COOPEnATIVE AGREEMENT ON HUMAN SETTLEMENTS AND NATURAL RESOURCE SYSTEMS ANALYSIS
PROJECT SUMMARY REPORT RURAL-URBAN DYNAMICS INECUADOR: AGRICULTURAL MPRKETING INTHE AMBATO REGION
SARSA Cooperative Agreement (USAID) USAID/Ecuador FONAPRE
Clark University Institute for Development Anthropology International Development Program Suite 302, P.O. Box 818 950 Main Street 99 Collier Street Worcester, MA 01610 Binglamton, NY 13902 PROJECT SUMMARY REPORT
RTRAL-URBAN DYNAMICS IN ECUADOR:
Agricultural Marketing in the Ambato Region
SETTLEMENTS AND RESOURCE SYSTEMS ANALYSIS
COOPERATIVE AGREEMENT
U.S. Agency for International Development
by
Geraia Karaska,
Barry Lentnek,
Richard Wilkie,
Eric Belsky, and
Hugh 0. Calkins,
November, 1985 Preface
This is a brie' summary of conclusions drawn from a demonstration project conducted by the Settlement and Resource Systems Analysis Cooperative Agreement
(USAID) in collaboration with FONAPRE and PRONAREG of the Government of Ecuador and financed by the USAID Mission to Ecuador. This report summarizes and eval uates detailed surveys done in 1983 and 1984 in Ecuadof. The 1983 surveys were documented in a preliminary report submitted to USAID in 1984. Some of Lhe results of the 1984 surveys are reported in this document. Together with a large data bank assembled during the first six months of 1985, these reports describe the regional analysis portion of the pilot project, which, in turn, is a part of a "convenio" agreed to by Clark University and the Ministry of
Foreign Relations, Ecuador in the summer of 1983. It is hoped that all parties will reach an agreement on the "project identification" portion of the pilot project, thus fu.filling the terms of the SARSA-FONAPRE -greement. TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
INTRODUCTION ...... I The First Phase: General Regional Analysis ...... 2 The Second Phaste: The Greater Ambato Region ...... 5 The Third Phase: Marketing ...... 7 Policy Issues ...... 10
PART L. FREIGHT MOVEMENT ANALYSIS OF FOOD MARKETING
IN THE ABATO REGION ...... 15
Introduction ...... 15
The Regional Pattern of Market Transactions ...... 20
Trading in root starches ...... 25 Trading in legumes ...... 30 Trading in citrus ...... 34 Trading in cereals ...... 38 Trading in other commodity groups . . . . # . . . . 38
Link-Flow Analyses of Commodity Movements ...... 43 Conclusions ...... 50 Appendix I-A. Cargo Destination Location Cartograms . .... Appendix I-B. Cargo Origination Location Cartograms . .... Appendix I-C. Bi-Directional Link Flow Cartograms ......
PART II. VENDOR SURVEYS IN THE FERIAS OF SAQUISILI AND PELILEO . . . . 53
General Characteristics ...... 58
Introduction ...... 58 The Seven Plazas in Saquisili ...... 68 Comparison of Seven Plazas in the Saquisili Market . . . 86
The Number of Vendors ...... 90 Number of Products Sold by Vendor Type...... 94 The Ages of the Vendors ...... 97 Intensity of M-rket Participation: Vendor Cycles ...... 100
Introduction ...... 100 Root Crops ...... 103 Vegetables...... 107 Grains ...... 110 Fruits ...... 113 Livestock ...... 117 Summary ...... 121
Vendor Surveys Spatial Information ...... 127 7
INTRODUCTION
The Settlement and Resources Systems Analysis Cooperative Agreement
(USAID) has engaged in a coll.aborative research effort with USAID/Quito and several Ecuadorian planning agencies since January, 1983. Clark University and The National Fund for Pre-Investment Studies (FONAPRE) cosigned a conven tion ("convenio") with the Minister of Foreign Relations in the summer of 1983.
The convention calls for a long-term collaborative effort which will assist
FONAPRE in its mission as the central project identification and preliminary assessment unit of the Ecuadorian government. This collaboration takes three forms: (1) general research conccrning the pattern of regional and urban development in Ecuador; (2) general training programs in advanced methods of project research, management, and evaluation; and (3) specific research on par ticular investment projects. One of the purposes of this report is to review the progress made in implementing the first two goals of the convenio. Before recounting the progress made to date, it should be noted that the SARSA-FONAPRE international team were most fortunate in obtaining the collaboration and active assistance of PRONAREG (The National Program for the Regionalization of
Agriculture), which is a research unit of the Ministry of Agriculture and Live stock. The assistance rendered by PRONAREG since early 1984 has proven to be invaluable.
It was agreed during the first days of the collaborative arrangement between SARSA and FONAPRE that the emphasis would be placed upon regional development with an emphasis upon rural development. Thus, rural-urban dynamics became the operational theme, wherein we proposed to examine carefully the existing pattern of relationships between urban centers and surrounding rural areas. In order to provide a focus for the general research base of the 2.
collaborative effort, we chose the Greater Ambato Region as an area in which to do detailed research. A very large volume of previous research was collected, studied, and evaluated. We also did a fair amount of original research on the population geography of Ecuador as well as a preliminary assessment of the pattern of regional development in light of Ecuador's economic history since
1973. This research took about a year, and a preliminary report was submitted in early 1984.
The First Phase: General Regional Analysis
The first phase of the SARSA - FONAPRE collaboration involved a period of assassment, evaluation, and project selection. We summarize here a report of the general conclusions from this period of work.
It is very clear that Ecuador's economy is a claasic case of export-based, cyclical development. The petroleum boom of 1973-1982 was, in fact, the fifth boom of its kind since independence in 1830. Each boom was led by the rapid exploitation of a crude product (e.g., coffee, cacao, rice, bananas, and oil) for which demand in international markets was vigorous with relativly high prices. In each case, the proportion of the population whose livelihoods were benefited to a large degree was small; and each boom lasted less than the span of oaie generation and was followed by a period of economic stagnation, currency inflation, devaluation of the sucre, and high urban unemployment. Nonetheless, progress did occur in infrastructure, eduzation, health, and general welfare.
Gradually, transportation and power networks were built, and a collection of national organizations were creatud which both expressed and promoted a sense of national identification. 3.
This last boom, the Era of Petroleum, shared all of the characteristics of
its predecessors. Nonetheless, there were some significant differences as
well. The principal features which were distinctive were: (a) the sheer mag
nitude of the earnings from the export "crop" as a proportion of national
earnings; (b) the suddenness with which the money appeared (following the
opening of the pipeline and the international oil embargo of December, 1973) in
huge amounts relative to the modest and declining real value of the export
income from agriculture (coffee and bananas); (c) the fact that the oil
revenues went directly into the national treasury because the oil fields were
nationalized; (d) the vast growth of the government bureaucracy in Quito; (e)
the rapid growth of a Guayaquil merchant class to supply the emerging national
bureaucracy with imported goods; and (f) near completion of long-standing
infrastructure projects such as a national all-weather road net, a national
electric grid, national telecommunications, radio and television networks, and
universal primary education.
The cu'ulative impact of these changes was to complete the process of national integration, urbanization, and modernization. Essentially, the glut of oil revenues forced the last transformations needed to convert Ecuador from an essei!Lially rural, agrarian society to one which is a recognizably part of
the urban-industrial world, albeit at a very low level of income. There are, of course, sectors which have lagged behind the changes and disequilibria which
required adjustment. Indeed, the purpose of the remainder of this section is to characterize one of the disequilibria which needs adjustment. The central point being made is that Ecuador is now an urban society and has left all but the vestiges of the economic, social, and political characteristics of her agrarian past behind her sometime during the 1970's. 4.
Because our task was to examine the pattern of regional (especially rural) development, we were at pains to produce a set of stylized facts concerning the impact of oil upon development. This proved to be most easily done by an exam ination of the regional pattern of demographic change. The central conclusicn that can be drawn is that there came into being during 1974-1982 a "corridor of development" consisting of a nearly continuous rectangle of cantons from just southeast of Guayaquil to just northeast of Quito. Population growth and urbanization are e3pecially high in this corridor. The zones lying north and south of the development corridor grew more slowly than the national average.
The Amazon and the far northwest grew slightly faster than average.
There appears to be a simple explanation for the formation of a develop ment corridor which fits the known facts. Because oil income was generated in remote fields and directly transported by pipeline to off-shoce loading facil ities, there is very little direct employment generated by the new export com modity. The limited number of jobs has had an evelL smaller impact upon the local economies because they are either very sparsely populated (Napo Province) or are very poor (Esmaraldes Province). As is well known from experience, the more remote, sparsely populated, and poor an area is at the beginning of a development project, the lower the local income and employment multiplier. So, the first point is that the direct impact of the oil boom upon the pattern of regional development was very small.
Next, Ecuador's oil resource had been nationalized prior to the oil boom and a relatively high proportion of tne wholesale price per barrel was earned by the government. Thus, it was the government which directly received the windfall after 1973. The government spent a large part of its new income on a rapidly expanding bureaucracy, most of which was located in Quito. A large 5.
proportion of non-wage and salary expenditures was dedicated to improving the
road connections to the national entrepot, Guayaquil, and providing infrastruc
ture for urban growth in the country's major cities. In short, Quito spent much of the oil income on itself, on connecting itself more firmly with
Guayaquil, and on providing that minimum investment needed to provide utilities
(water, electricity, roads, etc.) whbch allowed it to grow further.
Next, the oil boom raised the international purchasing power of the sucre to levels not seen in generations. This, together with a sharp rise in per capita income, caused a commensurate rise in imports, creating a boom in Guaya quil in transportation, wholesaling, and port industriec. Guayaquil, in turn, formed the rapidly expanding hub of a set of dependent urban places.
Finally, the sharp rise in the sucre caused import prices to fall and export prices to rise. This caused a depression in the desert crop industry and in textiles, shoes, and apparel. What had slowly accumulated over a half century of industrial growth began rapidly to die. Since office and construc tion jobs were plentiful and wages were relatively high, much of the rural pop ulation either commuted to the big cities or simply migrated.
Given all of the above, it would have been amazing not to find that Ecua dor re-oriented itself from a parallel north-south (Andean) orientation to a diagonal corridor of urban growth.
The Second Phase: The Greater Ambato Region
At the end of the first year's work, it became obvious that rapid metro politan population growth was the dominating regional fact in the decade pre ceding our collaborative research. It also became clear that the opportunities for rural development lay in better and closer linkages with a settlement 6.
pattern now focused upon large cities and metropolitan areas. One stylized
fact not previously discussed is the distribution of population growth amongst
dispersed, simple urban, complex urban, and metropolitan centers. The dis
persed rural population shrank at the same rate as the metropolitan areas grew,
while small and large towns barely retained their share of the total popula
tion. The Ecuadorians were in the process of transferring a sizeable share of
their population from the smallest to the largest settlements. Small towns
gradually changed their role as central places from dispersed rural populations
to being dispersed outposts of a centralized urban economy. The impetus for
the economic development and general welfare of the towns could only come by
finding better ways of connecting the towns both to each other and to regional
metropolitan centers. To do this, we set about examining the functional rela
tionships amongst the set of rural towns and between them and their one domi
nant regional center in Ambato.
We confine our remarks here to a summary of the conclusions from our 1983
report. The most important geographical fact is the strategic role played by
the city of Ambato within the economic and spatial structure of Ecuador. One
of the two major highways connecting Guayaquil and Quito runs past Ambato. The
central Pam American Highway going to the large, densely settled heart of the
Ecuadorian Andean Region (Rio Bamba, capital of the Province of Chimbarazo)
runs past Ambato. Finally, the major route to the central portion of Ecuador's
Amazon runs past the southern end of Ambato to the Pan American Highway. In
short, virtually any commodity originating in the southern third of Ecuador is
likely to be hauled either through or just around Ambato.
Ambato is also the capital of a rich, variegated intermontane region mostly consisting of Cotopaxi to the north and Ambato's own province of 7.
Tungurahua. Latacunga, the provincial capital of Cotopaxi, is a medium sized
city (with about 30,000 inhabitants) and clearly is a dependency of the
national capital sixty kilometers north and Ambato sixty kilometers south on
the Pan American Highway. Ambato has about 100,000 people and is virtually
suriunded by a densely settled rural population intensi.vely cultivating pota
toes, onions, vegetables, and fruits. In short, Ambato is both a strategically
located national city and the regional capital of the central Andes.
Analysis of the population geography of the Greater Ambato Region demon
strates that it is a small-scale replica of the national pattern. That is, the
city gre- much faster than the regional population as a whole, Latacunga grew only a little faster than the regional average, the smaller towns grew at the average rate, and the small dispersed settlements either grew not at all or lost population. The net effect was to shift rural population to the large city. The actual individual movements were surely far more complex.
Two small towns grew at rates substantially greater than their counter parts elsewhere in the region: Pelileo near the City of Ambato on the road to the Amazon and Saquisili lying to the northwest of Latacunga. Other demo graphic evidence suggests that Pelileo and Saquisili grew at unusually high rates for towns in the region. We now turn our attention to other kinds of evidence concerning the settlement pattern of the study area.
The Third Phase: Marketing
One of the traditional ways to classify and analyze rural settlement pat terns is by use of central place theoretical concepts. An analysis was per formed on the functions found in the towns in the Ambato Region. This analysis counted the "fixed" retail stores and service activities and correlated these 8. numbers with the population sizes of the towns, essentially identifying a
"hierarchy" of central places. The general conclusions which emerge from such an analysis are that: (1) almost all of regional level government functions are concentrated in the cities of Ambato and Latacunga; (2) the level of activ ity and the number of persons employed in truly local government is negligible;
(3) there are extremely few full-time retailing establishments and empioyees in the county seats (small towns). In short, there really is almost no dispersed employment and economic activities in retailing, public activities, and private enterprise. When coupled with the observed fact that industrial employment is virtually nil outside of a very few small towns on the periphery of the city of
Ambato, the true economic desolation of these places becomes clear.
Yet, they have increased in population size in proportion to the substan tial average regional rate of growth. Furthermore, a number of these towns have populations numbering in the thousands and yet have almost no visable means of being served with even the most basic foodstuffs and other daily necessities.
The riddle of the "missing grocery store" lies, of course, in the phenom enon of the periodic market. Once a week, most small towns hold a fair in one or more central plazas. Merchants and consumers buy, sell, and exchange goods in a short burst of frenetic activity (generally lasting from around 8 A.M. until about I P.M.). Activity decreases in the afternoon as consumers (who often also sell home produced goods) go home and merchants load their trucks to move back to their suppliers (or buyers if they purchased local goods). Larger towns have more frequent markets at more locations than smaller towns. Section
II of this report presents a detailed analysis of two sets of data collected for the towns of Pelileo and Saquisili (the towns which were identified in the 9. previous phase of analysis as showing unusually high rates of population growth).
Before reporting a summary of the main conclusions reached on the basis of this marketing analysis, however, we need to view the periodic market system as part of the general regional economy. A major reason for the dearth of commer cial activity in the towns is the shrinking market for town-based retailing and services in their respective rural hinterlands. As the population study con clusively demonstrated, the loss of population is concentrated precisely in the rural areas which provide the economic base of these communities. Because urban Ecuador is itself based upon a construction, office, and service economy, the opportunity for diffusion of industry to small communities is virtually nill. In summary, it is obvious that the near future for most small towns in the study area, in the absence of state intervention, is bleak and unpromising.
There must be an improvement in the welfare of the dispersed population if the towns are to move from their current stagnant role as dormitories for the fami lies of a floating population of transporters, construction workers, and mem bers of the traveling merchant class. This can occur only by the promotion of some activity which enjoys a clear comparative locational advantage over the large cities and which is firmly based in the economic and environmental reali ties of Andean Ecuador.
One possibility is to improve agricultural productivity. In fact, the area has been the subject of much direct investment. For example, the valley floor from Ambato up to the passes leading to Quito has been converted to modern highly productive dairy farms based on very fine quality Holsteins. For example, the twenty-year investment of Project Tungurahua is a major irrigation 10.
project. As another example, the large experiment station at Santa Catarina in
Cotopaxi has conducted long-term research in local food crops production.
It is our impression that much has already been done and many of the re maining priority projects are either underway or planned. The results have
been salutory. After all, Ecuadcr has managed to feed a metropolitan and large
city population which has tripled in one generation. Nonetheless, the tens of
thousands of marginal farmers on the mountainsides remain poor and impoverish
the very basis for the small towns. If we wish to envigorate the economic basis for a sustainable rural society both on the farms and in the towns before that society di ,appears into urban slums, we must act more quickly than long gestating agricultural production projects will permit.
The key may lie in the nature of the wholesale connection between farm and town, i.e., the system by which rural goods are bulked, processed, marketed, and distributed. A focus on the wholesale portion of a two-way commerce is important because wholesaling brings money into the rural areas, and increasing rural income is the crux of the matter.
Towards that end, we devoted the bulk of our resources during the second phase of the project to a study of commodity flows which connected the periodic markets in a regional commercial system. It was hoped that a close examination of the system's characteristics would provide us with an insight as to how to raise rural income while benefiting urban consumers.
Policy Issues
The periodic market system which operates in thie study area has existed since Pre-Columbian times. There are four fundariental, structural characteristics of the current system. Th-: are: 11.
I. A large number of trader/intermediaries, most of whom operate at low
volumes of transactions, The traders typically are members of
peasant households with low incomes.
2. Individually negotiated prices mutually arrived at by a process
familiar to all students of bazaars.
3. Many disparsed sites for periodic markets ("ferias") each of which
serves a localized production region in its vicinity.
4. Established trading partners who deal with one another regularly.
Beyond personal ties, the relationship is based on 2redit relations
which have evolved over time in response to the chronic shortage of
capital and the absence of commercial credit.
The periodic market system operates by having a full-time group of m'.r chants and transporters who travel between the market towns that hold fairs on different days of a week. This full-time cadre of intermediaries is supple mented by part-time merchants who operate in only one town (once a week) or possibly two neighboring towns.
Beyond tl.e undisputed fact that the system has survived for centuries, there are many scholars who argue that the structure of the existing markets provides for the maximum possible benefits to rural households, the most effi cient flow of farm produce and locally manufactured consumer durables given prevailing economic, social, and technological conditions. They i.-gue in support of their claims that:
(1) Dispersed sites constitute a decentralized system that brings
employment aid income generating opportunities closer to a wider
number of producers, traders, and consumers. 12.
(2) Dispersed sites maximize the accessibility of rural producers to markets, minimize weight loss and spoilage in transport, and minimize
the amount of time that ptoducers must devote to marketing.
(3) Large numbers of trader-intermediaries allow for efficient bulking of
many small lots of produce marketed by peasants. Large numbers of
traders provide outlets for small lots of produce which could not be
economically traded by larger traders.
