The Hallway of Memory—A Case Study on the Diversified Interpretation of Cultural Heritage in Taiwan

Introduction

From the 1990s Taiwan was characterized by the emerging vogue of

‘museumification’ (Connerton 2006: 316) and ‘heritagilation’ (Butler 2006: 468),

against the background of the liberation of political restraints and the dramatic change

of economical and social environments. As a reaction to the previous cultural amnesia,

the retrieval of local memories coincided with the rapid development of local

museums and historic preservation cases, representing the strengthening of

considerations on local identity (Mu 1999). With the pursuit of ‘locality’1, the collective past has been reshaped by the multiple interpretations of memories, indicating the intertwined forces underlying the reconstruction of the past. This paper explores the reconstruction of the past by examining the interpretations of collective ceremony and heritage renovation conducted by a local museum. The selected case for discussion is a historic site built in the Japanese colonial period -- Siliandong （四

連棟）as one of the reflections on the wider context of Taiwan’s heritage construction.

This paper begins with a discussion on the Shangdongshi（上棟式） ceremony which was held to celebrate the completion of the main structure of Siliandong. As

Butler summarized the points which ‘similarly positioned “heritage” as a form of

“secular religion”’, she explicated that ‘these texts have given further critical depth to the relationship of the “rise of heritage” to modernity’s experience of secularization, to the reorganization of religious experience and to the redeployment of its “civilizing

1 The definition of ‘locality’ here refers to the uniqueness of a ‘place’ for arousing the sense of identity within the context of Taiwan. It is particularly associated with the concern on the subjectivity of Taiwan and on the specialty of local areas.

1 rituals” and theological languages.’ (Butler 2006: 467). This provides the premise for the following discussions on the ceremony of Shangdongshi and the renovation of

Siliandong. Both of them are related here to the interpretation of local heritage, and also to the conducting of ‘secular ritual’ for the pursuit of local identity.

When Moore and Myerhoff analyzed the theoretical significance of secular ritual,

they not only agreed with Durkheim’s paradigm that rituals reflect the social

relationships, but also echoed the considerations that the rituals function to

‘reorganize’ ‘existing social arrangements and existing modes of thought’ or ‘even

help to create them’ (Moore and Myerhoff 1977: 5). As a form of secular ritual, the

interpretations of Shangdongshi and Siliandong offer the clues of social relationships

in a local area and on the expanding sphere of contemporary context for heritage

interpretation in Taiwan. Furthermore, the paper probes further into the mode of

thoughts toward local identity and the collective past that they help to shape and

reconstruct.

Ritualizing Ambiguous Memories

On the 3rd October 2005, a special ceremony was performed for celebrating the

completion of the main structure of a historic building in Jinguashi（金瓜石）, in north

eastern Taiwan. The ceremony was mainly according to the tradition from Japan and

partly from Taiwan; both traditions were closely related to old Chinese custom. It was

named ‘Shangdongshi’（上棟式）, and was organized by the corporation between the

Japanese architect and the museum of Taipei County Gold Ecological Park（台北縣黃

金博物園區）.

Shangdong（上棟）or Shangliang（上樑）－The Colonial Ambiguity

The ceremony is commonly held in Chinese culture. When the main structure of

2 the house is completed, the owner of the house invites guests to participate in the

ritual in order to pray for the following safe construction, to celebrate the completion

of the most difficult and crucial part of the house, and also to announce that the final

completion is not far away. In Taiwan, the ritual is usually called ‘Shangliangshi’（上

樑式）or Shangliangli（上樑禮）；whereas the Japanese ritual is commonly named

Shangdongshi（上棟式）.2 These various terms can be found simultaneously in old

Chinese texts. Although the purposes and forms of the ritual in Taiwan and Japan are similar, the practice is different according to the custom of each culture. As an announcing event for the processing renovation of a colonial historic building, the decision to adopt which type of ceremony was critical during the preparative stage. It indicates the ambiguity arisen from the conservation of colonial heritage in the contemporary Taiwan, when the heritage conservation and cultural activities are commonly used as the material means to enforce the collective memory and therefore, the blurry locality.

