritage” to modernity’s experience of secularization, to the reorganization of religious experience and to the redeployment of its “civilizing 1 The definition of ‘locality’ here refers to the uniqueness of a ‘place’ for arousing the sense of identity within the context of Taiwan. It is particularly associated with the concern on the subjectivity of Taiwan and on the specialty of local areas. 1 rituals” and theological languages.’ (Butler 2006: 467). This provides the premise for the following discussions on the ceremony of Shangdongshi and the renovation of Siliandong. Both of them are related here to the interpretation of local heritage, and also to the conducting of ‘secular ritual’ for the pursuit of local identity. When Moore and Myerhoff analyzed the theoretical significance of secular ritual, they not only agreed with Durkheim’s paradigm that rituals reflect the social relationships, but also echoed the considerations that the rituals function to ‘reorganize’ ‘existing social arrangements and existing modes of thought’ or ‘even help to create them’ (Moore and Myerhoff 1977: 5). As a form of secular ritual, the interpretations of Shangdongshi and Siliandong offer the clues of social relationships in a local area and on the expanding sphere of contemporary context for heritage interpretation in Taiwan. Furthermore, the paper probes further into the mode of thoughts toward local identity and the collective past that they help to shape and reconstruct. Ritualizing Ambiguous Memories On the 3rd October 2005, a special ceremony was performed for celebrating the completion of the main structure of a historic building in Jinguashi（金瓜石）, in north eastern Taiwan. The ceremony was mainly according to the tradition from Japan and partly from Taiwan; both traditions were closely related to old Chinese custom. It was named ‘Shangdongshi’（上棟式）, and was organized by the corporation between the Japanese architect and the museum of Taipei County Gold Ecological Park（台北縣黃 金博物園區）. Shangdong（上棟）or Shangliang（上樑）－The Colonial Ambiguity The ceremony is commonly held in Chinese culture. When the main structure of 2 the house is completed, the owner of the house invites guests to participate in the ritual in order to pray for the following safe construction, to celebrate the completion of the most difficult and crucial part of the house, and also to announce that the final completion is not far away. In Taiwan, the ritual is usually called ‘Shangliangshi’（上 樑式）or Shangliangli（上樑禮）；whereas the Japanese ritual is commonly named Shangdongshi（上棟式）.2 These various terms can be found simultaneously in old Chinese texts. Although the purposes and forms of the ritual in Taiwan and Japan are similar, the practice is different according to the custom of each culture. As an announcing event for the processing renovation of a colonial historic building, the decision to adopt which type of ceremony was critical during the preparative stage. It indicates the ambiguity arisen from the conservation of colonial heritage in the contemporary Taiwan, when the heritage conservation and cultural activities are commonly used as the material means to enforce the collective memory and therefore, the blurry locality. The ceremony was divided to three main parts: the prayer rite, Shangdong and Sanbing/ Sanqian（散餅/散錢）. And before the main ceremonies, there was a routinely speech part; after Sanbing/ Sanqian, the museum offered Tongyuan（湯圓） to the guests for sharing the joy and happiness. 2 Li, Qian-Lang (2003) The Illustrative Book of Historic Architecture in Taiwan. Taipei: Yuan-Liou Publishing Co., Ltd. P.224. 李乾朗, 2003, <<台灣古建築圖解事典>>, 台北市:遠流出版社. 頁 224. 3 Part 1: The Prayer Rite－Secular or Sacred Ritual? Figure 1. The Prayer Rite The rite of prayer was initiated after the speeches of the county governor, the head of Rueifang Town, and the local representative of Taipei County Council. This is the formal procedure for the opening of most official activities and cultural events in the local counties and the museums financed by the local government. After the speeches, the chief celebrant started the ritual by offering food and drink, addressing the prayer, and leading the participants to salute the god. The setting of the altar and the performance of the rites were according to the instruction of the Japanese architect who was the main designer for the renovation plan. It was worth noting that the definition of sacred or secular in this ceremony was rather vague: no matter the practice of rites or the identity of the ritual performers－the chief celebrant was the political leader of the county instead of a religious conductor. Moreover, the name of the god/goddess prayed for was not invoked at all during the whole ceremony. Figure 2. The Setting of the Altar 4 Part 2: Shangdong（上棟）－Performance Without the Cultural Context The practice of this ceremony was finalized mainly in Japanese style and accompanied with some Taiwanese customs. The ceremony adopted the Japanese settings of the altar, the main forms of the ritual, and the model of Dongzha（棟札）. Yet the constructor put a red cloth on the central beam according to Taiwanese custom while even white was adopted as the main colour of the altar following the Japanese ritual setting. Figure 3. Dongzha When the purpose of Shangliangshi（上樑式）is originally based on its religious function to pray for a smooth construction, the presentation of a Japanese white altar revealed the incompatibility with Taiwanese cultural context. White color in Taiwanese culture is often associated with unluckiness and not used for most occasions of celebration. Moreover, the meaning and function of the objects and materials used in the ceremony were entirely unknown, and only made clear by texts in the printed brochures and explanation by the museum. It further could be argued that the deliberate blank of the subject for pray－as the ideological avoidance of the colonial impression－signified its ambiguity of religious function and its concealed sacred power－the political influence. 5 Figure 4. Shangdong by the Carpentry Master The second part of Shangdongshi was to locate the Dongzha（棟札）. During the traditional Japanese ceremony, the names of the god/goddess who protect the house, the carpentry master, and the Japanese date are written in advance on Dongzha and it is located by the master of carpenters as the most significant rite during the ceremony. However, for the Dongzha of Siliandong（四連棟）, the name of the god/goddess was replaced by the names of the county governors, the head of the museum, the architect and the constructor. The moment of installing Dongzha on the central beam was designed as the core attraction for photographing by the media. Part 3: Sanbing/ Sanqian (散餅/散錢)－The Transmission and Transformation of Collective Memories Figure 5. Sanbing / Sanqian 6 The third part of the ceremony was Sanbing/ Sanqian which was the offering of sweets and coins to the guests by the owner of the house. Although the performance of this rite was also unknown to the local people, it was actively participated in, perhaps due to its more interactive and understandable form. One of the local elders recalled about his experience on Sanbing during the Japanese colonial period yet forgot about his participation in another part of the ritual. Simultaneously in the present event, the participating children had no memories of the colonial period and were educated within an entirely different cultural and political context. The ceremony served as a connecting element between generations but the memory they conceived from this may be completely different as each has his or her own framework of memory. The image of the past was modified by the interpretation of the ritual and by the reconstructed memory of the different generations of local residents and the outsiders as tourists and politicians. If the gathering was like what Leach pointed out for this type of secular ritual, ‘the ceremony itself may have been an attempt to mask that, and to exaggerate the collective effort, the common cooperation and the collective benefit, the way in which strangers may contribute to the same enterprise. It provided a formal theatrical medium in which the people could be together without interacting very much, but in which their symbols could be juxtaposed in time and space to give apparent unity’ (Moore and Myerhoff 1977: 9). What then was the unity of interpretation which Shangdongshi had shaped? What were its goals to achieve by the ‘collective efforts’? 7 Missing Memory, Conflicting Interpretation Figure 6.
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