(4) Large numbers of buyers and sellers facilitate the operation of a
free market.
(5) Many rural households derive their incomes from salaried work in the
ferias and from petty trading. The impact upon large numbers of
rural, non-farm people of loss of employment due to market consolida
tion could be severe.
(6) There is a need to establish personal relationships in the trading
culture of the local region before systems of informal credit can
operate. These are necessary to fair trading by transactors of all
sizes.
For these, among others, reasons, it is argued that the current system should not be radically restructured. Most of the advocates for non-systematic change do recognize that there are serious problems in operating the current system. Some of these problems are:
(1) Loss of weight of foodstuffs in transport due to a poorly constructed
and articulated farm-to-market road system.
(2) Spoilage of fresh produce in transit due to the lack of modern
cleaning, packing, and storage methods as well as too much time spent
in moving goods from farmgate to final consumer. 13.
(3) Poor deployment of existing capital leading to low rates of return.
Enormous wastage of manpower which could be diverted to
infrastructure projects.
(4) Difficulty in attracting agro-industries due to inadequate and uncer
tain supplies at any one point in the network as well as a nearly
total lack of standardized grading which makes contemporary food pro
cessing possible.
(5) Serious lack of information available to all participants in the sys
tem (small and large). This leads to behaviors which are designed to
minimize unnecessarily high levels of perceived risk and which are
costly to society.
Despite these deficiencies, many believe that the net balance favors con tinuance of the periodic market system for wholesaling of urban food supplies.
Thcy advocate making a series of small scale and relatively simple interven tions in the existing structure which, together with the natural evolution of the system under market pressures, will satisfactorily resolve these defi ciencies.
Those who believe that structural change is desirable agree that the above characterization of the current situation is accurate. In fact, all who have examined the periodic markets in any detail are struck by the ingenuity, hard work, and adaptability of the merchants and transporters. The current system is an ingenious response to the systemic shortages of capital, knowledge, modern technology, and financial organization. Economic anthropoligists and geographers have proven beyond question that the current system attairs close to maximum feasible efficiency given appalling shortages of capital, knowledge, modern technology, and financial organization. The central thesis of the 14.
structuralists (as opposed to the more traditionally oriented development
specialists) is precisely that a major investment relaxing the constraints
restricting system efficiency would quickly create a large increase in regional
income which can be used to raise standards of living, retard the rate of out migration, promote the development of agricultural productivity, and lower the cost in the basic elements of urban household budgets.
The debate can most usefully be viewed as a common search for some level of public and private investment in marketing facilities which will maximize the net benefit of changing the system to some degree. In short, in the future it would be wise -o examine a range of possible changes in the existing system from none to complete re-organization. 15.
PART I
FREIGHT MOVEMENT ANALYSIS OF FOOD MARKETING
IN THE AMBATO REGION
Introduction
One of the technique3 often applied in Ecuador to the study of highway location and urban wholesale market centers is the traffic cordon count. This involves the placement of survey research teams at key exits and entrances to urban places (in cooperation with the highway police). Traffic is counted and truck drivers are interviewed. We adopted this practice essentially by: (1) focusing on small towns on the day in which a weekly market was being held; and
(2) by collecting a "Bill of Lading" from all truck drivers. Because the study dealt with small places, there were rarely more than three separate roads leading in and out of these mountain valley towns. This sparseness of the intercity road net allowed the survey teams to cover all outside connections.
Cordon surveys were conducted at most of the towns in the region which held a weekly fair. Since this was done over an eight-day period, the study was essentially a one-week survey of freight movement in the region. For traf fic cordon data for the City of Ambato survey data were collected by a private consulting firm called CONSULPLAN, which had done the work for the Ecuadorian government. Most of the data was collected in August, 1984. The places chosen for surveys were of various sizes and degree of centrality within the transport network. The smallest markets were Zumbahua, Sigchos, and Patate. The county seats were Quero, Pelileo, Pillaro, Salcedo, Pujili, and Saquisili. The pro vincial capitals were Latacunga and Ambato. There were very few places of com mercial significance in the two provinces which were not surveyed. CORDON SURVEY ON THE PAN-AMERICAN HIGHWAY BY PRONAREG TEAM RESEARCHERS near Salcedo, Cotopaxi (1984)
4I
!MV
.!IiLL40 17.
This method of surveying has a number of advantages. Among them are:
(a) a lot of information can be acquired Ii a short period of time at rela
tively low cost--over 8,000 interviews were conducted over a three-week period using less than ten men on the average; (b) in effect. a census was completed for that day in each town, thus eliminating sample design problems; (c) traffic was measured from the vantage point of every major commercial center in the region, thus leading to an unbiased spatial sample. Finally, since trucks carry most of the cargo in the region (even cargo carried by more traditional means is mostly reshipped by truck) the vast majority of the flows were sur veyed. Only cargo carried on foot and consumed within the small town was omitted; this is a relatively small proportion of all traffic.
There are, to be sure, problems associated with traffic _ordons. Some of the more serious limitations are: (a) cordon surveys by their very nature must involve very short interviews from which only the simplest kind of information can be acquired; (b) cordon surveys of agricui.tural goods 4re so locationally specific that seasonal or even monthly changes in harvests could significantly bias the interpretation of the data; (c) it is difficult to obtain data from large cities, although the routes leading in and out of even large Andean cities are relatively few because of topographic channelling (at Guayaquil, for example, the logistical requirements could be staggering); (d) s-e shipments occur sporadically (perhaps this Is true for cattle-on-the-hoof) and may not be measured; and (e) it U, virtually i-possible to obtain useful price data.
Overall, the cordon survey technique was particularly useful for our purpose and especially in tile setting of the cettral Andes.
Data processing was long, tedious, ani expensive. There were close to a quarter-of-a-million separate pieces of information to be coded entered, and 18.
"cleaned." It took a large team of people in FONAPRE and a number of profes
sionals in the United States nearly nine months to do the work. Sincle this is
not the place to comment on the detailed procedure, remarks are confined to
only two aspects of the data processing aspect of the work: the problem of
weights and measures and the problem of categorization of the data.
Small-scale farmers often store and process products in containers
designed for manual operations. These containers are a compromise between weight and volume and so differ depending upon the product. For example, a
1"quintal" is a sack used for potatoes which hold approximately 45 pounds and
can be carried by one man. The original data was very often denominated in
these units. These units were accepted as input, and standardized conversion
tables were used to convert the traditional units to metric equivalent meas ures. This was a tedious process and obviously results in only an estimate of
the actual or true value.
The other problem was that a wide variety of products had to be classi
fied. In fact, there were 140 different food products reported in the ques
tionnaires. Clearly, a spatial analysis of all 140 products would be both exorbitantly expensive in terms of manpower costs, and totally unnecessary.
Nonetheless, data was recorded for all products. Next, "from-to" matrices were constructed for all products. A "from-to" matrix is a square array in which both columns and rows are identified with the same list of places. For example, given places A, B, C, and D, Lhe matrix would have A, B, C, and D in
the same order across both columns and rows. Recorded in the cells is the num ber of kilograms of that product (one product per matrix) which was shipped
from the row entry to the column entry. For example, if 5,000 kilos is shipped from row "B" to column "D," then 5,000 is recorded in cell BD. Since most of 19. the "places" entered on our matrices were county size or larger, it was pos sible to record movement within a place (e.g., A to A, or the AA cell). Also, the movement from B to D is not necessarily the same as D to B, and so BD
DB in most cases.
The "from-to" matrices were compared for all products, and it was found that 12 commodity groups would adequately represent the 140 individual products in terms of the geographical pattern of flow. The products were grouped by adding the weights of product shipped in corresponding cells. These resulting
12 matrices were then mapped and evaluated one at a time.* However, it was ciscovered that the matrix for "beef" made very little sense, and indeed close examination revealed that the data was obviously both suspect and incomplete.
Thus, there remained only 11 usable matrices.
Four separate measures were computed of the connections and levels of importance of the major markets in the study area. These measures are:
(1) Bi-Directional Link-Flow
The "from-to" matrix describes only the ultimate origins and destina
tions of each commodity group, e.g., how many kilograms of root starches
moved from Latacunga to Ambato. For purposes of planning, it is very use
ful to know how many kilograms passed through a given stretchi of road. A "stretch of road" is defined as a road segment or link between any two
road junctions of towns. A "Bi-Directional Link-Flow" matrix (and associ
ated maps) therefore reveals the volume of freight moved along every link
in the transport network regardless of direction.
* These matrices are available from the authors upon request. 20.
(2) Origination Volumes
This simply measures the importance of each market identified in the
matrix in terms of how much freight began its movement from that place.
(3) Destination Volumes
This is the same as (2) only defined for places as the ultimate des
tinations of cargo.
(4) Transaction Volumes
This is the sum of (2) and (3). These are called "transaction"
volumes because it is assume that cargos originating from a location were
-ight by shippers and cargos ending a trip in a place are sold there.
Thl3 is probably true for all but a tiny fraction of freight movements
from very large producers or to very large users.
Transaction Volumes index the current commercial importance of a place.
Link-Flow volumes index the potentiai importance of a place. Summarized below are some conclusior.s drawn from an analysis of the commodity flow data.
The Regional Pattern of Market Transactions*
Food marketing in the Ambato Region is geographically concentrated, being dominated by only eight centers (Table I-i) which are the sites for 80 percent of all commercial activity. Of these, Ambato is the clearly dominant regional capital, accounting for one-third of the entire regional activity. The most important trading partners outside of the region are Guayaquil, 14 percent, and
Quito (Pinchincha), 6 percent. Secondary regional markets are Pelileo and
* Appended to this section of the report are a series of cartograms which show the spatial patterns described in the text and accompanying tables. TABLE I-I
TRANSACTION VOLUMES OF LEADING TRADING CENTERS
LOCATION THOUSANDS OF TONS PERCENT
1. Ambato 5.2 32.1
2. Guayas Basin 2.2 13.6
3. Pelileo 1.4 8.6
4. Latacunga 1.4 8.6
5. Pinchincha 0.9 5.6
6. Chimborazo 0.9 5.6
7. Salcedo 0.6 3.7
8. Saquisili 0.5 3.1
SUB-TOTAL 13.1 80.8
REST OF ECUADOR 3.1 19.1
TOTAL 16.1 100.0 22
Latacunga. The most important small market centers in the region are Salcedo
and Saquisili. All other locations (both in and outside of the region) are
peripheral in commercial terms.
Trade is also concentrated by types of products (Table 1-2). Of the
eleven commodity groups, seven account for more than 90 percent of the freight
traffic. Of these seven, only five account for three-quarters of all freight movement of foodstuffs in the region. These are: root starches (mainly pota
toes), legumes, citrus fruit, and cereals. Root starches and legumes are grown within the region, whereas citrus and cereals are grown on the coast. The exchange of these constitutes the basic pattern of agricultural exchange.
Three commodity groups (onions, dairy, and fresh vegetables) are exported from the region. It is suspected that they are exchanged for beef raised on the coast, but the data on livestock movement is inadequate to support this point. All of the other products are of minor regional consequence, although some may assume local importance.
In sum, five centers (Ambato, Guayaquil, Pelileo, Latacunga, and Quito) and five product groups (root starches, legumes, citrus fruit, cereals, and onions) dominated the location of commodity transactions in the provinces of
Tungurahua and Cotopaxi during the early 1980's.
There is a clear distinction between centers which are the principal orig ination points and those which serve as final destinations for zargo shipments.
As Table 1-3 demonstrates, nearly half of all shipments originate in Ambato.
Of the remaining seven locations, five lie within the region (Pelileo,
Latacunga, Pillaro, Salcedo, and Saquisili). Only the Guayas Basin and the northern provinces are important origins of food shipments within the region.
It should be noted that much of the cargo noted as "originating" in Anbato TABLE 1-2
TRANSACTION VOLUMES BY COMMODITY GROUPS
COMMODITY GROUPS THOUSANDS OF TONS PERCENT
1. Root Starches 3.3 20.4
2. Legumes 3.1 19.1
3. Citrus Fruit 2.0 12.3
4. Cereals 1.9 11.7
5. Onions and Garlic 1.7 10.5
6. Dairy 1.5 9.3
7. Fresh Vegetables 1.8 8.0
SUB-TOTAL 14.8 91.3
ALL OTHER FOODS 1.4 8.7
TOTAL 16.2 100.0 TABLE 1-3
LEADING ORIGINS OF CARGO SHIPMENTS
LOCATION TONNAGE PERCENT
1. Ambato 3;263 43.5
2. Pelileo 698 9.4
3. Latacunga 690 9.3
4. Guayas Basin 585 7.8
5. Pillaro 548 7.3
6. Salcedo 434 5.8
7. Saquisili 199 2.7
8. Imbabura & Carchi 199 2.7
SUB-TOTAL 6,616 88.8
REST OF ECUADOR 843 11.2
TOTAL 7,459 100.0 25.
actually was shipped there from the regional centers, exchanged hands, and then was recorded as originating from Ambato. Of course, this phenomenon only
serves to reinforce the observation that Ambato is the hierarchically dominant
trading center for the region.
Destinations of cargo moving within the regions (Table 1-4) are clearly directed at major consuming centers (Ambato, Guayaquil, Quito, and Latacunga).
Interesting is the fact that Pelileo and Saquisili appear as major cargo des tinations in the same order of magnitude as the northern and southern Andean regions, respectively.
We now turn our attention to an analysis of the geographical pattern of trade in a few leading commodity groups.
Trading in root starches.
The trade in root starches is concentrated in five regional centers and the Guayas Basin (Table 1-5). As the table shows, the provincial capitals
(Ambato and Latacunga) are the locations for 43 percent of the total level of transactions. The leading secondary centers are Salcedo, Saquisili, and
Pillaro (in the center of a major production zone). Guayaquil is the most important trading partner outside the region.
Table 1-6 shows the major final destinations for root starches. They are the lamiliar four large urban centers plus Chimbarazo (Rio Bamba) and other southern Andean provinces as well as the northern coastal areas (Pinchincha).
Table 1-7 lists the six most important origination locations for this crop.
They consist of the two provincial capitals, three leading secondary towns
(Pillaro, Saquisili, and Pelileo), and "Pinchincha" (actually the eastern TABLE 1-4
LEADING DESTINATIONS OF CARGO SHIPMENTS
LOCATION TONNAGE PERCENT
1. Ambato 1,754 27.2
2. Guayas Basin 1,367 21.2
3. Pinchincha 737 11.4
4. Latacunga 483 7.5
5. Pelileo 407 6.3
6. Eswaraldes & Manabi 395 6.1
7. Saquisili 201 3.1
8. Southern Provinces 197 3.1
SUB-TOTAL 5,541 85.9
REST OF ECUADOR 906 14.1
TOTAL 6,447 100.0 TABLE 1-5
IMPORTANT TRADING LOCATIONS FOR ROOT STARCHES
LOCATION TONNAGE PERCENT
1. Aibato 993 30.1
2. Latacunga 424 12.8
3. Guayas Basin 362 11.0
4. Salcedo 334 10.1
5. Saquisili 262 7.9
6. Pillaro 226 6.8
SUB-TOTAL 2,601 78.7
REST OF ECUADOR 702 22.3
TOTAL 3.303 100.0 TABLE 1-6
MAJOR DESTINATIONS OF CARGO SHIPMENTS OF ROOT STARCHES
LOCATION TONNAGE PERCENT
1. Ambato 497 30.7
2. Guayas Basin 352 21.8
3. Chimborazo 113 7.0
4. Latacunga 111 6.9
5. Pinchincha Il1 6.8
6. Southern Provinces 108 6.7
SUB-TOTAL 1,294 80.0
REST OF ECUADOR 323 20.0
TOTAL 1,617 100.0 TABLE 1-7
LEADING ORIGINS OF CARGO SHIPMENTS OF ROOT STARCHES
LOCATION TONNAGE PERCENT
1. Ambato 496 30.7
2. Salcedo 314 19.4
3. Latacunga 171 .0.6
4. Pillaro 110 6.8
5. Saquisili 55 3.4
6. Pelileo 48 3.0
SUB-TOTAL 1,198 73.9
REST OF ECUADOR 421 26.1
TOTAL 1,619 100.0 30.
two-thirds of the province since the western third of Pinchincha facing the
Pacific Ocean is listed as "Santo Domingo de los Colorados" sin this study).
In terms of a classification, market activity data indicates that there is
a major regional center (Latacunga) and three important secondary centers
(Pillaro, Saquisili, and Pelileo). Clearly, complementarity in trade between
coast and sierra plus the l.rge size of the Guavaquil market combine to make
Guayaquil the principal trading partner. Interesting is the shipment of pota
toes in substantial quantities to the south.
Trading in legumes.
The most important locations for trading activities in legumes are des
cribed in Tables 11-8, 11-9, and II-10. As in the case of root starches, six
centers conduct about four-fifths of tne activity. Ambato dominates the
trading activity of freight moving within the region. With the exception of
Pelileo, all of the major destinations for cargo lie outside of the region
(again excepting Ambato, which accounts for only 10 percent of the volume of
final sales--Table 11-9). Legumes originate mostly from Ambato itself (77 per cent) which is clearly a major producer of this product group--Table II-10.
Only six "locations" originate more than 93 percent of the cargo, and, apart from Ambato, none of the other locations is significant.
The overall pattern is very clear. The immediate area surrounding Ambato produces and exports legumes to the rest of the couiltry. Imports of legumes come mainly from the coast. This two-way traffic exchanges different members of the same commodity group. Pelileo, lying in the same district, receives and ships a small but significant amount of the product. Machachi (a small town TABLE 1-8
IMPORTANT TRADING LOCATIONS FOR LEGUMES
LOCATION TONNAGE PERCENT
1. Ambato 1,242 40.6
2. Guayas Basin 545 17.8
3. Imbabura & Manabi 239 7.8
4. Pelileo 234 7.6
5. Pinchincha 183 6.0
6. ,olivar 96 3.1
SUB-TOTAL 2.539 82.9
REST OF ECUADOR 523 17.1
TOTAL 3,062 100.0 TABLE 1-9
MAJOR DESTINATIONS FOR CARGO SHIPMENTS OF LEGUMES
LOCATION TONNAGE PERCENT
1. Guayas Basin 544 40.2
2. Esmaraldes & Manabi 239 17.6
3. Pinchincha 169 12.5
4. Ambato 147 10.5
5. Santo Domingo 66 4.9
6. Southern Provinces 48 3.6
SUB-TOTAL 1,215 89.6
REST OF ECUADOR 141 10.4
TOTAL 1,356 100.0 TABLE I-10
LEADING ORIGINS OF CARGO SHIPMENTS OF LEGUMES
LOCATION TONNAGE PERCENT
1. Ambato 1,095 77.5
2. Machachies & Manabi 65 4.6
3. Imbabura & Carchi 65 4.6
4. Pillaro 47 3.3
5. Bolivar 29 2.1
6. Salcedo 22 1.5
SUB-TOTAL
REST OF ECUADOR
TOTAL 34. physically lying in the same valley as central Cotopaxi but politically in
Pinchincha) is another small but significant producer of legumes.