The ceremony was divided to three main parts: the prayer rite, Shangdong and

Sanbing/ Sanqian（散餅/散錢）. And before the main ceremonies, there was a routinely speech part; after Sanbing/ Sanqian, the museum offered Tongyuan（湯圓） to the guests for sharing the joy and happiness.

2 Li, Qian-Lang (2003) The Illustrative Book of Historic Architecture in Taiwan. Taipei: Yuan-Liou Publishing Co., Ltd. P.224. 李乾朗, 2003, <<台灣古建築圖解事典>>, 台北市:遠流出版社. 頁 224.

3 Part 1: The Prayer Rite－Secular or Sacred Ritual?

Figure 1. The Prayer Rite

The rite of prayer was initiated after the speeches of the county governor, the

head of Rueifang Town, and the local representative of Taipei County Council. This is

the formal procedure for the opening of most official activities and cultural events in

the local counties and the museums financed by the local government. After the

speeches, the chief celebrant started the ritual by offering food and drink, addressing

the prayer, and leading the participants to salute the god. The setting of the altar and

the performance of the rites were according to the instruction of the Japanese architect

who was the main designer for the renovation plan. It was worth noting that the

definition of sacred or secular in this ceremony was rather vague: no matter the

practice of rites or the identity of the ritual performers－the chief celebrant was the political leader of the county instead of a religious conductor. Moreover, the name of the god/goddess prayed for was not invoked at all during the whole ceremony.

Figure 2. The Setting of the Altar

4 Part 2: Shangdong（上棟）－Performance Without the Cultural Context

The practice of this ceremony was finalized mainly in Japanese style and

accompanied with some Taiwanese customs. The ceremony adopted the Japanese

settings of the altar, the main forms of the ritual, and the model of Dongzha（棟札）.

Yet the constructor put a red cloth on the central beam according to Taiwanese custom

while even white was adopted as the main colour of the altar following the Japanese

ritual setting.

Figure 3. Dongzha

When the purpose of Shangliangshi（上樑式）is originally based on its religious function to pray for a smooth construction, the presentation of a Japanese white altar revealed the incompatibility with Taiwanese cultural context. White color in

Taiwanese culture is often associated with unluckiness and not used for most occasions of celebration. Moreover, the meaning and function of the objects and materials used in the ceremony were entirely unknown, and only made clear by texts in the printed brochures and explanation by the museum. It further could be argued that the deliberate blank of the subject for pray－as the ideological avoidance of the colonial impression－signified its ambiguity of religious function and its concealed sacred power－the political influence.

5 Figure 4. Shangdong by the Carpentry Master The second part of Shangdongshi was to locate the Dongzha（棟札）. During the

traditional Japanese ceremony, the names of the god/goddess who protect the house,

the carpentry master, and the Japanese date are written in advance on Dongzha and it

is located by the master of carpenters as the most significant rite during the ceremony.

However, for the Dongzha of Siliandong（四連棟）, the name of the god/goddess was

replaced by the names of the county governors, the head of the museum, the architect

and the constructor. The moment of installing Dongzha on the central beam was

designed as the core attraction for photographing by the media.

Part 3: Sanbing/ Sanqian (散餅/散錢)－The Transmission and Transformation of

Collective Memories

Figure 5. Sanbing / Sanqian

6 The third part of the ceremony was Sanbing/ Sanqian which was the offering of sweets and coins to the guests by the owner of the house. Although the performance of this rite was also unknown to the local people, it was actively participated in, perhaps due to its more interactive and understandable form. One of the local elders recalled about his experience on Sanbing during the Japanese colonial period yet forgot about his participation in another part of the ritual. Simultaneously in the present event, the participating children had no memories of the colonial period and were educated within an entirely different cultural and political context. The ceremony served as a connecting element between generations but the memory they conceived from this may be completely different as each has his or her own framework of memory.