Trading in citrus.
Citrus is grown mostly on the western flanks of the Andean mountains facing the Pacific Ocean. It is one of the key commodities in trade throughout the region. Again, six locations accounted for more than four-fifths of total transactions (Table I-l1), and Ambato dominates the pattern with more than half the volume of the six leading centers. The other important regional trading centers are Latacunga, Patate, and Saquisili (together accounting for about 11 percent of total transactions). The major trading partners are Chimbarazo and
Bolivar provinces (both have territory on the western side of the Andean chain).
As Table 1-12 demonstrates, the major destinations for citrus fruit all lie within the region or neighboring it ("Chimborazo" refers to Rio Bamba just south of Ambato on the Pan American Highway). The provincial capitals of Rio
Bamba and Ambato dominate the pattern, followed by four leading local centers.
Quero and Pujili, however, appear for the first time. In this case, they are important consuming locations.
The major origin of freight shipments is Ambato which provides 72 percent of regional supplies (Table 1-13). Clearly, Ambato is acting as a trans shipment center. The remaining pattern is rather diffuse and difficult to interpret. TABLE I-Ii
IMPORTANT TRADING LOCATIONS FOR CITRUS FRUIT
LOCATION TONNAGE PERCENT
1. Ambato 884 43.7
2. Chimborazo 604 29.9
3. Latacunga 100 4.9
4. Patate 67 3.3
5. Bolivar 53 2.6
6. Saquisili 48 2.4
SUB-TOTAL 1,756 84.2
REST OF ECUADOR 266 15.8
TOTAL 2,022 100.0 TABLE 1-12
MAJOR DESTINATIONS FOR CARGO SHIPMENTS OF CITRUS
LOCATION TONNAGE PERCENT
I. Chimborazo 604 59.8
2. Ambato 156 15.5
3. Latacunga 47 4.7
4. Saquisili 45 4.5
5. Quero 40 4.0
6. Pujili 40 4.0
SUB-TOTAL 933 92.3
REST OF ECUADOR 78 7.7
TOTAL 1,011 100.0 TABLE 1-13
LEADING ORIGINS OF CARGO SHIPMENTS OF CIRTUS
LOCATION TONNAGE PERCENT
1. Ambato 728 71.9
2. Patate 67 6.6
3. Bolivar 53 5.3
4. Latacunga 53 5.3
5. Guayas Basin 18 1.8
6. Imbabura & Carchi 11 1.1
SUB-TOTAL 931 92.0
REST OF ECUADOR 82 8.0
TOTAL 1,013 100.0 38.
Trading in cereals.
Virtually all cereal grains harvested in Ecuador are grown on the hot coastal plain of the Guayas River. Thus, the Guayas Basin is the most impor tant trading partner outside of the study area (Table 1-14). The leading regional centers are Ambato, Latacunga, Pelileo, Salcedo, and Saquisili. Once again, the last three towns represent important local centers within the gen eral orbit of the provincial capitals. Also, Ambato completely dominates Lata cunga in the cereal trade. The major final destinations for shipments of cereal grains are the same set of places in about the same order but with the inclusion of Quito as a major destination (Table 1-15). Cereals originate primarily from the Guayas Basin--44 percent (Table 1-16). Major sources of grain are warehouses in Ambato, Latacunga, and Quito. Pelileo may be attracting grain cargo from Puyo in the Amazon (the data base would need to be queried more closely than is possible in this summary report).
Trading in other commodity groups.
The trade in onions and garlic is regionally important, although the ton nage moved of these products places it fifth in importance. The clearly leading center of trade is Ambato and its two dependent towns to the east
(Pelileo and Banos). Together they account for two-thirds of regional trade
(Table 1-17). Latacunga accounts for about an eighth of the regional trade, and no other place within the region accounts for more than 1/25 of the total.
The major destinations for the product are Ambato, the Guayas Basin (mostly
Guayaquil), and Pinchincha (mostly Quito). Overwhelmingly, the pattern is from TABLE 1-14
IMPORTANT TRADING LOCATIONS FOR CEREALS
LOCATION TONNAGE PERCENT
1. Ambato 569 29.8
2. Guayas Basin 442 23.2
3. Latacunga 258 13.5
4. Pelileo ill 5.8
5. Salcedo 72 3.8
6. Saquisili 67 3.5
SUB-TOTAL 1,519 79.6
REST OF ECUADOR 390 20.4
TOTAL 1,909 100.0 TABLE 1-15
MAJOR DESTINATIONS FOR CARGO SHIPMENTS OF CEREALS
LOCATION TONNAGE PERCENT
1. Ambato 408 42.9
2. Latacunga 198 20.8
3. Pelileo 78 8.2
4. Pinchincha 55 5.8
5. Salcedo 47 5.0
6. Saquisili 47 4.9
SUB-TOTAL 834 87.7
REST OF ECUADOR 117 12.3
TOTAL 951 100.0 TABLE 1-16
LEADING ORIGINS OF CARGO SHIPMENTS OF CEREALS
LOCATION TONNAGE PERCENT
I. Guayas Basin 419 44.0
2. mbato 160 16.9
3. Latacunga 60 6.3
4. Imbabura & Carchi 56 5.9
5. Pinchincha 34 3.6
6. Pelileo 33 3.5
SUB-TOTAL 765 80.2
REST OF ECUADOR 189 19.8
TOTAL 954 100.0 TABLE 1-17
IMPORTANT TRADING LOCATIONS FOR ONIONS AND GARLIC
LOCATION TONNAGE PERCENT
1. Ambato 534 30.9
2. Pelileo 340 19.7
3. Banos 290 16.8
4. Latacunga 207 12.0
5. Guayas Basin 121 7.0
6. Pinchincha 77 4.5
SUB-TOTAL i,569 90.9
REST OF ECUADOR 158 9.1
TOTAL 1,727 100.0 43. the producing districts to the east and southeast of Ambato directly to the country's two largest cities.
Trade in dairy products is overwhelmingly destined for the large cities of
Guayaquil and Quito; while, within the region, Pelileo stands out as the most important destination. The major origins of fluid milk and other products are
Pelileo, Pillaro, and Latacunga. Six locations account for 94 percent of all trade (Table 1-18).
As can be expected, trade in fresh vegetables demonstrates a far more dis persed pattern, with the six leading locations accounting for only three quarters of the regional trade (Tables 1-19 and 1-20). Thr major destinations are the large cities, whereas the major origins of cargo are Ambato and the important regional centers of Pillaro, Pelileo, and Latacunga.
We now turn to an analysis of the Jystem of freight movements from the viewpoint of a link-flow analysis.
Link-Flow Analysis of Commodity Movements
The potential for the commercial development of markets can be assessed, in part, by the quantity of traffic moving past a location but not stopping there. We can estimate the relative importance of by-passing freight movement by separately analyzing the "link-flow" patterns. "Link-flows" are the total quantity of traffic in a commodity group moving between two nodes along a stretch or "link" of highway regardless of ultimate origin and destination.
This provides a measure of the importance of intermediate centers, which is distinct from the relative importance of the markets conducted there.
The common pattern of freight movement in the study area is dominated by the canton of Ambato, which is the most impo':tant destination and origin for TABLE 1-18
IMPORTANT TRADING LOCATIONS FOR DAIRY PRODUCTS
LOCATION TONNAGE PERCENT
1. Pelileo 433 28.0
2. Guayas Basin 419 27.0
3. Pillaro 188 12.1
4. Latacunga 186 12.0
5. Pinchincha 159 10.3
6. Ambato 60 3.9
SUB-TOTAL 1,445 93.3
REST OF ECUADOR 104 6.7
TOTAL 1.549 100.0 TABLE 1-19
IMPORTANT TRADING LOCATIONS FOR FRESH VEGETABLES
LOCATION TONNAGE PERCENT
1. Ambato 491 36.5
2. Guayas Basin 163 12.1
3. Pinchincha 105 7.8
4. Pillaro 95 7.1
5. Pelileo 91 6.8
6. Latacunga 72 5.3
SUB-TOTAL 1,017 75.6
REST OF ECUADOR 329 24.4
TOTAL 1,346 100.0 TABLE 1-20
LEADING ORIGINS OF CARGO SHIPMENTS OF FRESH VEGETABLES
LOCATION TONNAGE PERCENT
1. Ambato 301 45.5
2. Pillaro 93 14.1
3. Pelileo 64 9.7
4. Latacunga 53 7.9
5. Imbabura & Carchi 39 5.9
6. Saquisili 28 4.3
SUB-TOTAL 580 87.4
REST OF ECUADOR 83 12.6
TOTAL 664 100.0 47.
freight shipments of most commodities. The link flow data show accumulation of
traffic towards Ambato from the north (Quito), southwest (Guayaquil), and east
(Puyo in the Amazon) for many commodities. There are distinct differences in
the pattern of shipments of locally produced goods (such as potatoes, onions,
fresh vegetables, and fruits) and those shipped either from the coast (such as
cereals) or from the northern Andean Region (such as lentils, peas, beans, and
other legumes). In almost all cases, however, Ambato serves as the entrepot
which links the region's commerce with the rest of Ecuador. Its role as
regional economic capital for the two-province region is unquestionable. This
can be seen in the cartogram for all commodities except citrus and beef.
Beyond establishing by systematic observation what every resident of the region
already knows, the objective of this study is to identify the structure of
freight movement within the region in order to identify subregional centers whose location in the commercial system is of strategic importance. We do this at the group commodity level.
The most general pattern is that followed by commodities produced and con sumed within the region and also exported. Root starches (mainly potatoes) are the region's most typical crops. Beyond Ambato's dominance of this trade, the three most important centers of commercialization within the region are Lata cunga, Pillaro, and Saquisili. Exports to the Guayas Basin, Pinchincha, and the southern provinces are very large.
Onions and garlic trade is also concentrated in Ambato. Production is concentrated in the region to the east and southeast of Ambato (as well as within the rural portions of the county itself). Thus, the neighboring towns of Pillaro-Patate-Pelileo collect significant amounts of onions from sur rounding farms. 48.
Another major, regionally-produced commodity group is fresh vegetables.
Once again, Ambato dominates regional trade with traffic concentrating in its
immediate vicinity. Pelileo and Pillaro received substantial amounts from the
surrounding districts and from Banos to the east. Latacunga dominated trade in
Cotopaxi. Salcedo, located halfway between provincial market centers, lies in
the path of the greatest amount of traffic. No other centers appear to be
major collectors (over 10 tons/week or more).
Fruit, the last major crop grown within the region shows a pattern similar
to potatoes and onions with a major local concentration in the Pillaro-Pelileo
area to the east of Ambato. Latacunga collects far more produce than Saquisili
in Cotopaxi. No other local centers are significant. Finally, the region is a
major proatcer of herbs, spices, and flavorings albeit this product group is a
relatively insignificant producer of income. Ambato dominates the trade.
Pelileo is a major destination as is Salcedo. No other areas appear as signif
icant sources or destinations within the regions.
For all of the above crops, then, the overall pattern is very clear. The
major entrepot is Ambato. The major destinations of regional exports are
Guayaquil and Quito, which in some cases also are important origination points.
The local centers which appear as dominant again and again for locally produced crops are Latacunga and Saquisili in the province of Cotopaxi and Pelileo and
Pillaro in the province of Tungarahua. Salcedo appears as a significant des tination for fresh vegetables, herbs, and spices. In addition, significant quantities of root starches, onions, and garlic pass close by the town.
The region is a major source of dairy products (mainly bulk milk). The valley floow from Machachi in the north to Rio Bamba in the south is occupied mainly by modern dairy farms of medium size using fire quality Holstein stock 49.
imported more than thirty years ago. It is a very productive industry. Intra
regional trade is almost exclusively along the Pan American Highway, which runs
through the middle of this dairy belt. Interestingly enough, Latacunga and
Pelileo are more important destinations than Ambato. Pelileo is a very impor
tant origin for shipments to Quito, the major destination of regional exports.
Latacunga is also the most important destination for shipments of animal feeds,
and freight tonnage declines in all directions from Latacung Clearly, the
capital of Cotopaxi is the center of the dairy industry in the region. Pelileo
plays a similar role in Tungarahua, collecting significant shipments of animal
feedstuffs from the Amazon. A very significant amount of animal feed comes
from the Guayas Basin.
Attention is now directed to commodities which are mainly produced outside
of the region but traded extensively within it. These groups are: peas, len
tils, beans, and legumes; cereal grains; citrus fruit and poultry, fish and
pork. A twelfth group, beef, is not analyzed because it appears that the data are both insufficient and too inaccurate to be trusted.
Peas, lentils, and legumes are mainly produced to the north of the study region in western Pinchincha and in the province of Bolivar to the southwest of
Ambato. Salcedo did a considerable amount of trade in this product group as did Pillaro and Pelileo. There were no clear patterns elsewhere in the region.
Cereal grains generally require much higher temperatures than is present in the study region, in which arable land generally lies between 9,000 and
12,000 feet. Most of the grain is grown on the coast in the Guayas Basin.
Another major source of grain imported into the region is Quito, which obvious ly serves as a transhipment center. The most important destinations within the region, in order of importance, are Ambato, Latacunga, Pelileo-Pillaro, and
Salcedo. 50.
Citrus is grown mainly on the lower elevations of the western flank of the
Andes facing the warm winds from the Pacific. This describes the area of
western Bolivar centering on the town of Babaoyo which, in fact, is the major
source of fruit brought into the region. Very little comes from the north,
which makes the overall trade pattern unique. The major destination is Ambato
followed by i's neighboring towns of Pillaro-Patate-Pelileo. Finally,
Saquisili is the major destination for shipments from the north and northwest.
The last group considered is poultry, fish, and pork. The poultry
industry unde.rwent a technical revolution in the 1970's with most production
now concentrated in large, modern plants using Rhode Island Red chickens as the
basic stock. These hen houses are located mostly in the Guayas Basin near
their source of small grains. Fish comes mainly from the coastal zone of southern Ecuador and off the mouth of the Guayas River. Pork is produced mostly near the source of corn and other grain production, again, in the coastal lowlands. Andinos consume relatively little pork, preferring beef whenever available. Ambato is the most important destination and obviously redistributes products to the rest of the region. Latacunga and Saquisili receive very modest quantities of material, although the surprising aspect of that pattern is that Saquisili receives almost as much as the much larger
Latacunga market.
Conclusions
Overall, the analysis of the data from the commodity flow study results in the following conclusions: 51.
(1) With few exceptions, the commercial system is tightly focused on
Ambato.
(2) The only important commercial centers in the region apart from Ambato
are Pelileo-Pillaro, Salcedo, Latacunga, and Saquisili. These four
places account for more than 90 percent of all commerce in the
region. In some commodity groups, their dominance reaches 95 percent
or mote.
(3) Ambato provides wholesale services for all products except milk,
which is processed in nearby Pelileo.
(4) The other five major commercial centers show a tendency toward some
degree of product specialization. The five center- and their
specializations are:
(a) Latacunga - potatoes, onions, fresh vegetables, fruit, dairy
products, and cereal grains.
(b) Saquisili - itatoes, onions, fruit, and citrus.
(c) Salcedo - fresh vegetables, peas, lentils, beans and legumes,
cereal grains.
(d) Pelileo-Pillaro potatoes, onions, fresh vegetables, fruit,
dairy products, cereal grains, and citrus.
(5) Pelileo and Pillaro (with the intervening hamlet of Patate) were
grouped together for purposes of regional analysis because they are
very close to one another (about five kilometers apart) and share
much in common in terms of immediate surroundings. However, there is
a significant difference between Pillaro and Pelileo. Pillaro lies
in the heart of the major potato growing district and is also some
what isolated from the north-south Pan American Highway to the west 52. and the east-west Amazon Highway to the south. Pelileo lies astride the highway to the Amazon and has much better connections with
Ambato. The result of this difference can be seen in the fact that
Pillaro is a collection center mainly for crops grown in its immedi ate vicinity, whereas Pelileo's role is much more varied as a major interregional shipping point (e.g., fruit, dairy products, and cereal grains). We should not, however, overemphasize the distinction as it is a matter of degree rather than kind. APPENDIX I-A
CARGO DESTINATION LOCATIONS CARTOGRAMS Northern Coastal Northern Provinces CARGO DESTINATION Quito LOCATIONS:
Santod eDomingo Los Coloradlos TotalTtlTascin Transactions
LEGEND
Machachi KG of Products
0-7500 0
Sigchos 7500 50,000 )
50,000 100,000
Saquisili100,000 - 150,000
150.000 - 200,000
Ldtacunga
200,000 250,000(j
Zumbahua Saceo250,000 - 500,000 *
Greater than 500,000 e
/ /ao // Oriente CevalloPBanos
Bolivar Province
Riobamba
Quayas Basin
(. SOI!t,,rn Provinces Northern Coastal Northern Provinces CARGO DESTINATION LOCATIONS: Quito Santo Domingo Root Starches * de Los Colorados
LEGEND
Machach; KG of Products
0-7500 *
Sigchos Q7500 - 50,000 @ 50,000 - 100,000
o100,000- 150,000
150,000 - 200,000
Latacunga 200,000 - 250,000
Zumbahua Salcedo 250,000 - 500,000 *
Arao Greater than 500,000
Banos OrientE
Bolivar Province
Riobamba
Quayas Basin
Southern Provinces -- / Northern Coastal Northern Provinces CARGO DESTINATION LOCATIONS: Quito Santo Domingo 0 L u de Lo ColoadosLegumes
LEGEND
Machachi KG of Products
0-7500 0
Sigchos 7500 50,000 E)
50,000 - 100,000
Saquisili 100,000 150,000
150,000 200,000
Latacunga 200,000 250,000
Zumbahua acd25,0-5000
Pillaro Greater than 500,000 /Ambato
Banos Orient
Cvlo Bolivar Province
0 Riobamba
Quayas Basin
Southern Provinces Northern Coastal Northern Provinces CARGO DESTINATION
\SantoDomingo Zo LOCATIONS: Sa o o o Citrus Fruit de Los Colorados
L G N LEGEND
Machachi KG of Products 0-7500 Sigchos 7500 - 50,000 (
50,000 - 100,000
150,000 Saquiilfi100,000 -
150,000 - 200,000
Latacunga 200,000 - 250,000 Q
ZumbahuaSalcedo 250,000 - 500,000 *
Pillaro Greater than 500,000 Ambato (
Banos Oriente CvallosCealosPelileo '--
Bolivar Province Quero
Riobamba 5
Quayas Basin 0
Southern Provinces Northern Coastal Northern Provinces CARGO DESTINATION LOCATIONS: Quito Santo Domingo * Cereals de Los ColoradosCe al
LEGEND
Machachi KG of Products 0-7500 * Sigchos 7500 - 50,000 )
50,000 - 100,000
100,000 - 150,000
150,000 - 200,000
Latacunga 200,000 - 250,000
Zumbahua //d A o /.250,000 - 500,000/
* Greater than 500,000
Banos Oriente
Bolivar Province
Riobamba Quayas Basin
Southern Provinces Northern Coastal Northern Provinces CARGO DESTINATION LOCATIONS: Quito Santo Domingo de Los ColoradosDar
LEGEND
Machachi KG of Products
0-7500 0
) Sigchos 7500 - 50,000 50,000 100,000 0
Sqiir100,000 - 150,000
150,000 - 200,000 Q,
) Latacunga 200,000 250,000 Q
Zumbahua Sleo250,000 - 500,000 *
P il la rO Greater than 500,000
Banos Oriente
Bolivar Province
Riobamba Quayas Basin
Southern Provinces Northern Coastal Northern Provinces CARGO DESINATION LOCATIONS:
S Dosnorado Onions and Garlic
LEGEND
Machachi KG of Products
0-7500 0
Sigchos 7500 50,000 )
50,000 100,000
100,000 150,000 Saquisilri < 150,000 200,000 Q
Pujili Latacunga 200,000 250,000 Q
Zurnbahua
ZubauaSaceo250,000 - 500,000 *
Pillaro Greater than 500,000
Banos Oriente
Bolivar Province
* Riobamba Quayas Basin
Southern Provinces Northern Coastal Northern~CARGO Provinces DESTINATION
LOCATIONS: Quito Santo Domingo Animal Feed de Los ColoradosZ
LEGEND
Machachi KG of Products
0-7500 0
Sigchos 7500 50,000 @
50,000 - 100,000
Saquisili 100,000 - 150,000
150,000 200,000
uLatacunga 200,000 250,000 Q
Zumbahua Salcedo 250,000 500,000
Pillaro Greater than 500,000
/ Pelileo Banos Oriente= -
Bolivar Province
Riobamba Quayas Basin
Southern Provinces Northern Coastal Northern Provinces CARGO DESTINATION LOCATIONS: Quito anto Domin Fresh Vegetabies * do Los Coloradlos
LEGEND
Machachi KG of Products
0-7500 0
Sigchos 7500 - 50,000 (
50,000 - 100,000
100,000- 150,000
150,000 - 200,000 Q
Latacungau 200,000 - 250,000Q
Zumbahua Salcedo 250,000 - 500,000
Zumbbhua
Pelileo.( Banos Orient
Bolivar Province Quero
Riobamba
Quayas Basin
Southern Provinces
\(V Provinces Northern Coastal Northern CARGO DESTINATION LOCATIONS: Quito Santo Domingo Los olorOther Fruit
LEGEND
M.,chachi KG of Products
0-7500 • 7500 50,000 @
50,000 100,000
100,000- 150,000
150,000 - 200,000Q
Latacunga 200,000 250,000
Zumbahua Salcedo 250,000 500,000 ,
Pillaro / ba=o Greater than 500,000
, Ambato
Banos Oriente
Bolivar Province ur
Riobamba a a,/as B 'ir
Switjellirn Province.s Northern Coastal Northern Provinces CARGO DESTINATION LOCATIONS:
Santo Domingo Quito Poultry, Fish and Pork de Los Colorados
LEGEND
Machachi KG of Products
0-7500 * 7500 - 50,000 ) 50,000 - 100,000
Saquisili 100,000 - 150,000
150,000 - 200,000
Latacunga 200,000 - 250,000 Q
Zumbahua Salcedo 250,000 - 500,000
SPillaro Greater than 500,000
Banos Oriente BoivrProvinc Quer
Riobamba Quayas Basin
Southern Provinces
77r Northern Coastal Northern Provinces .CARGO DESTINATION LOCATIONS: Quito Santo Domingo Herbs and Spices de LosColorados
LEGEND
Machachi KG of Products
0-7500 0
Sigchos 7500 50,000 (E) 50,000 - 100,000 0
o100,000- 150,000
150,000 - 200,000
Latacunga 200,000 - 250,000
ZumbahuaSalcedo 250,000 500,000
P il la rO Araba_ . Greater than 500,000
Banos Oriente
Quero
l vIIIr II P ivi APPENDIX I-B
CARGO ORIGINATION LOCATIONS CARTOGRAMS Northern Coastal Northern Provinces 0 6 CARGO ORIGINATION
Quito LOCATIONS Santo Domingo do Los Colorados Total Transactions
LEGEND
Machachi KG of Products
0-7500 0 Sigchos 7500 - 50,000 @ 50,000 - 100,000
100,000 - 150,000
150,000 - 200,000 Q
Latacunga 200,000 - 250,000
Zumbhu - Salcedo 250,000 - 500,000
Greater than 500,000
Banos Oriente
Bolivar Province Q/ e i e
Riobamba
Quayas Basin
SOLtherr Provinces Northern Coastal Northern Provinces CARGO ORIGINATION LOCATIONS: Santo Domingo Q de Los Colorados Root Starches
LEGEND
Machachi KG of Products
0-7500 * Sigchos 7500 - 50,000 0
50,000 100,000 (D
Saquisili100,000 - 150,000 0
150,000 - 200,000 QD
Latacunga )ujili 200,000 250,000
Zumbahua PSalced° 250,000 500,000 .
m Greater than 500,000
Banos Oriente
Southern Provinces
IIx Northern Coastal Northern Provinces
. CARGOLOCATIONS ORIGINATION :
L egurNS Santo Domingo (. Quito \,,,~de Los Coloradlos Lgre
LEGEND
Machachi KG of Products
0-7500 *
Sigchos 7500 r0,000 IS 50,000 - 100,000 G
100,000 - 150,000
150,000 200,000 Q
u Latacunga 200,000 - 250,000 Q
Zumbahua Sls,ce250,000 - 500,000
.// //Pillaro
Greater than 500,000
Banos Oriente
Bolivar Province
Riobamba
Quayas Basin
Southern Provinces Northern Coastal Northern Provinces CARGO ORIGINATION LOCATIONS: Quito i Santo Domingo cle os CloralosCitrus Fruit
LEGEND
Machachi KG of Products
0-7500 . Sigchos 7500 - 50,000 )
Sigchos50,000 - 100,000
100,000 - 150,000
150,000 - 200,000 Q
Puli Latacunga 200,900 - 250,000
Zumbahua )
Salcedo 250,000 - 500,000
Pillaro Greater than 500,000 e
Banos Oriente
Bolivar Province/ Ouero
Riobamba Quayas Basin
Southern Provinces Northern Coastal Northern Provinces CARGO ORIGINATION LOCATIONS:
Santo Domingo Q Cereals . de LosColorados
LEGEND
Machachi KG of Products
0-7500 *
Sigchos 7500 50,000 ®
50,000 - 100,000
100,000 - 150,000
150,000 200,000
Latacunga 200,000 250,000
ZumSalcedo 250,000 - 500,000 .
G re a t e r th a n 5 0 0 0 0 0 Pilar , /Arnbato
Banos Oriente
0 Riobamba Basin Sutyas
Southern Provinces Northern Coastal Northern Provinces CARGO ORIGINATION LOCATIONS: Santo Domingo L TQuito \,,,de Los~Dairy ColoradosDar
LEGEND
Machachi KG of Products
0-7500 *
Sigchos 7500 - 50,000 @ 50,000 - 100,000
100,000- 150,000
150,000 200,000
Pujil" Latacunga 200,000 250,000 Q
Zumbahua Salcedo 250,000 - 500,000 *
Greater than 500,000 *
• Patate
Banos Oriente
Bolivar Province
Riobariba
Quayas Basin
I outhi'' Po' Ir s Norther'n Coastal Northern Provinces CARGO ORIGINATION LOCATIONS: Santo Domingo Quito de Los Colorados Onions and Garlic
LEGEND
Machachi KG of Products
0-7500 0 Sigchos 7500 50,000 (
50,000 100,000
100,000 150,000
150,000 200,000 0
Latacunga 200,000 250,000 Q
Zumbahua Salcedo 250,000 - 500,000 .
Pillaro Greater than 500,000 r
Riobamba
Quayas Basin Northern Coastal Northern Provinces CARGO- ORIGINATION LOCATIONS: Santo Domingo Quito Animal Feed deLos Colorados
LEGEND
Machachi KG of Products
0-7500 . Sigchos 7500 - 50,000 0
50,000 - 100,oo
100,000 - 150,000
150,000 - 200,000
• Latacunga 200,000 250,000
ubahua J\
ZubauaSaceo250,000 - 500,000 *
Pillaro
Greater than 500,000
Patate
elloBanos Oriente
Bolivar Province
,)Riobamba Quayas Basin
Southern Provinces Northern Coastal Northern Provinces CARGO ORIGINATION LOCATIONS: Santo Domingo Quito \% de Los Colorados Fresh Vegetables
LEGEND
Machachi KG of Products
0-7500 0
Sigchos 7500 50,000 0
50,000 - 100,000
100,000 - 150,000
150,000 - 200,000
Latacunga 200,000 250,000
Zumnbahua
-Saedo 250,000 500,000 -
// ///Pillaro
00
Patate
Quayas Basin
Southern Provinces
Amba/ Northern Coastal Northern Provinces CARGO ORIGINATION LOCATIONS: Quito Santo Domingo de Los Colorados Other Fruit
LEGEND
Machachi KG of Products
0 - 7500 *
Sigchos 7500 - 50,000 ®
50,000 - 100,000
100,000 - 150,000
150,000- 200,000 (Q
Latacunga 200,000 - 250,000 (Q zumbahuao o~oo
Latacunga
Banos Oriente
Bolivar Proce ! ur
uaas Basin Northern Coastal Northern Provinces ICARGO ORIGINATION LOCATIONS: Santo Domingo Quito deosColorados Poultry, Fi,h and Pork
LEGEND
Machachi KG of Products
0-7500 a
Sigchos 7500 - 50,000 )
50,000 - 100,000
100,000 - 150,000
150,000 - 200,000
Latacunga 200,000 - 250,000 Q
Zumbahua Salcedo 250,000 - 500,000
Pillaro
Greater than 500,000
Ambato Ptt
Banos Oriente
Bolivar Province ~Quero
Riobamba
Quayas Basin
Southern Provinces Northern Coastal Northern Provinces CARGO ORIGINATION LOCATIONS: Santo Domingo Q de Los Colorados Herbs and Spices
LEGEND
Machachi KG of Products
0-7500 0
Sigchos 7500 50,000
50,000 100,000
2100,000- 150,000
150,000 200,000Q
Latacunga 200,000 - 250,000
Zumahu=' IISalcedo 250,000 - 500,000 Zumbahua
// // Pillaro Greater than 500,000
Banos Oriente
Boliviar Province
S Riobam ba Quayas Basin
Southein Provinces APPENDIX I-C
BI-DIRECTIONAL LINK FLOW CARTOGRAMS Northern Coastal Noin ern Provinces
X / Quito • BI-DIRECTIONAL \lLsoorlos ")LINK FLOW
Commodity Group: All Commodities Except Machach, Citrusand Fruits Beef LEGEND
Q~i~cos O City/ Town. arnd Environ~s
R)oad1 Junction
______500 KG of Products - -- Less than 250KG o Product
...... NO Flow
Latacunga
Zumbahua ( t i )Salceoo,
/ Pillaro / \ /\ / Ambato /\ / /
IIII / XXBanos Or,ente
// X Cevailos // l- -
/ Bolivar Province i / (D , Uu ,:,.,, ,
Soumnern Provinces Northern Coastal Q lorlhern Provinces
\ /
X/ Santo Domingo Quito BI-DIRECTIONAL dLINK FLOW
Commodity Group: Root Starches
SMachachi
LEGEND
( s i" O(D CityiTown. and Environs
*usi 0 Road Junction
100 KG of Products
...... No Flow
Latacunga
Zumbttana .
/ / / / Pillaro /\ \ / / Ambato
/ / ., late
/
/ . Banos Oriente
Cevailos • II
. Bolivar Province / III" Basent Eanoss
Rioibamba
Southern Provinces Q Nortrern Coastal Q Northern Provinces
Q Quito Bi-DIRECTIONAL
Santo Domingo deLos Coloraoo LINK ForOW
Commodity Group: Citrus Fruits
Machachi
LEGEND Sigchos City/Town, and Environs
Road Junction Saquis i
"100 KG of Products
--- Less than 50 KG of Products ...... No Flow
Latacunga
Puti -
Zjmbahua (3) Salcedo
Piltlaro
' Ambato
Patate
/Banos Oriente " / Pe ieo " " Cevallos Phe
Bolivar Province " 'eai• / 0 "ueroC
( YRiobamba
Quayas Basin
Southern Provinces Q Northern Coastal Nlorthern Provinces
Quito BI-DIRECTIONAL
Santo Domnigu 0 deLos olordosLINK FLOW
Commodity Group: Cereals
Machachl
LEGEND
City/Town. and Environs Q g ho
saquii&.~...)iRoad Junction
- 100 KG of Products
- - - Less than 50 KG of Products ...... No Flow
Latacunga
Zumnbahua ZumbahuaSalcedo
Ambato\
/././/no/ riente
Bolivar Province * 0 o uero
* Riobamba 0 Quayas 8asin
Soutnern Provinces K,,..d,. ( , oQ Nonern Coastal Q Nornhem Provinces
iuto BI-DIRECTIONAL
\/"*'\Santo Domingo de Los Colorados LINK FLOW
Commodity Group: Dairy
Macnachi
LEGEND
hCity/Town, and Environs
Saqulsti ii . Road Junction
100 KG of Products
--- Less than 50 KG of Products ...... No Flow
LatacungbL
Pujif,
Zumtatua
Salcedo
•0 Pillaro Ambato
0
Patate
* .'Banos Oriente
-- l.evaos 0Q .: ...... 0
Bolivar Province ulnrQO uero
0 Piobamba
Ouayas Basin
o>SuthernProvinces 0 -) Q Norrrern Coastal QD Norhern Provinces
•Quto B,-DIRECTIONAL
'-/'--'Santo Domingo ° d Los C orados LINK FLOW
Commodity Group: Garlic Onions Machachi 0
LEGEND
0 iCityoTown and Environs
Su • Road Junction
Saquidi" -. 100 KG of Products
-- - Less than 50 KG of Products ...... No Flow
Latacunga
Puiill
Zumbahua "* " Salcedo
Pillaro
Ambato Amba ''" " '. Palate
Q,.,,iio -. " •Banos Oriente " .e v allo s P e le o .0
Bolivar Province ... * Qo uero
S Ricbamba
Quayas Basin
Q Southen Provinces Q ,Northern Coastal Q Northern Provinces
Quito BI-DIRECTIONAL Santo Oorningo 0 QioFO doeLos Colorados LINK FLOW
Commodity Group:
Animal Feed
Machacht
LEGEND
Q~igcos O Cty Town, and Environs
Road Junction
-- 100 KG of Products
- Less than 50 KG of Products ...... No Flow . _
Latacunga
Pulili
Zumbahus . ... T Salcedo
Pillaro
Ambato
.'"""'/// "/ 0.\P~,Palate
•". ....0•"O ... . ,alo B.anos Oriente
Bolivar Province KY'Qer
SRioamba
Quayar,Basin
iiuthern Provinces Northern Coastal Q Northern Provinces
/
Quito BI-DIRECTIONAL
Santo Domingo dLINK FLOW
Commodity Group: Fresh Vegetab!es
Mactactri
LEGEND
h CityiTown. and Environs
°S/sl 0 Road Junction
Saqui,: 100 KG of Products
-- - Less than 50 KG of Products ...... No Flow
Latacunga
Zumbahua
"iarPoiSalcedo
0 Pllaro
Ambato
Ptare
. \Banos Or en/e
" Cevailos / ilo _ _. e
. Bolivar Province .. 0 7 . . Qur
Soutiern Provinces Q Northern Coastal Q Northern Provinces
S 0 ,,Quito BI-DIRECTIONAL
\deLos Colorados LINK FLOW
Commodity Group:
Fruits
Machachi
LEGEND
"""IISigchos ,, City/Town, and Environs
Saqu"'Rr d Junction Saqu.sdi .. 1 " 100 KG of Products
- - - Less than 50 KG of Products ...... No Flow
Latacunga
Pulili
Zurnoahua .. ".0
Salcedo
/
Pillaro
/ Amnbato -G
. .ate
// /Banos Oriente
Cevailos Pefieo //
Bolivar Province - / Qu o 0
Riobamoa
Ouayas Basin
Souhern Promnce ( Nortern Coastal QD Nonern Provinces
Sat ouo BI-DIRECTIONAL \ '"Santo Domingo( )
(os Colorados LINK FLOW
Commodity Group: Poultry Fish Macni Pork
LEGEND
~IIIZIIK O City/Town, and Environs
Saqumisib. Saquiili IRoaa Junction 100 KG of Produrts
- - - Less than 50 KG of Products No FIbw
iLatacunga
a Zurnbahua . .
/ / ,,Pillaro/ /
Ambato /\ /\ / " xP- ate
Bano, Orwnte 0 / "' D.. ovat"OS °el ......
C a" // bolivar Province " ' ,.. .. o,eo
uRioeambd
Ousyas Basin
~>oulmern Provinces Q Nolern Coastal Northern Provinces
oumto 1I-DIRECTIONAL
Santo Domingo de.Los Coloras LINK FLOW
Commodity Group: Lentils Peas )Machachi Beans Legumes LEGEND
CitV/Town. and Environs 0 0.
Q sRoad Junction 'aq isil 0 1(,0KG of Products
- - - LUS ,than 50 KG of Products ...... No Flcw
Lalacunga
Zumbahua " )Salcedo ,
." illaro
• ' Ambaio
Banos Oriente 0"0 Caao Peileo
Bolivar Province Q ur
0 Riobamoa
Quayas Basin
QD out-ern Provinces.... SNorthernCoastal O Northern Provinces
Quito BI-DIRECTIONAL
.D Santo Oomingo do Los Colorados LINK FLOW
Commodity Group: Herbs I Spices ( Machachi Flavorings
LEGEND
Q Sigchos O City/Town. and Environs
0 °RoadJunction Laq1_
100 KG of Products
- - - Less than 50 KG of Products ...... No Flow
Latacunga
00 Puil
0 Zu mtahua ..
5-. Pillaro Amoas
* Palate
BEanos Oriente Cova llos P"e o ......