The image of the past was modified by the interpretation of the ritual and by the reconstructed memory of the different generations of local residents and the outsiders as tourists and politicians. If the gathering was like what Leach pointed out for this type of secular ritual, ‘the ceremony itself may have been an attempt to mask that, and to exaggerate the collective effort, the common cooperation and the collective benefit, the way in which strangers may contribute to the same enterprise. It provided a formal theatrical medium in which the people could be together without interacting very much, but in which their symbols could be juxtaposed in time and space to give apparent unity’ (Moore and Myerhoff 1977: 9). What then was the unity of interpretation which Shangdongshi had shaped? What were its goals to achieve by the

‘collective efforts’?

7 Missing Memory, Conflicting Interpretation

Figure 6. Siliandong The participants of Shangdongshi（上棟式） were the county governors, local politicians and important figures invited by the museum. The students and school masters of the only elementary school in Jinguashi also attended the ceremony. And due to its open spaced location, the local people and tourists were welcomed to participate. However, the open participation did not obviously initiate the collective memories toward the residence building since its previous residents were completely absent at this occasion. This historic building was relatively foreign to the local participants of this ceremony even though they grew up in the same village as the residents of this Japanese building. The direct memory of this historic site was actually absent during the assignment and planning of Siliandong. This may suggest the ambiguous definition of ‘heritage’ within the political context of Taiwan.

The Absent Memory of Siliandong（四連棟）

Figure 7. The Front Elevation of Siliandong

8 Siliandong was built during 1930s while the Japanese Mining Company（日本鑛

業株式會社）incorporated the entire mining business in Jinguashi (Guo 1984). In

order to reap the most profits, the company not only built up new factories and

machinery equipments, but completely changed the landscape and social structure of

Jinguashi according to the popular planning model of the ‘industrial village’ in the

contemporary Japanese industries (Chang 1993:59-70). Most of the residents were the

employees of the company, living on the salary and facility offered by it. They were

classified as different working classes which not only related to their jobs but more to

their ethic origins—the level of office workers who were mainly Japanese, received a

better salary, housing, living area and company welfare. The social structure was

inherited by the later authority of Taiwan Metal Mining Company（台灣金屬礦業公

司） when the colonial power left. However, the higher level of the Japanese

management community was replaced by the mainlanders’ community. As the

residence for managers of Japanese and the Mainlanders, Siliandong was unavoidably

the material symbol of the colonial social order. Its building materials, constructing

forms and location demonstrate the higher rank of social class.

After the closure of the mining business, most of the villagers who were in better

financial circumstances moved out. (Su 1996: 187) Considering the oral data of

village memories collected by the museum, the living condition of the central

residence area, where the higher rank managers were mainly accommodated, was

rarely described. Many of those informants remembered the racial and professional

discrimination by the Japanese and the mainlander administrative body (Taiwan

Nature Trail Society 2005 medium: 9, 32-33; Li, Guo-Jia 2005: 101). The miners who

were unable to move stayed in the village, and theirs became the only memory

version of the past.

9 The Social Frameworks of Memory

As Halbwachs observed in his On Collective Memories, the individual memory is located in its social frameworks, and ‘collective frameworks are,…, precisely the instruments used by the collective memory to reconstruct an image of the past which is in accord, in each epoch, with the predominant thoughts of the society.’ (Halbwachs

1992: 40) Siliandong was the node of memories in the local area where the memories were framed and reshaped by the collective frameworks of each community. The representation of Siliandong’s past showed a reconstructed collective memory of the present community which claimed to own the heritage, associated with the frameworks of diverse groups and also to shared consciousness of place. This part of the paper explores what the social frameworks are of different groups in Jinguashi, and represents those memories towards Siliandong, and ‘their relative strength and the ways in which they combine within individual thought’ (Halbwachs 1992:52).

Therefore, the collective framework which reconstructed the image of the past is clarified by the discussions on the diverse frameworks of groups who participated in the interpretation of Siliandong. Moreover, ‘the predominant thoughts’ on contemporary heritage discourse in connecting to it will be explained later in this paper.

As an individual who conceived him/herself as the ideological owner of

Siliandong, his/her memories associated with the renovated Siliandong will be relative to the social framework of the local residents, the architect, the governors from both central and local governments, the curators and the owner of this historic site. The representation of the renovated Siliandong and the performance of

Shangdongshi are the node of collective memories for the local residents and the people who are concerned with the sense of place base on diverse intentions. As

Lowenthal claimed ‘the prime function of memory, ..,is not to preserve the past but to

10 adapt it so as to enrich and manipulate the present’ (Lowenthal 1985: 210).