Bolivar Province
SRiooamoa
Quayas Basin
Soutnern Provinces K )tit..,pl Q Nohern Pro.nces Q Nortern Coastal
ltO BI-DIRECTIONAL
Santo Domingo de Los Colorados LINK FLOW
Commodity Group: Beef
Mac hachi
I LEGEND
Sigchos Environs O" City/Town, and
0 Road Junction Saquisil;( S" "100 KG of Products
- - - Less than 50 KG of Products
...... No Flow
0 Latacunga
Puil Zumbaua , ~UmbahuaSalcedo
Pillaro
,° ...... Ambato
- • Palate
Banos Oriente - " '''" .. ,, "- C'evallos--
Bolivar Province 'a'eI
Quero *
* Rrobamba
Ouays Basti
Q'Sounern Prnvinces 53.
PART II
VENDOR SURVEYS IN THE FERIAS OF SAQUISILI AND PELILEO
The first stage of the Ecuador study in 1983 revealed that two subregional centers, Saquisili to the north and Pelileo to the south of Ambato, played key roles in the marketing structure of the greater Ambato Region. Both centers are strategically located within the system of small towns under 5,000 popula tion, but with hinterlands having 40,000 to 50,000 rural inhabitants.
Saquisili has the only major Thursday feria in the province of Cotopaxi, thus establishing a focal point for all commercial middlemen and rural producers toward the end of the week. Pelileo has ferias on Tuesday and Saturday, and they too have no major competition in the region on those days. These two marketing centers were selected by the SARSA/ FONAPRE team to study in greater depth.
In June of 1984, Richard Wilkie and Thomas Carroll (SARSA) worked with
FONAPRE and PRONAREG, the Ministry of Agriculture, to desiga a survey instru ment to study these two centers from a number of different perspectives, including understanding such things as the physical characteristics of each town and its feria, the role of both the municipal government and the campesino organizations in the feria, the existing services provided at each feria plaza, exi.sting modes of transportation on market days, seasonality and losscs of pro duce, the process of price structuring and price changes in the market, the numbers and types of sellers (vendors) in the marketplace, the role of both middlemen (intermediarios) anc local fixed store merchants operating in each market, and a study of probiems within the feria as perceived by the many key participants in the system. The PRONAREG team of investigators was organized 54. to enter the Saquisili and Pelileo ferias with a team of 25 to 30 individuals
on the market days and to measure each of these characteristis in depth.
Although questionnaires and conceputal frameworks for observation were put
together for each of these topics, not all of the data was collected as had
been requested. Various individuals in different positions of authority took
it upon themselves to drop or change sections of the survey without con
sulting with the project designers. In spite of these difficulties, a very
large body of relevant information was obtained that have helped generate
important insights.
Two other studies were also undertaken. The first was for the PRONAREG
team to repeat the 1983 cordon studies of flows of all commodities into and out
of Saquisili and Pelileo during the market days. Results of this study are
included in another part of this report. The second study involved sending in
small teams of anthropologists to study the process of how middlemen operate in
the buying and selling of commodities. In a given plaza a particular commodity
may change hands a number of times. It is vitally important to understand this
process if intervention into the system is to take place. Results of this
study are very mixed since most middlemen are reluctant to let outsiders observe the way they do business. A number of important contacts were made, however, especially in Saquisili by Marcelo Pantoja, and we feel optimistic that important pricing information can be obtained in depth in the third phase of the study.
The following list of guidelines and topics for data collection were part of the study methodology. 55.
PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE MARKET:
SIZE AND :MPORTANCE -volume traded, flows -number of persons attending on typical market day -radius of influence -estimates of how much trade is for local consumption, consumption in the surrounding region, or is shipped out of the region for sale elsewhere -analysis of competition with other markets
PHYSICAL CONDITION OF THE FERIA PLAZAS AND TOWN -covered--open -building types and condition -water and sanitary facilities -permanent stands and -tores -portable stands and open spaces -storage and refrigeration facilities -parking and traffic conditions -garbage and waste collection -dirt or paved floors for plazas
TRANSPORTATION -ownership, availability, and fares of buses, trucks, taxis, etc. -repair facilities -location of terminal facilities -transpcrt cooperative organizations -human haulers (cargadore) - number and cost per load
ENVIROMENTAL CHARACTERISTICS:
SEASONALITY AND LOSSES OF PRODUCE -how seasonality of supply and demand affects feria -effects on prices -what is done with unsold produce at the end of feria; stored, destroyed returned to farm, transported to next feria, etc. --estimate losses in perishable products during ferias caused by weather and/or rough handling
ADMINISTRATIVE CHARACTERISTICS:
ROLE OF HUNICIPIO GOVERNMENT -resporsibilities for buildings and facilities -licensing and fees -inspeLtion, sanitation, etc.
ROLE OF PEASANT ORGANIZATIONS -possible role of campesino cooperatives, etc. 56.
MARKETING CHARACTERISTICS:
SERVICES -price information -weights and measures (how to check them) -banking and credit facilities -- especially of feria days -storage -washing and sorting -are town medical, dental, agricultural extension, and other town services available on market day
MARKET SELLERS (VENDORS) -type of sales -sex and estimated ages of vendors -size of commercial activity -number of sellers in stand -number of products sold -where the vendor is from: rural campo, small town, or city -origin of the product -where produce was obtained -how many times a week and month they buy and/or sell -their principal economic activity -where and what they do each day of the week: buying, selling, travelling, resting, working at home, etc.
MIDDLEMEN (INTERMEDIARIES) -number and origin -how they function: sorting, bulking, loading, etc. -process of bargaining -collusion (price fixing?) -social and/or compadrazgo relationships to producers, cther middlemen, vendors, etc. -sources of finance and credit -any evidence of ethnic or social discrimination of campesino groups by buyers -role of "revendadores" who constantly buy and sell small amounts for slight gains in orice -estimates of price margins between buyers
LOCAL FIXED ESTABLISHMENI MERCHANTS -number and size of stores -lozation in relation to plazas -ownership -service area origin of customers -volume of business during the feria and on other days -rough idea of level of price differences from those charged in Ambato and Quito -credit arrangements for customers, if any -relatioship of merchants to intermediaries -storage facilities of merchants, especially for feria produce 57.
PERCEIVED PROBLEAS WITHIN THE FERIA SYSTEM:
PROBLEMS -problems perceived by key participants make a list of items - such as "other than too much competi.tion, how do you feel about water/washing facilities?" etc. -problems identified by the study t3am 58.
GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS
Introduction
The periodic market or feria system of Tungurahua and Cotopaxi provinces centers on :he city of Ambato, a rapidly growing commercial center of nearly
120,000 people (Figure 1!-1). As the regional distribution center for a por tion of the central highlands, Ambato ranks only behind Quito in the size of market in the highlands of Ecuador. While Ambato has feria activities seven days a week, Monday is the primary market day with about half of the vendcr activity for the week. Bromley estimated in 1975* that the size of Ambato doubles in population during the market day on '...onday. Since the population of the greater Ambato hinterland totaled around 602,000 in 1980, it means that approximately one-sixth of the population residing in the two provinces travels to Ambato for the Monday market. The city of Ambato also has about one-sixth of the population of Tungurahua and Cotopaxi provinces, so together with the population of those who journey to market on Monday, 200,000 people are involved either directly or indirectly with the market. The Monday "feria" in
Ambato, however, is more like 18 ferias, since it involves 18 different plazas, each specializing in one or more types of activities on a large scale.
Ten sub-regional centers also have important ferias, wich all but two having two major market days during the week. Three centers have a Sunday and
Wednesday combination (Pujili, Salcedo, and Banos), two centers have Tuesday/
Saturday combinations (Latacunga dn Pelileo), three centers meet on Sunday/
Thursday cycles (Pillaro, Patate, and Quero), while two centers have
* Bromley, -,ay, "Periodic and Daily Markets in Highland Ecuador," unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Cambridge, 1975. Figure I1-1 AMBATO MARKETING REGION
STYLIZED TRANSPORT LINKAGES & MARKETING CENTERS, 1984
to QUITO, and the provinces to the NW lowldnds -if Pichi.ncha, rmbabura of Esreraldis and and Carchi Santo DomingoColorados de Zos
S ig hos - -" Sig - / MARKETING LEVELS
REGIONALter / uantualo ISIL / SAQU -hg i SUB-REGIONAL ShugchiI Ian LGCenter \ LATACU.NGA
MAJOR MARKET Town
I MINOR MARKE7 0Town
h STRANSPORT LINKS
- MAJOR PAVED
- I OTHER PAJED to western lowlands Cusubamba-- SECONDARY of Los Raos & anabl' provinces (via Quevedo) PILLARO AMBATO C
~\\PATATE
LI / angahua / P L L O C o :: / / BANOS easterr. I Cevalo C3 lowland
0 Quero\uyo) Huambal "
to Bolivar & Guayas provinces - (7,UAYAQUIL Co southern (via 3uaranda) highlands of Chimborazo, Ca3nar, Azuay, and Loja provinces, R. WILKIE, 1985 (via Riobamba tc Cuenca) 60.
Sunday/Thursday cycles (Pillaro, Patate, and Quero), while two centers have only one large market day each week (Saquisili on Thursday and Guaranda** on
Saturday).
In addition, eight other smaller but important ferias operate in the greater Ambato region, mostly at the more distant locations within the mar keting system. Five of the eight ferias are in the more remote western high lands of Cotopaxi Province, with the market da,'- spread throughout the week.
The ferias of Sigchos and Cusubamba, the two most spatially separated markets of this size range in Cotopaxi, operate on Sunday. The isolated rural market of Guantualo, near Sigchos in the far northwest, is on Monday, while Angamarca and Zumbahua in the west-central highlands have Friday and Saturday markets, respectively. In Tungurahua province only three ferias in this size range exist. One is the Thursday feria at Llangahua, the new market founded in 1979, located in the more isolated western highlands near the border with Bolivar
Province. It's importance has grown rapidly, however, and it has nearly elimi nated the previously important feria located at Pasa, a town of nearly 1,000 people, which is located lower down the canyon near the end of the commuting perimeter of Ambato. A second feria in this size range in Tungurahua is located in Cevallos, a center that recently attempted to expand from a success ful Thursday feria to a Sunday and Thursday combination that is in dirEct com petition with nearby Quero on those two days. Cevallo's attempt to cut off road traffic to the Quero markets appears to have backfired as a new road between Quero and Pelileo has further isolated Cevallos as a regional
** Guaranda, the capital of Bolivar province, is more isolated in its own smaller marketing region to the southwest of Ambato on the other side of 6310 meter-high Chimborazo volcano. It is included in a description of the region since it has major marketing relationships with Ambato. TABLE II-I
WEEKLY DISTRIBUTION OF FERIA DAYS FOR MAJOR MARKET TOWNS
Major Market Number of Plazas Centers (North to South) Mon. Tues. Wed. Thurs. Fri. Sat. Sun.
SAQU IS ILl 7 LATACUNGA 3 8 PUJILI 2 3 SALCEDO 2 3 PILLARO 5 4 AMBATO 18 3 6 3 5 3 3 PATATE 2 2 PELILEO 4 5 QUERO 3 4 BANOS 2 4 GUARANDA 5
Totals (111) 18 10 12 22 5 21 23
More Isolated Number of Plazas Market Centers Mon. Tues. Wed. Thurs. Fri. Sat. Sun.
SIGCHOS 3 QUANTUALO CHUGCHILLAN I ZUMBAHUA 2 ANGAMARCA 2 CUSUBAMBA 1 LLANGUAHUA HUAMBALO I CEVALLOS 2 1
Totals: (15) 1 0 0 3 2 3 6
ALL TOTALS (126) 19 10 12 25 7 24 29 TABLE 11-2
Ferias in the Ambato Region
Major Number of Products Traded Settlement: Plaza Name Market Day Paid Stations (in order of importanca)
Ambato*:
1. Mercados Modelo MondayT 1252 Fixed Agricultural produce, and Central 174 Floating other goods
2. Avenida Cevallos Monday 892 Shoes, clothing, artisan items
3. Plaza Urbina Monday 420 Fixed Potatoes, vegetables, 174 Floating cereals
4. Primero de Mayo Monday 400 Fixed Vegetables, fruits, 150 Floating tomatoes, and a full range of agricultural produce
5. Pachano Thurs.(36%) 263 Onions, garlic, potatoes, Fri. (21%) barley, corn, wool, eggs Sun. (15%) Mon. (13%) Other (40%)
6. La Merced Monday 40 Fruits and rice from the coast
7. Simon Bolivar Monday 350 Burlap sacks, furniture, alfalfa, fruits, fish, cooking kettles, flower pots
8. Plaza Colon Monday 300 Vegetables, fruits, carrots, tomatoes
9. Plaza de Chanchos Monday 225 Pigs, sheep
10. La "Y" Monday 225 Rabbits, guinea pigs, chickens
* Bromley counted a total of 21,634 vendors in the Ambato feria in a week, in 1971, making it the second most important periodic market in the highlands. Of that total 10,589 vendors (49 percent) sold on Monday. TABLE 11-2 (continued)
Major Number of Products Traded Settlement: Plaza Name Market Day Paid Stations (in order of importance)
Lactacunga*:
1. Rio Cajias, Chile, Wednesday 1000 Fixed Onions, vegetables, brown and Del Salto Friday 2000 Floating sugar, fruit Monday
2. Plaza Mogollou Saturday Unknown Potatoes Tuesday
3. Sigsicalle Monday Unknown Cereals, ropes and lassos
4. Eloy Alfaro Saturday Unknown Cattle, sheep, pigs (30 to 150), chickens (200)
5. San Agustin Saturday Unknown Clothing Tuesday
6. San Sebastian Tuesday Large Small amounts of agri Friday cultural produce Saturday
7. La Merced Saturday Unknown Small amounts of agri cultural produce
8. San Diego Saturday Unknown Artisan and wool market
Bromley estimated in 1971 a total of 7898 vendors.
Salcedo*:
1. Eloy Alfaro Thursday 150 fixed Potatoes (80 stations), Sunday 50 floating corn, chicken (19 (most stations), beans important)
2. Clothing and Sunday 200 commercial goods market
3. Ganado Thursday Unknown Goats, pigs, cattle, Sunday alfalfa (of which 91% is sold to go outside & 9% is consumed locally) * Bromley estimated in 1971 a total of 3604 vendors. TABLE 11-2 (continued)
Major Number of Products Traded Settlement: Plaza Name Market Day Paid Stations (in order of importance)
Saquisili*:
1. Gran Colombia Thursday 120 Huge plaza of potatoes (80+%), fruit, brown sugar, cooked foods
2. Plaza Kennedy Thursday 100 Grains, fruit, onions, vegetables, baby chicks
3. 18 de Octobre Thursday 200 Native clothing & artisan goods, iron items, furni ture, fruit, cooked foods grain, yuca, and beans
4. Ganado (Rocafuerte) Thursday 200 Cattle, sheep and pigs
5. Plaza Concordia Thursday 150 Clothing (around the Central Square)
6. Plaza Montalvo Thursday 30 Ceramics, general mer chandise, plastic buckets and jars, etc.
7. Camal de Saquisili Thursday 70 Meat market - butchered
* Bromley estimated in 1971 a total of 3205 vendors. TABLE 11-2 (continued)
Major Number of Products Traded Settlement: Plaza Name Market Day Paid Stations (in order of importance)
Pelileo*:
1. Plaza Central Saturday 487 Potatoes, vegetables, fruits, grains, onions, chicken, eggs, and brown sugar
2. 12 de Noviembre Wednesday 250 Fruit, alfalfa, pota (Mercado de Papas) Saturday toes, onions, tomatoes, wood and ceramics
3. Plaza de Ganado Wednesday 228 Cattle (400 head), pigs (animales) Saturday (500 head), lambs (500 head)
4. Mercado Republica Wednesday 50 inside Everything-meat, fresh Argentina Saturday 150 outside produce, fruit, furni ture, bananas, prepared meats, repair shops, etc.
5. Mercado de Ayes Wednesday unknown Herbs, chicken, reeds and Hierba (grasses) for construc (Birds & Spices) tion, wood and carbon, pigs, rabbits and guinea pigs
* Bromley estimated in 1971 a total of 2318 vendors, with 1830 on Saturday and 418 on Wednesday. TABLE 11-2 (continued)
Major Number of Products Traded Settlement: Plaza Name Market Day Paid Stations (in order of importance)
Pillaro*:
1. San Juan Thursday 100 Vegetables Sunday
2. 24 de Mayo Thursday Unknown Hay, rope, clothing, Sunday guinea pigs
3. De Ganado Thursday 100 Cattle (400 - 600 head) Sunday
4. San Bartolo Thursday Unknown Pigs Sunday
5. No Name Thursday 20 Goats (60 - 100 animales) Sunday
* Bromley estimated in 1971 there were 1780 stations (953 Thursday; 802 Sunday).
Quero:
1. Plaza Juan de Thursday Potatoes(93%, beans(5%), Alarcon (most onions, cereals, alfalfa, (typical Sunday important) melons, wood for cooking 24,034 kilos of 42,000 potatoes enters kilos of 19,195 kilos is potatoes, shipped out Sunday 21,000 kilos of potatoes
2. Mercado de Animales Thursday ? Cattle, pigs, sheep, (Ganado) Sunday chickens, rabbits, lambs (743 head of animals total)
3. Central (covered) Thursday 146 Groceries(23%), fruit(19%) Sunday prepared foods(17%), meat (13%), other(8%)
4. 12 de Noviembre Sunday Ready-made clothes, boots, only shoes, prepared foods, general small merchandise, chickens
* Bromley estimated in 1971 a total of 1049 vendors. TABLE 11-2 (continued)
Major Number of Products Traded Settlement: Plaza Name Market Day Paid Stations (in order of importance)
Pugilt*:
1. Central Plaza Sunday 250 pocatoes, grains, fruit
2. Covered market Sunday 60 vegetables, fruit, meat
3. Animal market Sunday 25 sheep, goats, pigs, cattle
* Bromley estimated in 1971 a total of 1338 vendors.
Sigchos*: 2 plazas Sunday f 125/35
* Bromley estimated in 1971 a total of 418 vendors.
Zumbahua*: 2 plazas j Saturday
* Bromley estimated 497 stations in 1971.
Llangahua: New market about 1979
1. Llanguhua Thursday 20 Potatoes, cereal, corn, goats, sheep 68.
subcenter. The town of Huambalo, southeast of Quero and Pelileo in an onion
and vegetable growing region, has a leria every Saturday.
While each periodic market meets on a specific day at a particular place,.
in reality there are a number of different kinds of ferias operating at each of
the market plazas. Each plaza specializes in certain types of activities.