Recreating the Memory of Siliandong

During the investigation on collecting the memories, the diverse collective memories owned by obviously two different groups of local residents initiated the issue toward the reconstruction of a single image of a local past which was caused by the interpretation of Siliandong. As one of the colonial remains, Siliandong’s identity as ‘heritage’ is critical in the contemporary context. The social frameworks resulting from the past political changes shaped these different memories of the site. And both of the memories have been recollected and reshaped by the grand framework which associated with the contemporary ideological pursuit of locality.

As a materialized symbol of the superior social rank during the Japanese colonial period and KMT nationalist governance, Siliandong has little emotional association with the present local people who are alienated to this space even though they pass by it everyday. When the entire social climate changed, they were aware of the necessity to claim the ownership of the site as one representation of locality. The emotional association with ‘heritage’, therefore, needs to be recreated along with the representation of the past. However, when it is reconstructed by a top-bottom force not the self-oriented sense of identity, which was not accessed due to the faults of collective memories, those interpretative attempts such as the collective ceremony and the representation of historic site are readily turned into empty material forms with no cultural sympathies.

The renovation of Siliandong was financed by the local government and its budget was examined by the county council. The renovation, therefore, was controlled by the official budget act and the political influence deeply related to the struggling

balance of power between the county government and the assembly. Focused on the

11 financial and political rewards from the expecting income of heritage tourism and the

political propaganda on local development, the county governor, head of township

and local members of the county council gathered in the ceremony of Shangdongshi.

The ceremony was inevitably the demonstration and reclamation of the political will.

Through this collective gathering, the relations and social orders in local society was

reconfirmed and even reinforced following the present political order. Those present

local inhabitants were reorganized by the political resources which were provided by

the government and politicians, and were even disintegrated when competing for the

sources from the public sector. The previous privileged group, even though they

consisted of the direct memory informants, was comparably mute. The interpretation

of the memory was unified by the political pursuit and was spontaneously attached to

the political will in order to strive for more support for better or for worse.

As the core participants in the renovation plan, the museum and architect

actually played the decisive roles during the representation of the memory. However,

the perspectives of interpretation were diverse according to their professional

intentions. Especially for the Japanese architect, his personal memory and

professional training toward the general forms of Japanese houses were challenged by

the practical situation that the residents from diverse cultural backgrounds had

changed the space for their living needs.3 This situation indicated the ambiguity while dealing with the colonial remains--if the original form is the first priority to maintain, what kind of ideological pursuit will be materialized by it? Is it the return to the colonial state when the cultural context thought necessarily coincided to the material form? The living traces of later residents, who may be regarded as the ‘indigene’ and as the successors of those ‘heritage’ in the present, are possibly wiped out for

3 According to the investigation of Guo, Zhong-Duan (1984), several interior settings of the Japanese residences in Jinguashi had been altered by the later Chinese residents for the practical use and different customs.

12 pursuing the ‘authenticity’. On the other hand, if the interpretation is chosen to represent the later traces of present community in order to strengthen the sense of sympathy and identity, does the form only demonstrate shallow materiality without deep cultural correspondence? What is the meaning of conserving the colonial remains?

For the case of Siliandong, the different intentions were represented as multiple interior displays. The four separate interior spaces were designed according to the memory of diverse epochs and groups. All of them formed the framework for the local memory toward Siliandong.

Figure 8. (Left) The Representation of the Kitchen of the Mainlander Residents

Figure 9. (Right) The Representation of the Interior Scene of the Japanese Residence

Historical Context for the Memory Boom from the 1990s

As mentioned above, the reconstruction of the image of a local past, by means of preservation and collective ceremony, is based on the recollection and interpretation of the multiple memories. Apart from the diverse intentions in local area to single out and to ‘fix’ the memory in site, the forces within the grand framework for triggering a version of memory dispatched to the national generations and the tourists, are crucial strengths in local area. They influence the formation of collective memory by different titles of subsidizing community infrastructure establishment, by the short

13 visits of governors who possessed the power to promise financial support for local

development, and by the commissioned agencies which instrument with the

complicated reports, meetings and manipulations requested by the government when

the local residents fight for and finally have the opportunity to execute the plans.

The vogue of ‘museumification’ or ‘heritagization’ was enjoyed by both the

public and private sectors from the 1990s in Taiwan. According to the statistics from

the Chinese Association of Museums, in the year 1989/90 the total number of

museums in Taiwan was 99; yet it increased to 232 in 1998.4 Although the number has to be considered by its classification and the museums’ degree of completion, the apparent extension in number and location was worth noticing. And it was widely noted that the numbers and classification of guji (古蹟)5 also grew eminently in the same epoch.6 Different from the context of the Western memory/heritage boom, the sense of locality has dominated the discourse on guji and local museums since the

1990s.

Liang-Yi Yen (2005) considered nationalism, localism and tourism as the framework for analyzing the urge for locality in Taiwan’s historic preservation. The change of the official political ideology from China-centered to Taiwan-centered and of the intellectual cultural appeals to illustrate Taiwan’s living experiences and landscapes, initiated the spreading pursuit of local identity. The inner intense conflicts resulted from modernization and urbanization along with the outer challenge to

4 Please refer to the website of Chinese Association of Museums. The number of museums in local areas from the year 1993 to 1998: http://www.cam.org.tw/3-profession/statistics-data/03area.htm. The number of museums in 1989/90 is according to the graph of ‘The Number of Museums in Taiwan 1989/90-1997’: http://www.cam.org.tw/3-profession/statistics-data/02total.htm The graphs are based on the annually statistics by Council for Cultural Affairs, Taiwan. 5 guji (古蹟), the historic relics. 6 In 1985, the official number of guji was 221(Lin 2005:23-24). According to the statistics of Council of Cultural Affairs, Taiwan, in the end of 2000, the number of guji is 460; in 2004, it increased to 592: http://event.cca.gov.tw/artsquery/93_static/統計表.pdf . In 2005, the number that Department of Civil Affairs, Ministry of Interior announced was 612 in totall. Please refer to: http://www.moi.gov.tw/dca/renovation02.asp

14 Taiwan’s international position brought the intention to look at the local place and the search for the identity. Chu-Joe Hsia (1998) reviewed the development of historic preservation in Taiwan, and proposed the concept of ‘heterotopias’ as the answer to the challenges to historic preservation within the eco-political context in Taiwan. He conceived the context for the historic preservation as two dimensions: the justification of the nation by striving for supports from local communities; and, to find out the way for the local place within the fierce competition of global economy.

Mu, Si-Mian analyzed the emergence of local museums in 1990s as the result of the trend to ‘construct the locality’ and of the politics of local identity. (Mu 1999: 33)

As the political liberation in 1987, the anti movements to the previous ‘de-history’ and

‘de-local’ were prominent in all fields. The local governments which arose within new political interactive network played important roles in promoting the locality by means of cultural tourism such as the museums, cultural festivals and local artifacts.

Along with the strategic supports from the central government and the new trend of leisure and tourism, the local specialty was promoted as the catalyzer for local development and identity.

Within this social and historical context, the developing plans of museums and heritage sites were largely increased during the 1990s and the following decade. And the recollection of local memories was sought by both the government and the local residents for reconstructing the local identity which was complexly intertwined with the national identity in contemporary Taiwan. However, the interpretation of memory was not only restrained by the grand social frameworks but also influenced by conflicting memory conceptions during the practical execution such as planning, constructing and gathering. The image of the past, the substance of locality, is actually determined after the struggling from the underlying complex social networks.

15 Conclusion: The Memory for Next Generations

The renovation of Siliandong was completed in the spring of 2007, and part of the interior was represented as the old family residence during the management of

Taiwan Metal Company. The interior scenes were designed and displayed by a female artist who grew up in one of the managers’ family of Jinguashi. She was also the project executor for collecting the oral records of previous residents in Japanese dormitories. Although the complicated, time-consuming paper work for the ‘Measures

Governing Engineering and Procurement’ and accounting system of the government, often resulted in the discord during the cooperation, the efforts to share the power of interpretation and to include multiple voices were insisted by the museum.