Table II-I presents the number of plazas operating throughout the region in the
ii major periodic markets. A total of 111 plaza days of operation occur each week in the 11 major market towns, while another 15 plaza days occur in the 8 smaller markets, for a grand total of 126 market days a week in 20 market cen ters. A number of small markets for food distribution also exist in many small villages, but they do not play a significant role in the overall marketing pro cess in the region. Table lI-I lists the major markets in the region, and
Table 11-2 describes the major plazas by name, major market day, number of paid vendors, and products traded in order of importance for each of the 11 major market centers.
Each plaza becomes a world of its own and the market activities there represent a concentration of sales of specific types of commodities. In order to get a greater sense of how these activities cluster, it is important to look more closely at the various plazas in the two major market centers studied.
The Seven Plazas in Saquisili.
During most of the week Saquisili is a small towi of about 3,000 inhabi tants living within the nucleated settlement. In the immediate surrounding area that makes up the canton of Saquisili, an additional 11,000 rural inhabi tants are living, while in the greater market hznterland asbout 150,000 people have access to the market from time to time. Since Saquisili is the only 69. market center in the Cotopaxi region to have a Thursday feria, it has assumed a very important role in the greater Ambato region. Consequently, on market day
Saquisili swells in size by as much as ten times, and seven plazas and the streets between the plazas are filled with both consumers and vendors. An inventory of the seven plazas follows. Plaza De Ganado Rocafuerte (the Animal Market). Selling activities in the animal plaza starts with first light between 5:3and 6:00 am and winds down rapidly after 9:00 am, when some of the other plazas are beginning to reach a peak of activity. Animal sellers congregate into areas of cattle, pigs, sheep, and goats, together with areas containing animal forage such as alfalfa. Figure 11-2 shows the location of these activities, and the vitality of the market is shown in the accompanying series of photographs.
Figure 11-2
Plaza De Ganado "Rocafuerte" (The Animal Market)
Parqueo de Vehiculos
Bovinos I (cattle)
Q Forraje M (animal forage) -
I
II Porcinos I Ovinos j (pigs) II (sheep) I I I I I I I I
Calle Manabi Alimentos Preparados ( Plaza "Rocafuerte" (the Animal Market) at Saquisili
' - L 3 L
western half of the plaza about 9am--view looking north
eoael
eastern half of the plaza at the same time--view looking north Plaza de Ganado "Rocafuerte" in Saquisili Tr Pr 7
a portion of the pig and cattle section
_' i' ++++r,+++;. .,,4,+.
view of the animal market from the south looking north Plaza de Ganado "Rocafuerte" in Saquisili
woman selling about a dozen sheep
a l g c.-to o t
animal forage section of the market Plaza 18 de Octubre. This is one of the largest of the four plazas in the Saquisili Thursday market. About half of the vendor activities concentrate on retailing vegetables and grains from the local region and tropical fruits from the Pacific lowlands, as well as the sale of some live poultry and guinea pigs. Other activities are quite varied, but include the sale of blankets, weavings, and artisan goods, ready-made clothing, rags, crude wool, rope, wicker baskets, furniture, rubber items made from old tires, iron and metal goods, clothing repair places while you wait, and prepared food outlets.
Figure 11-3 Plaza '18 De Octubre"
__J _ _ _,_
Transporne Calle Carchi Frutas Tropicales aq na Hans I _- Maquinas Harinas Con)ecciones I Traperia I I seCoser (flour & (ready made (rags)
clothing) (sewingmachines) meeat)g
Tejidos y Artesanias j (rubber items) I
(weavings. blankets. - I and artesan items) Hortalizas
I AF,nentos Preparaaos I (vegetacles) I j (prepared foods) j 0 I0 I
(r Fierros -
(iron and metal items) =I i..
SGranos I Horlaizas I = a I IN (vegetables) arains)
I I - I . - C. Muebles I Canastos (furniture) (wicker baskets and tems) .
Horalizas y Frutas Tropicales en Camiones (vegetables and tropical fruits from trucks)
7L Plaza "18 de Octubre" in Saquisil
-w .,
-_ _
. - . -
selling rope (sogas)
4
-7 / y- I 6a
* .- --- w
floating broom vendor selling home made metal knives t Plaza "1 8 de Octubre" in Saquisil
.6
clothing ! on oldrepairs V 1 Singer sewing
r e bmachines
recycled rubber tires Plaza "18 de Octubre" in Saquisil
selling baby chicks
selling tropical fruit from the rear of trucks Plaza Concordia (the Clothing Market). The clothing feria is located in the streets around the edge of the central plaza and on the side streets leading away from the center of town. Well over half of the space is used for the sale of clothing-new, used, and ready-made. Hats are sold near the south west corner opposite city hall and the central cathedral, along with some tex tiles, weavings, and artisan goods. Hardware and tools are sold along the southeast part of the square. Finally, numerous free floating vendors selling a great range of more portable items pass through the streets in the "Concordia" market as they do throughout Saquisili.
Figure 11-4
Plaza 'Concordia' (The Clothing Market)
thi Confecciones (clothing) 0o 0 -Calle- Mariscal Sucre Enprovit
C C: o(D0 0_oii1 r_ C2 o 0
c) >
0 M Church , Central , C Plaza -0 Em 0 E C C/5
a S0
CD 0 U •M C4 C are:IQ 0
(hats) (artisan goods) 7l72 Plaza "Concordia" in Saquisil
selling clothing and textiles
in the "clothing feria"
stall selling hats Plaza Kennedy (the Retail Agricultural Market). The feria held in Plaza Kennedy concentrates almost exclusively as a retail outlet of agricultural goods to local consumers. Vegetables, tropical fruits, grains, beans, and some poultry and small animals for consumpcion are the primary items sold here.
Figure 11-5
Plaza "Kennedy" in SaquisilT (The Retail Agricultural Market) I t L Calle Mariscal Sucre
Buildings
Parqueo dle Vehiculos z (parking for vehicles) M oaL 7N r-
Alimentos preparado- --
" Hortalizas y Frutas Tropicales I> L 2 Granos Secos (vegetables and tropical fruit) U. (dry grain and beans) I IL) Cebolla c I_ I (prepared foods LN a- Cebolla Y Horlaliza.. -.. "- "-r 76 "o LI N - Viveres 1 I u !1,I En,... 1- 1 Frutas0 S o4 (small ,0 1 Tropicales I SHoralizas Coles animals) I I(D, M Ic _C (small I (cabbage I I l - - < L Ii...chicks)_ A.- I - - - -
Gallinos Alimentos Calle Barreno Parqueo (chickens Preparados Plaza "Kennedy" in Saquisil
Z
I~
.,.
Latacunga housewife selling Saquisili housewife selling bananas from the coast "panela"--brown sugar--from Sigchos
bread vendor with prepared food restaurants in the background HOUSEWIFE VENDORS AT THE PLAZA KENN~EDY __
upper right: woman selling tropical fruit: oranges, limes, lemons, and other fruit from the tropical lowlands
lower right: woman selling spices ;r and hand carved wooden i spoons
lower left: woman selling corn, beans,j and other grains J7
.T ' .
.. Q.
4-5. , Plaza Mercado Gran Colombia (the Potato Market). The largest market plaza in physical size (but not in the number of vendors) is the potato feria on the northeast corner of town. Activities start early and are essentially com pleted by late morning, since many of the transactions involve wholesaling in bulk lots between middlemen. Some tropical fruits such as banas and loaves of brown sugar (anela) from the Sigchos region are sold here in bulk as well. Some small sales for local consumption always take place he!re, but primarily this is a break-in-bulk potato market.
Figure 11-6
Plaza "Mercado Gran Colombia" at Saqusif (The Potato Market) tt I
Transporte Pesaoo y Venta de Papas
(hoavy trucks selling potatoes)
Calle B.de las Casas
cJ
Papas r (potatoes) (A
1 (0 C
I . Esteras I (large straw __ 0 I I mats) 0
I (
I- i I Panela I I(brown sugar)
I ,A /
" Transocte (transport for hire) Calle Sucre MERCADO "Gran Colombia" in Saquisili
'......
Two photos on the right: "Fast food" restaurants and prepared food area
photo below:
sugar cane and bananas
17d
. ,,. ,- ..
_1
rn-p ~ ~1" -fl Figure 11-7 Plaza Montalvo and Carnal De Saquisili
Cuartel de Policia (police station), P'-'--'-'-3---' Calle Barreno Confecciones (native clothing) Quincalleria Cer.micas, botellas y bazar Confecciones (ceramics, bottles, '-- (r e and small items) I v
Quincalleria (plastics and 0 I hardware)
IMquinas de o iCoser * Imachines)(sowing
ICalzado (shoes) J
Calle Barreno
3
(A0 Came -p (meat market)
CL 00 > 0.0
Calle L F. Boda Ca r pe C a r nle
a t rr arnket)
Patio I I I
Parquo do vehiculos para descarque do animales 86.
Comparison of Seven Plazas in the Saguisili Market
In each of the seven plazas a different set of activities occurs. Figure
11-8 compares all seven of the plazas, showing the proportion of each activity.
It is easy to see, for example, that sizable amount of tropical fruits are sold at three of the seven plazas--more than a quarter of the activities at the agricultural retail market (Plaza Kennedy), about one-seventh of the activities at the potato wholesaling market (Plaza Gran Colombia), and one-tenth of the activities at the mixed activity market (Plaza 18 de Octubre). One plaza deals exclusively with animals and animal forage, two plazas are dominated b' the sale of agricultural produce, one mixed market has about one-third of its activities in agricultural produce, and three plazas specialize in other types of activities.
While reasons for the clustering of certain types of activities can at times be unique to particular market towns because of a number of historical and functional reasons, there are also patterns that tend to be duplicated between markets. Clear similarities exist, for example, when we compare the
Saquisili plazas with the five plazas of Pelileo (see Figure 11-9). In Pelileo the following similarities are evident: (a) One plaza is devoted to the sale and trade of animals (Plaza Pelileo Viejo). (b) The potato market has nearly the identical proportion of potato activities (55 to 60 percent) as we found in
Saquisili, although the second and third activities--onions and tomatoes- reflect a different zone of crop specialities than we found in Saquisili with tropical fruit and canela (brown sugar) arriving from either the coastal low lands or the Sigchos area. (c) Major wholesaling activities take place in only two plazaas. (d) At least two plazas have extremely diverse types of activ ities. Differences between the Saquisili and Pelileo markets include the Figure 11-8
DISTRIBUTION OF MAJOR MARKET ACTIVITIES ON 7 PLAZAS IN SAQUISILI Thursday Market Day, July 1984
0 25% 50% 75% 1OO II
ANIMAL AN I MALanimal MARKET CATTLE PIGS SHEEP forage-- 0 "Roca fuerte" alfalfa, etc. U
I I
POTATO MARKET open air TROPICAL k ZC < (wholesaling) POTATOES eating/ FRUITS W : < "Gran Colombia" Prepared , E= 1L Food
,aI
AGR ICULTURAL Prep Z L1 o> < V " e RETAIL MARKET TROPICAL VEGETABLES openFood! GRAINS Z 0 I ,=) • CC L-X I "Plaza Kennedy" FRUITS VEETFES oenGRIS "' c I1 - JO restau__, restur. RUIT
MIXED Ln 'k 1°0 - ACTIVITY BlneSwaigT~VEGE- Fod OKPI- H -- rim / MARKET WaigTBE II oen CAL < Q) Q I o)- I Il18 deOtbeArtisan FRI o E U $- 1: 1-00 deOcubej restaur.IFU) :3 Q):
CLOTHING MARKET CLOTHING NATIVE M CLOTHNG NTIVEHA TS Iru : Il (n "La Concordia" (Factory Made) CLOTHING HT r Lit; at Central Plaza ' °
SHOES and Hardware and Bottles/ Native ." ' PLASTICS MARKET SHOES Plastic items Ceramics Clothe - "Montalvo" II I< Il'_
MEAT MARKET "Camal de MEAT for consumption Saquisili' ,
0 25% 50 75% 100 Figure 11-9
DISTRIBUTION OF MAJOR MARKET ACTIVITIES ON 5 PLAZAS IN PELILEO Saturday Market Day, August 1984
0% 25% 50% 75 100%
'~u
CENTRAL MARKET Sto e (Z" [ CETALMRKT Ready-made General ZL Clothing & Store e U "Plaza Central" VEGETABLES ONIONS GRAIN U, U 2 Uj I Footwear type = = " i temns
MIXED ACTIVITY GeneraTROPICA MARKET foods-- BANANAS TRUIC = I FRUIT < "Republica de canned,etc ,, "a ' < Argentina" _ ,< "____-
ANIMAL MARKET ISEP& 'Pelileo viejo'' CATTLE PIGS { EGOATS
POTATO MARKET (, "Mercado de POTATOES ONIONS ]as papas" j
HERBS & POULTRY Wood MARKET HERBS REEDS for MATS 'Ayes / Hierba" BASKETS Char-
T, 25 505- 75" 10: 89. following: (a) In Pelileo the meat market is not separate, but is inside the central plaza facilities. None of the plazas in Saquisili are covered, except the meat market, so each place most likely represents the pattern in communi
ties with and without a covered central market. (b) More of the factory made items are bought in fixed place stores in Pelileo since day-to-day commercial activities appear to be more frequent there than in Saquisili. The rural settlement density pattern is greater in close proximity to Pelileo and more people travel shorter distances more frequently in the two-markets-per- week pattern than in the case of Saquisili's one-market-per-week. 90.
THE NUMBER OF VENDORS
Five broad categories of vendors are found in the narkets of Saquisili and
Pelieo. Commercial (middlemen) vendors devote most of their time into buying
and selling, and it is their primary occupation. The other classes of vendors
--housewives, farmers/producers, salaried workers, and day laborers--all put
varying amounts of time into vending at the market, and this activity is essen-
tially a secondary occupation. Figure II-10 shows the breakdown of vendor
types for the Saquisili market, illustrating that about 60 percent of the ven dors are commercial middlemen; and this table further reveals that durable con sumer goods make up slightly more than half of the products sold.
Table 11-3 describes in detail the vendors by both class and products sold in the Saquisili market. Concentrating only upon the farm products, livestock vendors are most numerous, follcwed by vegetable and root crop vendors. The middlemen vendors dominate the classes in livestock, root crops, fruits, and grains; only in the sale of vegetables do farmers dominate the market. The distribution of vendors in the Pelileo market (Table 11-4) is similar, except that farmers constitute a larger percentage of the vendors and are more promi nent in more food categories. FIGURE 11 - 10
NUMBER AND PERCENT OF VI-NDORS BY TYPE OF SALES
991 Vendors, Saquisili Market - 1984
D. Type of A. B. C. Vendor: COMMERCIAL HOUSEWIVES RURAL SALARIED or (middlemen) FARMERS/ WORKERS VENDORS PRODUCERS PART-TIME LABORERS Total Vendors: ypeof Sales: 2 (53.1%) DURABLE....1 TE 11SCONSUMER 96 46524
(pr.,cesses food, 59 Z 56% 34% 41% r". L t fa c t ur ed f goods,Iand other)
(30.3%) AGRI CULTURAL 15F ] [80] F 299 P ROD)U CE [ 18% 26, 30% 58%
I I I I 41% 163 (16.5% ANI MALS im i45 14% DT18%
100% 100% 100% io%
88 986 TOTAL VENIDORS: 588 172 137
13.8% 8.6% + 5 others i'PE HNT OFI VENI)ORS : 59.3% 17.4% (100%) TABLE 11-3
NUMBER AND PERCENT OF VENDORS BY PRODUCT SOLD--SAQUISILI
Type of No. of Farmer/ Middlemen Day Salaried House Product Sold Vend.-rs % Producers % Vendors % Laborers % Workers % wives % Other %
Vegetables 101 10.1 44 32.1 32 5.73 3 4.47 1 4.76 21 12.2 0 0 Grains 44 4.43 7 5.10 21 3.76 3. 4.47 0 0 13 7.55 0 0
Root Crops 93 9.38 28 20.4 56 10.0 8 11.9 0 0 1 0.58 0 0
Fruits 55 5.54 1 0.72 36 6.45 1 1.49 0 0 .17 9.88 0 0
Livestock 163 16.4 11 8.02 91 16.3 26 38.8 10 47.6 24 13.9 1 16
Dry Coods 87 8.77 5 3.64 56 10.0 4 5.97 1 4.76 21 12.29 0 0
Handicrafts 85 8.57 20 14.5 40 7.16 13 19.4 4 19.0 8 4.65 0 0
Cake/Candle 71 7.16 6 4.37 54 9.67 0 0 2 9.52 4 2.32 5 83
Animal feed 6 0.60 0 0 6 1.07 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Other 286 28.8 15 10.9 196 35.1 9 13.4 3 14.2 63 36.6 0 0
991 100.0 137 13.8 558 56.3 67 6.76 21 2.11 172 17.3 6 0.60 TABLE 11-4
NUMRER AND PERCENT OF VENDORS BY PRODUCT SOLD--PELILEO
Type of No. of Farmer/ Middlemen Day Salaried House Product Sold Vendors % Producers % Vendors % Laborers % Workers % wives % Other %
Vegetables 110 17.8 47 32.1 39 13.8 1 4.54 0 0 22 15.3 1 5
Grains 17 2.75 3 2.05 10 3.54 0 0 0 0 4 2.79 0 0
Root Crops 62 10.0 23 15.7 38 13.4 0 0 0 0 1 0.69 0 0
Fruits 65 10.5 14 9.58 19 6.73 3 13.6 0 0 28 19.5 1 5
Livestock 113 18.3 26 17.8 29 10.2 15 68.1 2 66.6 33 23.0 8 40
Dry Goods 46 7.46 0 0 31 10.9 2 9.09 0 0 11 7.69 2 10
Handicrafts 25 4.05 9 6.16 13 4.60 0 0 0 0 1 0.69 2 10
Cake/Candle 49 7.95 0 0 41 14.5 0 0 1 33.3 5 3.49 2 10
Animal feed it 1.78 10 6.84 1 0.35 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Other 118 19.1 14 9.58 61 21.6 1 4.54 0 0 38 26.5 4 20
616 100.0 146 23.7 282 45.7 22 3.57 3 0.48 148 23.2 20 3.24 94.
NUMBER OF PRODUCTS SOLD BY VENDOR TYPE
The number of different crops or types of animals sold by each vendor pro vides an important view of how specialized or how diverse different types of vendors are (see Tables 11-5 for Saquisili and 11-6 for Pelileo). In most cases, it is also a rough indicator of how large an operation each vendor, ven dor family, or vendor partnership controls. The most specialized group of ven dors is the one selling root crops, with all 40 from the Pelileo market (100 percent) and 90 of the 93 from Saquisili (97 percent) selling only one crop.