Partly sponsored by the project of ‘Museum of Local Culture’ (地方文化館), the renovation of Siliandong was included in the grand plot of ‘Community Infrastructure

Establishment’ （社區總體營造）. Officially it was expected to be the institution which represents the will of national identity by pursuit of locality. However, on a practical level, the financial assistance was considered by the local government as practical aids for capital expenditure and would be reward by tourists and political approvals. The representation of the past was therefore framed by the complicated interaction of political powers, and intertwined with local residents through the official subsidies in a public and political relationship sphere.

The image of the past was additionally framed by the different collective memories which were formed within the social structure related to the colonial context. The meaning of cultural patrimony associated with local ‘heritage’ was suspicious. Due to the political changes, the direct memory of Siliandong was a ‘lack’ of memory. The feeling of nostalgia and emotional sympathy usually toward the place of ‘heritage’ was separated from the local site. Underlying the intentions to reconstruct the authentic sense of place, the structural ‘lack of memory’ and alienation

16 toward the site in the present local area, conflicting with the emerging sense of

ownership and the expectation towards local development through cultural tourism.

The interpretation of the historic site, which was closely related to the symbol of

colonial discrimination, was always conducted between the ambiguity of material

forms and its cultural context. The meaning of heritage is being recreated with the

careful control on maintaining the lukewarm relationships with the cultures which are

distanced by the current political ideology.

The appeal to achieve the bottom-up participation in the preservation of historic

buildings was actually only a noble dream in the study of cases. For one of the many

peripheries in Taiwan, the civil society is still struggling within the drastically

changing environment of domestic and global economy and politics. On the other

hand, the top-bottom force involves a lack of follow up under the rigid bureaucracy system, and of the cultural context which was lost during the periods of historical amnesia. As an intermediary institution, a resourceful local museum could be the positive force to stand for the interpretation from multiple voices. It needs to operate flexibly between the public and private sectors and to insist on educational and responsible representation.

Before the official opening to the public in April 2007, Siliandong was chosen as the film set for a miniseries type of TV drama which was popular among younger generations, and famous for its cast of young stars. Influenced by the mass consumption and media power, the image of Siliandong is being recreated in the mind of new generations. What memory of Siliandong is taking place? What kind of local identity is generating through the commercial vision of outsiders? The meaning of

‘heritage’ in Taiwan is transforming under the interconnected powers despite

deliberate initiatives or historical causality.

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Oral Records

Taiwan Nature Trail Society (2005) The Medium Report of the Research on the Oral History and Image Recording in Jinguashi, Taipei County Gold Ecological Park 中華民國自然步道協會, 2005, 金瓜石口述歷史暨影像紀錄研究案期中報告, 台北縣黃金博物園區

Taiwan Nature Trail Society (2005) The Final Report of the Oral History and Image Recording of Miners in Jinguashi—History of Temples, Taipei County Gold Ecological Park. 中華民國自然步道協會, 2005, 金瓜石老礦工口述歷史暨影像紀錄期末報告—廟宇歷史, 台北縣黃金博物園區

Li, Guo-Jia (2005) The Final Report of the Oral History and Image Recording of Jinguashi: The Second Term, Taipei County Gold Ecological Park. 李國嘉, 2005, 金瓜石口述歷史暨影像紀錄(二)期末報告, 台北縣黃金博物園區

Art Studio of Li, Guo-Jia (2005) The Plan of Interior Display and Objects Collection for Siliandong Residence at Jinguang Road: The Second Term, Taipei County Gold Ecological Park . 李國嘉藝術工作室, 2005, 金光路四連棟日式宿舍內部展示設計暨展品購置案企劃書, 台北縣黃金博物園區

Figures

Figure 1~5: http://www.wretch.cc/blog/jessup&article_id=2373145

Figure 6~9: Taipei County Gold Ecological Park, Taiwan