Livestock vendors also have very high rates of specialization, with 85 percent of the 276 sellers in this category specializing in only one type of animal for sale at a time. Overall, specialization of animal vendors in Saquisili (90 percent) is greater than in Pelileo (75 percent), but vendors have to come much greater distances over rougher terrain to get to Saquisili and that makes the transportation of many animals more difficult.
Moderately high rates of specialization are found in two groups--fruits and vegetables--with about two-thirds of each group specializing in only one crop (67 and 65 percent respectively). The sale of grains are the most diver sified with nearly half of all vendors selling between three and ten or more types of grains (47 percent in both markets), and just over one-third special izing in one grain (41 percent in Pelileo and 37 percent in Saquisili). As was noted previously, grain vendors are proportionally the oldest vendors in terms of age. Whether this means there is a trend to specialize more among the younger vendors needs to be examined more closely. Probably other factors are more likely to help explain this apparent correlation. TABLE 11-5
Number of Products Sold by Product Type: Saquisili (Number of Vendors)
Product N u m b e r o f P r o d u c t s Type 1 2 3 4-9 10 or more Total
Vegetables 64 5 18 10 4 101
Grains 16 7 15 4 1 43
Root Crops 90 2 0 1 0 93
Fruits 40 7 5 2 1 55
Livestock 122 26 6 7 2 163
Total 332 47 44 24 8 455 73% 10% 10% 5% 2% TABLE 11-6
Number of Products Sold by Product Type: Pelileo (Number of Vendors)
Product N u m b e r o f P r o d u c t s Type 1 2 3 4-9 10 or more Total
Vegetables 71 10 17 7 5 110
Grains 7 2 6 1 1 17
Root Crops 62 0 0 0 0 62
Fruits 40 13 8 4 0 65
Livestock 102 8 1 2 0 113
Total 282 33 32 14 6 367 77% 9% 9% 4% 1% 97. THE AGES OF THE VENDORS
The age of vendors in both the Saquisili and Pelileo ferias peak between
the ages of 35 through 49 (middle age), with 43 percent of the vendors in
Saquisili and 41 percent of those in Pelileo in that age range. Pelileo has
double the proportion of vendors in the older age range of 50 years or more --
one out of five in Pelileo (20 percent) and one out of ten in Saquisili (9
percent) -- while the vendors of Saquisili have the higher proportion of
vendors under 35 years of age -- 48 percent to 39 percent (Table 11-7 and
11-8).
In a comparison of ages by commodity type, the youngest group of vendors in Saquisili sell vegetables, followed by fruit vendors, livestock vendors,
root crop vendors, and grain vendors, which are proportially the oldest group.
In Pelileo the youngest group sells fruit, followed by vegetables, root crops, livestock, and finally grain. Thus, on average, in both market centers, vege tables and fruit vendors are somewhat younger and grain vendors are the oldest.
The reasons behind these age differences were not studied, but the results might have marketing and production implications within the family structure and should be examined in greater detail. TABLE 11-7
Ag-. of Vendors by Product in Saquisili
< 20 20 - 34 35 - 49 50 + Total
Vegetables 15 43 37 6 101 (15%) (43%) (37%) (6%) (100%)
Grains 3 11 22 7 43 (7%) (26%) (51%) (16%) (100%)
Root Crops 1 35 49 8 93 (1%) (38%) (53%) (9%) (100%)
Fruits 6 21 19 8 54 (11%) (38%) (35%) (15%) (100%)
Livestock 11 73 68 11 163 (7%) (45%) (42%) (7%) (100%)
Mean Total 36 183 195 40 454 (8%) (40%) (43%) (9%) (100%) TABLE 11-8
Age of Vendors hy Product in Pelileo
< 20 20 - 34 35 - 49 50 + Total
Vegetables 8 43 43 16 110 (7%) (39%) (39%) (15%) (100%)
Grains 0 6 8 3 17 (35%) (47%) (18%) (100%,
Root Crops 1 18 33 10 62 2%) (24%) (51%) (16%) (100%)
Fruits 6 27 18 14 65 (9%) (42%) (27%) (22%) (100%)
Livestock 3 32 47 31 113 (3%) (28%) (42%) (27%) (100%)
Mean Total 18 126 149 74 367 (5%) (34%) (41%) (20%) (100%) 100.
INTENSITY OF MARKET PARTICIPATION: VENDOR CYCLES
Introduction
The survey of vendors in Pelileo and Saquisili included detailed informa tion on their daily activities (vendor cycles). Vendors were first asked what they were doing in the market on the day they were interviewed--buying, selling, or both buying and selling. They were then asked what activities they engaged in on each of the other days of the week--buying at another place, agricultural activities, traveling, resting, or some other activity. Responses were coded accordingly. This data can be used to study the spatial movements of vendors as well as to determine the degree of their involvement in the feria, marketing system.
Days spent farming and days spent marketing are used as measures of the intensity of actors' involvement in farming and/or marketing. For the purpose of analysis, actors are grouped into four categories: farmers, male merchants, female merchants and housewives, and other (including wage laborers). Most of those who identified themselves as farmers in the survey are males and the overwhelming majority sell only--they do not buy produce for resale. Those who identified themselves as merchants or as housewives, on the other hand, almost universally buy and sell in the market system and are hence true "middlemen."
Oddly, a few identified themselves as "merchants" yet tarmed several days a week and marketed infrequently, and some who called themselves farmers marketed several days a week and said they did no farming. Obviously, this reveals something about how actors in the system perceive themselves, because merchants who farm five or six days a week are closer in their cycles to those listed in the farmer category, and those who call themselves farmers but who do no farming have cycles which are more like those listed in the merchant category. 101.
For the purposes of this analysis, we divided the merchant set by sex
because there are a large number of women merchants who are very active in the
market. Those women who identified themselves as merchants are grouped with
those who identified themselves as housewives because it was found that prac
tically all women who identified themselves as housewives buy and sell. For
livestock vendors, the male and female vendors were divided into those who sell
only and those who both buy and sell. Livestock, as will be explained later,
is a special case which demands a different breakdown of actors. Although it
cannot be concluded with conviction, the data do indicate that most women who
identified themselves as housewives or merchants are members cAe farm
households.
The overall importance of women traders in bcth the Saquisili and Pelileo
markets is highlighted by the rasults in Table 11-9, which compares the number
of male merchants by product group with the number of female merchants and
housewives. Taken together, in the Pelileo and Saquisili ferias there are
roughly two times as many women traders (330) as there are men (163). In
Pelileo, female merchants and housewives outnumber male merchants by 3 to 1
(174 to 59); this compares with a far smaller ratio of female buyer/ sellers to males of 1.5 to 1 (156 to 104) in Saquisili. The ratio of female and male mer chants also varies by product; the highest is over 6 to 1 for vegetable vendors and the lowest is I to 1.2 for grain vendors. However, it is the difference in these ratios between the two markets that is the more significant factor, as can be seen for the case of root crops: in Pelileo there are more female mer chants than male merchants, while in Saquisili males outnumber females by about
3 to 1. TABLE 11-9
Female Merchants and Housewives Compared with Male Merchants in Saquisili and Pelileo by Product Type (Number of Vendors)
Saquisili Pelileo Total Male Female Male Female Male Female
Root Crops 44 13 23 31 67 44
Vegetable 6 47 9 52 15 99
Grain 10 23 1 13 11 36
Fruit 12 41 14 45 26 55
Livestock* 32 32 12 33 44 74
104 156 39 174 163 r 330 103.
The data presented in Table 11-9 also reveals the relative sizes of the
Pelileo and Saquisili ferias, as reflected in the total number of those actively buying and selling in each market. Two-hundred-sixty vendors were counted trading produce and livestock in Saquisili and 206 were counted in
Pelileo (Saquisili has approximately 25 percent more than Pelileo).
The levels of participation among and between actor groups can be examined and compared by type of product for Saquisili and Pelileo. It is important to reiterate that the Saquisili market meets only once a week and the Pelileo market meets twice. This means that all vendors surveyed in Saquisili who spend more than one day marketing also frequent more than one market (usually
Latacunga). The same holds for vendors in Pelileo who spend three or more days in market activities.
Root Crops
The root crop vendor cycles are summarized in the Table II-10 for
Saquisili and Table II-ii for Pelileo. The scale of trade in root crops in
Saquisili is much larger than the scale of trade in Pelileo. There are roughly
50 percent more vendors in the Saquisili feria (93) than in Pelileo feria (62).
Root crop farmers account for 30 percent of all vendors in the Saquisili feria, as compared to 13 percent in Pelileo. Although not indicated in the tables, the data reveal that farmers preponderantly sell only -- they do no purchasing. Further, also not detailed here, the farmer-vendors appear to be very active. For example, in Pelileo, over 40 percent of the farmer-vendors sell their produce more than once a week; in Saquisili, over 50 percent of the farmer-vendors sell at market more than once a week. In Pelileo, however, only
I of 23 farmers sells at a market other than Pelileo during the week, whereas TABLE II-10
Root Crop Vendor Cycle, Saquisili (Number of Vendors)
Male Female Merchants Cycle Farmer Merchant and Housewives Other TOTAL
Zero Days Farming I Market Day 2 1 2 2 Market Days 9 4 i0 3 Market Days 9 2 13 4 Market Days 2 5 Market Days 0 7 Market Days 0
One Day Farming 1 Market Day 0 2 Market Oays 0 3 Market Days 0 4 Market Days 0 5 Market Days 0
Two to Four Days Farming 1 Market Day 1 1 2 Market Days 5 12 3 4 24 3 Market Days 2 5 7 4 Market Days 2 1 3 5 Market Days 0
Five or Six Days Farming I Market Day 14 5 1 3 23 2 Market Days 5 2 1 8
TOTAL 28 44 13 8 93 TABLE II-11
Root Crop Vendor Cycle, Pelileo (Number of Vendors)
Male Female Merchants Cycle Farmer Merchant and Housewives Other TOTAL
Zero Days Farming 1 Market Day 0 2 Market Days 1 3 4 3 Market Days 0 4 Market Days 2 2 5 Market Days 1 1 6 Market Days 1 1 2 7 Market Days 1 1
One Day Farming 1 Market Day 0 2 Market Days 1 3 Market Days 0 4 Market Days 0 5 Market Days 0 6 Market Days 1 1
Two to Four Days Farming I Market Day 2 1 3 2 Market Days 2 6 6 14 3 Market Days 1 5 6 4 Market Days 2 2 5 Market Days 0
Five or Six Days Farming I Market Day 3 12 10 25 2 Market Days 5 2 0
TOTAL 8 23 31 0 62 106.
in Saquisili 14 of the 28 farmers sell at markets other than Saquisili during
the week. The likely explanation for this behavior is that farmers feel com
pelled to market root crops soon after they are harvested so that weight-loss
between harvest and marketing is reduced. The significance of this pattern of
behavior is that many farmers spend considerable time. away from their fields
simply tj sell their produce. Although they spend more than one day at feria
sites, they choose not to use this time to engage in petty trade as merchants.
Merchants and housewives account for the remainder of the vendors in
Pelileo and Saquisili. There is a dramatic difference between the composition of root crop vendors in Pelileo and Saquisili. In Saquisili, male merchants outnumber female merchants and housewives nearly 4 to I and account for nearly
50 percent of all vendors. The situation is just the reverse in Pelileo - female merchants and housewives outnumber male merchants nearly 4 to 1. Since it is common to find that women outnumber men in the trade of produce, the
Saquisili findings deviate from the norm. The large proportion of male root crop merchants in the Saquisili ferias may indicate that Saquisili is more significant in the national distribution system of root crops. Women generally do not get involved in interregional trade as transporters because family responsibilities make it difficult for women to travel great distances from home. In addition it is cul:urally unacceptable for women, especially married ones, to travel with men other than their husbands. Commodity flow data sup port the conclusion that Saquisili is more activity involved in interregional trade as both a bulking and a break-of-bulk point than is Pelileo, which appears to serve principally as a bulking center tor its surrounding region.
The survey also reveals that the activity cycles of the root crop vendors are qu.te distinctive (Tables II-10 and II-Il). The farmer-iendors mostly farm 107. and market one or two days; the male merchant combine, in relatively equal pro portions, both farming and marketing; while the females mostly market. Fur ther, the tables show that two-thirds of all of the vendors spend more than one day a week at ferias; if one excludes the farme--vendors, then virtually all of the vendors attend more than one feria.
Vegetables
The vegetable vendor cycles are summarized in Table 11-12 for Saquisili and 11-13 for Pelileo. The number of vendors engaged in vegetable trade in
Pelileo (110) is only slightly higher than the number of vegetable vendors in
Saquisili (101). However, the Pelileo vegetable trade is conducted two days a week, and the Saquisili feria operates only once. More vegetables flow through the Pelileo market largely because more vegetables are grown for market in the production region around Pel4,leo than in the area around Saquisili.
In the ferias of both towns, nearly half of all vendors are farmers (44 in
Saquisili and 43 in Pelileo). A larger proportion of farmers in both markets sell produce on more than one day than do farmers of root crops. Two-thirds of the farmers in Saquisili sell more than once a week, and three-fifths of the farmers in Pelileo sell more than once a week. Vegetables are much more perishable than are root crops and so farmers are forced to sell vegetables more frequently to avoid spoilage of their produce. Thus, many farmers who market vegetables spend several days in the market and away from their fields.
This perhaps explains why a fifth of the vegetable farmers in the Pelileo mar kets both buy and sell in the market (act as merchants within the system).
Merchants and housewives account for slightly over half of all vegetable vendors in both Pelileo and Saquisili. In both study sites, housewives and TABLE 11-12
Vegetable Vendor Cycle, Saquisili (Number of Vendors)
Male Female Merchants Cycle Farmer Merchant and Housewives Other TOTAL
Zero Days Farming 1 Market Day 2 2 2 Market Days 1 8 9 3 Market Days 1 13 14 4 Market Days 1 3 1 5 5 Market Days 1 2 1 4
One Day Farming 1 Market Day 0 2 Market Days 0 3 Market Days 0 4 Market Days 1 1 5 Market Days 1 1
Two to Four Days Farming 1 Market Day 2 2 4 2 Market Days 15 6 21 3 Market Days 5 1 6 12 4 Market Days 1 1 5 Market Days I I
Five or Six Days Farming I Market Day 14 1 4 1 20 2 Market Days C 1 6
TOTAL 44 6 47 4 101 TABLE 11-13
Vegetable Vendor Cycle, Pelileo (Number of Vendors)
Male Female Merchants Cycle Farmer Merchant and Housewives Other TOTAL
Zero Days Farming I Market Day 2 7 9 2 Market Days 9 9 3 Market Days 1 6 7 4 Market Days 2 2 5 Market Days 1 1 6 Market Days 1 1 1 7 Market Days 1
One Day Farming 1 Market Day 0 2 Market Days 0 3 Market Days 0 4 Market Days 0 5 Market Days 0 6 Market Days 0
Two to Four Days Farming 1 Market Day 5 2 7 2 Market Days 16 2 9 27 3 Market Days 7 1 5 1 14 4 Market Days 2 2 5 Market Days 0
Five or Six Days Farming I Market Day 14 3 7 1 25 2 Market Days 1 4 5
TOTAL 47 9 52 2 110 110.
female merchants who buy and sell vegetables outnumber male merchants by about
5 to I. This figure is slightly lower if the number of male farmers who both
buy and sell are grouped with male merchants. This would tend to suggest that
the ferias act as either bulking points for interregional trade or as retail
markets for local urban consumption. Over 80 percent of merchants and house
wives in Saquisili are active on more than one day a week buying and selling at
other periodic markets. This compares with only 63 percent for Pelileo. While
both figures are at least as high as for root crops, it is curious that so many
merchants in Pelileo (37 percent) market only one day a week, especially since
it is a two-day-a-week market and since vegetables are so highly perishable.
One possible explanation is that most bulking activities for vegetables takes
place on only one day, and hence market activity is heaviest that one day.
Grain
The cycles of grain vendors are summarized in Table 11-14 for Saquisili and 11-15 for Pelileo. There are more than two-and-a-half times as many grain vendors in Saquisili (43) as there are in Pelileo (17). Saquisili is a larger market because much more grain is produced around Saquisili than is produced in
the region around Pelileo; the region around Saquisili is higher and drier,
thus it is more suited to grain production.
When compared to root crops and vegetables, the percentage of the total number of vendors trading in grain who are producers is quite low. Only between 16 percent and 18 percent of the vendors in the Saquisili and Pelileo markets are farmers selling their produce directly to consumers or middlemen, whereas for root crops the corresponding figure is 30 percent and for vege tables it is 50 percent. The level of participation of grain farmers in TABLE 11-14
Grain Vendor Cycle, Saquisili (Number of Vendors)
Male Female Merchants Cycle Farmer Merchant and Housewives Other TOTAL
Zero Days Farming 1 Market Day 1 2 2 Market Days 1 5 6 3 Market Days 4 3 7 4 Market Days 1 2 3 5 Market Days 0 7 Market Days 2 2
One Day Farming 1 Market Day 0 2 Market Days 0 3 Market Days 0 4 Market Days 0 5 Market Days 1
Two to Four Days Farming 1 Market Day 0 2 Market Days 1 1 8 10 3 Market Days 1 3 4 4 Market Days 0 5 Market Days 0
Five or Six Days Farming 1 Market Day 6 1 2 9 2 Market Days 0
TOTAL 7 10 23 3 43 TABLE 11-15
Grain Vendor Cycle, Pdlileo (Number of Vendors)
Male Female Merchants Cycle Farmer Merchant and Housewives Other TOTAL
Zero Days Farming 1 Matket Day 0 2 Market Days 2 2 3 Market Days 0 4 Market Days 2 2 5 Market Days 1 1 6 Market Days 0 7 Market Days 0
One Day Farming 1 Market Day 0 2 Market Days 0 3 Market Days 0 4 Market Days 0 5 Market Days 0 6 Market Days 0
Two to Four Days Farming 1 Market Day 1 1 2 Market Days 1 2 3 Market Days 4 5 4 Market Days 2 2 5 Market Days 1 1
Five or Six Days Farming 1 Market Day 1 2 Market Days 0
TOTAL 3 13 0 17 113
marketing is also lower than the level of participation in roots and vege
tables. Taken together, only 2 of 10 farmers who were surveyed in Pelileo and
Saquisili spend more than one day a week at a market. The difference between
the figures for grain farmers and those for root crop and vegetable farmers can be attributed to differences in the characteristics of the products themselves.
Grain is heavier than either root croos or vegetables and can be stored for longer periods of time. Therefore, most grain may be bought at the farurgate by truckers and not brought directly to local markets by the farmers themselves.
Those farmers who do bring their grain to market are not encumbered by weight loss or spoilage considerations and generally choose to market only once a week.
Eighcy-seven percent of all merchants and housewives engaged in grain trade in Saquisili and 94 percent in Pelileo spend more than one day at markets buying and selling. These figures suggest that most grain merchants have a high level of involvement in market trade. It is interesting to note that while housewives and female merchants outnumber male merchants 2 to 1, of the
14 merchants and housewives present as vendors in Pelileo, only one was male.
Like the case for root crops, the proportionately higher number of male to female traders in Saquisili as compared to Pelileo suggests that Saquisili is more important as a break of bulk point than Pelileo.
Fruits
The cycles for fruit vendors are summarized in Table 11-16 for Saquisili and in Table 11-17 for Pelileo. W.hile the number of fruit vendors in Pelileo and Saquisili ferias are roughly the same (65 and 55, respectively), as a share of the total number of vendors of all commodity groups in each town, Pelileo's TABLE 11-16
Fruit Vendor Cycle, Saquisili (Number of Vendors)
Male Female Merchants Cycle Farmer Merchant and Housewives Other TOTAL
Zero Days Farming 1 Market Day 1 1 2 Market Days 1 4 5 3 Market Days 2 7 9 4 Market Days 10 10 5 Market Days 3 4 7 Market Days 1 1
One Day Farming 1 Market Day 0 2 Market Days 0 3 Market Days 0 4 Market Days 0 5 Market Days 0
Two to Four Days Farming I Market Day 1 2 Market Days 7 7 3 Market Days 5 2 1 8 4 Market Days 1 1 5 Market Days 1 1
Five or Six Days Farming I Market Day 2 4 6 2 Market Days 1 1
TOTAL 1 12 41 1 55 TABLE 11-17
Fruit Vendor Cycle, Pelileo (Number of Vendors)
Male Female Merchants Cycle Farmer Merchant and Housewives Other TOTAL
Zero Days Farming 1 Market Day 4 1 5 2 Market Days 14 14 3 Market Days 6 6 4 Market Days 1 3 4 5 Market Days 1 1 6 Market Days 0 7 Market Days 3 3
One Day Farming 1 Market Day 0 2 Market Days 0 3 Market Days 0 4 Market Days 0 5 Market Days 0 6 Market Days 0
Two to Four Days Farming I Market Day 1 1 2 2 Market Days 7 1 8 1 17 3 Market Days 2 3 5 4 Market Days 1 1 5 Market Days 0
Five or Six Days Farming 1 Market Day 2 4 1 7 2 Market Days 0
TOTAL 2 14 45 4 65
I 116.
trade is far more significant. In Saquisili, fruit vendors account for only 7
percent of all vendors, but in Pelileo they account for over 15 percent of the
total.
The Saquasili and Pelileo fruit ferias have marked differences in the pro portion of vendors who are farmers selling their produce. In Saquisili, at the
time the markets were being surveyed, only 1 of the 55 vendors was found to be a farmer (less than 2 percent of the total). In Pelileo, on the other hand, 14 of the 65 vendors (over 20 perent of the total) were farmers. This indicates
that the Saquisili feria does not serve as a bulking point for locally grown fruits. Rather, most or all fruit traded in the Saquisili market is brought in
from other regions. Commodity flow data support the conclusion that the market primarily receives produce from the coast. Pelileo, on the other hand, does act as a market for locally produced fruits as well as a retail point for fruit coming from outside the region.
This difference between the markets also helps to explain the fact that, as a percentage of the total number of merchants and housewives actively buying and selling fruit, the percentage of male merchants is scven times as great in
Saquisili (4 percent) as it is in Pelileo (30 percent). Once again, more male merchants are found in the more interregionally oriented retail trade in
Saquisili than the more locally oriented retail trade in Pelileo.
In terms of the intensity of the fenale merchants and housewives partici pation in marketing, 87 percent in Saqui,;ili spend more than one day a week marketing, compared with 80 percent of the merchants and housewives in Pelileo.
As might be expected because of the perishibility of most fruits, 11, of the 14
farmers (79 percent) in Pelileo who bring their produce to market, spend more
than one day a week at ferias selling their produce. 117,
Livestock
According to the vendor survey, the livestock markets in both Saquisili and Pelileo are quite large (163 and 113 vendors, respectively), with Saquisili having roughly 40 percent more vendors. However, establishing contact with all the vendors in a livestock market is a difficult task. Aq Bromley describes the difficulties he encountered in Ecuador doing field _rk in the early '70s:
It is difficult, if not impossible, to conduct counts of market activity in livestock markets in the same way as in produce markets. Livestock markets do not have easily definable stalls, there is often no clear distinction between producers and traders, and the animals involved may be sold several times on the same day, or, in some cases, they may remain unsold. The livestock marketplaces are gener ally more confusing and disorderly than the produce marketplaces because many of the animals are moving of their own free will or being driven around by their owners, and because buyers and sellers may move from place to place as they argue. None or most of the animals are either tethered to stakes or controlled by a rope held in their owner's hand.
In the process of analyzing the data on the cycle of livestock vendors, it also became clear that the classification scheme of actors used to examine the other crops could not be used in the special case of livestock markets. For all other products, virtually all those who identified themselves as farmers only sold their produce in the feria system, and most all those who identified themselves as either a housewife or a merchant both bought and sold livestock.
When the merchant and housewife categories were examined for livestock vendors, it was found that a great many do not make any purchases of livestock during the week and thus are presumably producers who are selling their produce to a bulker or are slaughtering it for retail. In addition, of the category
"other," which accounts for 22 percent of the total number of livestock vendors in Pelileo and Saquisili, virtually all of those who identified themselves as
"day laborers" sold livestock once a week and farmed every other day of the 118. week. In other words, many agricultural laborers raise small numbers of ani mals to sell in the market. Because those who raise livestock and sell only were found so often in the merchant, housewife, and "other" categories, it was decided that the actor classes should be divided into those who buy and sell and those who sell only. We have had to assume that those "who sell only" either raise livestock themselves or are married to those who raise livestock.
The "buy/sell" category is therefore used as a surrogate for merchants and the
1sell only" category as a surrogate for livestock raisers, whether they be farmers or.day laborers.
The livestock vendor cycles are summarized in Table 11-18 fLr Saquisili and Table 11-19 for Pelileo. There are many more traders in Saquisili than
Pelileo (roughly 40 percent more). When considered in terms of the total num ber of vendors trading produce and livestock in the two towns, livestock in
both towns represents a large share of the total number of such vendors (36
percent in Saquisili and 32 percent in Pelileo).
In both Pelileo and Saquisili, livestock raisers (those who sell only) account for approximately 60 percent of all vendors (99 of 163 and 68 of 113,
respectively). In Saquisili, males who sell only (70) outnumber females who
only sell (29) by more than 2 to 1, while in Pelileo roughly the same number of males (38) and females (30) sell only. Of all those who sell only', 80 percent
in Saquisili and 76 percent in Pelileo sell only one day a week. When compared with produce farmers, as measured by number of days in the spent in the market,
livestock raisers are relatively less intensively involved in marketing. Only
grain farmers spend less time in the market.
Men and women who both buy and sell livestock (merchants) account for
about 40 percent of all livestock vendors. In contrast to the level of TABLE 11-18
Livestock Vendor Cycle, Saquisili (Number of Vendors)
Buying & Selling Sell Only Cycle
Male Female Male Female
Zero Days Farming I Market Day 3 5 13 18 2 Market Days 2 6 2 3 Market Days 4 6 4 Market Days 3 5 2 5 Market Days 2 2 1 6 Market Days 7 Market Days 1
One Day Farming 1 Market Day 2 Market Days I 3 Market Days 4 Market Days I 5 Market Days 1 6 Market Days
Two to Four Days Farming 1 Market Day 2 2 4 2 Market Days 4 1 2 3 Market Days 5 4 7 1 4 Market Days 1 1 5 Market Days
Five or Six Days Farming I Market Day 2 34 10 2 Market Days 2 3
TOTAL 32 32 70 29
TOTAL 163 TABLE 11-19
Livestock Vendor Cycle, Pelileo (Number of Venders)
Buying & Selling Sell Only Cycle
Male Female Male Female
Zero Days Farming I Market Day 6 5 8 2 Market Days 4 1 1 3 Market Days 5 4 Market Days 1 5 Market Days 2 3 6 Market Days 7 Market Days
One Day Farming 1 Market Day 1 2 Market Days 3 Market Days 1 4 Market Days 5 Market Days 6 Market Days
Two to Four Days Farming I Market Day 1 2 2 Market Days 3 1 1 2 3 Market Days 5 2 2 4 Market Days 3 5 Market Days
Five or Six Days Farming I Market Day 3 2 25 11 2 Market Days 3 2 4 3
TOTAL 12 33 38 30
TOTAL 113 121,
involvement of those who only sell livestock, 79 percent of those who buy and
sell in Saquisili and 74 percent of those in Pelileo spend more than one day a
week in the market. A large share of vendors in both markets who buy and sell
do so on three or more days. In Saquisili, there are an equal number of males
and females who both buy and sell livestock (32 and 32); in Pelileo, there are
almost three times as many women as men (33 vs. 12).
Summary
A number of findings of a.general nature can be culled from the analysis of vendor cycles, by product group and by market (Pelileo vs. Saquisili ferias):
1. The vast majority of farmer-vendors sell only.
2. The percentage of vendors whose principal activity is farming varies according to product (see Figure 11).
(a) Most of this variation can be explained by differences in the charac teristics of the produce: its weight, its cost per unit weight, and the ease with which it is transported (livestock walks itself).
(b) In special cases, like fruit, the low number of producers (farmers) in the Saquisili and Pelileo markets reflects the proximity of production areas.
3. A very important characteristic of vendors is their considerable involve ment in the market, as measured by the number of days per week that farmers spend in the marketplace (see Figure 12).
(a) The intensity of vendor involvement in the market also varies by pro duct. This variation can be attributed principally to the perishability of a given crop. When a crop spoils quickly or loses weight easily, the tendency of Figure 11 Percent of Farmers Who are Vendors by Product in Saquisili, Pelileo, and Averaged 60 AVERAGE FOR
'0% SAQUISILI AND PELILEO
40 4
33% 20
17% 11% 0 ,
Go0 SAQUISILI u. 60% LL
o 40 .44%
a,1~ 33% 0 - 20
16%
(D 2% 0. 0
60% PELILEO 60%
43%
33% 20, 20 1 1 18% 20%
00 e ee0 1
Note: For Liveatock, Livestock Raiser (those who sell Is substituted only) for farmers as the group plotted. Figure 12 Percent of Farmer/Vendors, by Number of Market Days, by Product Group for Saquisili, Palileo, and Combined Average
Sol - Livestock ---- Grain
-Fruit Roots 60. Vegetables I .. AVERAGE FOR 40'-" -SAQUISILI AND PELILEO
20
0
12 3 4 100
80
0 o - > -
I6 SAQUISILI E 'A' \
20 an .
0 80
\N. IN N
'\.-- xPELILEO N 400
20
4 2 3
Deys In Market 124. the farmers of that crop is to go to market more times a week to sell.
Interestingly, however, it appears that having to go to market Lo sell produce more than once a week does not increase a farmer's propensity to also engage in buying and selling as a petty trader. Most farmers, as noted in the first finding above, sell only.
(b) Generalizing from the sample, it would appear that, especial'v for root crops, vegetables, and fruits, farmers spend a considerable amount of time and effort selling their produce (as much as three or four days out of each week).
4. Farm households are intensely involved in marketing. Most vendors, be they housewives, merchants, or farmers, come from rural farm households and devote considerable time and energy to marketing activities.
(a) Although it is difficult to generalize from the survey, based on sup porting data on number of days spent farming, it would appear that a large share of those women who identify themselves either as housewives or as mer chants, belong to farm households. Our estimate for the percent of housewives, merchants, and others vendors in our survey who are from farm households and derive incomes through trading in the feria system is 53 percent. When farmers are added to this grouping, the percentage of all vendors in Saquisili and
Pelileo that trade produce and livestock who are clearly from farm households is 65 percent.
(b) A large share of the merchants and housewives involved in buying and selling attend a market more than once a week and devote considerable energy and effort to marketing. The intensity of merchants involvement in marketing, as measured by the number of days they spend in the feria, does not vary as much by product as it does for producers. 125.
(c) Many of the female merchants and housewives appear to belong to rural
farm households. When the amount of time these groups spend in markets is com
bined with the time spent by farmers, it can be assumed that a significant
fraction of farm household labor goes into marketing activities of one kind or
another. Whether or not this time spent in marketing is a drain on necessary
farm labor remains to be seen. It is also unclear what percentage of farm
households derive an income from petty trade and how significant the contribu
tion of this is to the total income of the household.
4. There are significant differences between Pelileo and Saguisili in terms of
the ratio of female merchants and housewives to male merchants. This seems to
confirm the finding that Pelileo and Saquisili perform different roles in the national distribution system of food. Saquasili seems to act as a center for the sale of root crops, grains, vegetables, and livestock grown locally in the region around it and destined for local consumption or for export from the region. At the same time, however, the low ratio of female to male merchants suggests that it also serves as a bulking point for varieties of vegetables, fruits, root crops, and grains not grown in the region. The fact that female merchants outnumber male merchants by almost 7 to I in Pelileo suggests that
Pelileo serves mainly as a market center for the buying and selling of locally produced foods either for local consumption or for export.
To summarize, the analysis of vendor cycles reveals that a substantial number of rural households are engaged in the feria system and that the extent of the involvement of many of these households often extends to several days each week. The implications of this, both for the generation and distribution of rural incomes and for the burden placed on the labor canacity of farm house holds, need to be explored in greater depth. Further the characteristics of 126. those households that seem to be most actively engaged in trade and their ease of entry into the market need to be further studied. 127.
Vendor SurveyL
Spatial Information
The survey of vendors at the ferias in Saquisili and Pelileo provided information on the location and type of supplier as well as on the location and type of purchaser of the vendor's products. This data is different from the product flow data set which described the origins and destinations of products.
In the vendor surveys, the "origin" describes the occupation (and location) of the person who sold the product to the vendor--producer, seller, or merchant.
The "destination" information describes the type of place (and location) to which the vendor's products are destined-persons living in the countryside
(final consumption), another feria, or a warehouse.
Tables 20 and 21 show that the vendors in both the Saquisili and Pelileo ferias primarily obtain their products from producers, 46 percent and 53 percent, respectively. Other sources, sellers, and merchants, nonetheless, are also significant. By type of produce, the vegetable vendors show a significantly higher dependence upon producers for their products. The prinicipal difference between the Saquisili and Pelileo ferias is that the sellers and merchants in the Saquisili feria are more numerous in all categories of products. The origins of the products traded by the vendors in the Saquisili and Pelileo ferias are clearly restricted to a small zone surrounding the towns (see Figures 13 and 14).
The tables describing the destination of products sold by the vendors in the two study ferias (Tables 22 and 23) show that the countryside and other ferias are the principal destinations. While there is a relatively even mix between their two destinations, livestock seem to be sent more to the TABLE 20
Principal Occupation of the Seller at the ORIGIN, by Product; Saquisili Feria
Product Number of Vendors Purchasing From: Class Producer Seller Merchant Other Total
Vegetables 61 25 10 5 101
Grains 13 18 6 6 43
Riot Crops 38 22 21 12 93
Fruits 15 23 14 3 55
Livestock 83 44 30 6 163
TOTAL 194 (43%) 132 (29%) 81 (18%) 32 (07%) 455 TABLE 21
Principal Occupation of the Seller at the ORIGIN, by Product; Pelileo Feria
Product Number of Vendors Purchasing From: Class Producer Seller Merchant Other Total
Vegetables 80 9 20 1 110 Grains 7 9 1 0 17 Root Crops 28 3 31 0 62 Fruits 32 26 7 0 65 Livestock 48 42 22 1 113 TOTAL 195 (53%) 89 (24%) 81 (22%) 2 367 TABLE 22
Type of Place at which Product is Destined, by Product; Saquisili Feria
Product Number of Vendors Selling to Destination of: Class Countryside Fair (Feria) Warehouse Other Total
Vegetables 50 50 1 0 101
Grains 8 34 1 0 43
Root Crops 37 49 3 4 93
Fruits 7 42 6 0 55
Livestock 97 65 0 1 163
TOTAL 199 240 11 5 455 TABLE 23
Type of Place at which Product is Destined, by Product; Pelileo Feria
Product Number of Vendors Selling to Destination of: Class Countryside Fair (Feria) Warehouse Other Total
Vegetables 69 37 2 2 110
Grains 4 9 4 0 17
Root Crops 32 30 0 0 62 Fruits 29 23 it 2 65
Livestock 60 44 2 7 113
TOTAL 194 143 19 11 367 132. countryside. The difference between the Cwo ferias is that Saquisili is more oriented to selling products to other ferias, while the Pelileo vendors serve the countryside a bit more. Che maps of these destinations (Figures 15 and 16) again show a very limited range surrounding each town.
The relevant conclusions from this information of type on origin and destination are:
1. The ferias are important outlets for products produced in the
region, as farmers significantly involved in the ferias.
2. Equally important, the farmers' products move through the hands
of other middlemen. For example, in the Saquisili feria, 49
percent of the products were purchased from other middlemen and
53 percent of the products were destined for other ferias; for
Pelileo, the figures are 46 percent and 39 percent, respectively.
3. Of additional importance, the information implies that the ferias
are linked together as products move between vendors.
When the origin and desti4nation information is plotted on maps, several distinct patterns appear:
1. The field of origin is very restricted locally. The vendors
purchase their products, either from producers or their
intermediaries, from a small zone surrounding the study ferias.
This is true for both the Saquisili and the Pelileo ferias.
2. Likewise, the destination of products is similarly very locally
restricted.
3. There is only a very small amount of interaction outside this
restricted zone, despite large markets located in these 133.
surrounding zones. For example, Ambato is the origin and
destination of products for only a small number of the vendors.
4. The Saquisili feria is very different from the Pelileo feria, for
the Saquisili feria does have a nominally significant trade pat
tern outside the region. For example, some 20 percent of the
vendor's interaction is with places like Pinchincha, Los Rios,
and Carchi. For Pelileo, this extra-regional trade is
nonexistent.
Finally, the vendor surveys provided information on the home location of
the vendors (Figures 17 and 18). The maps of this data reveal, again, a very
restricted zone, showing that the vendors in the ferias do not travel great distances between their homes and the ferias (the Pelileo home zone is much more restricted than the Saquisili home locations). zt-,jIn Saquisili Market
(by number of vendors) Ouavas 5 Pichincha 40 Manabi 4 Los Rios 24 r Imbabura 5 Bolivar 1 I Carchi 19 Pastaza I S 0'Total from Outside Ambato Region 99 gSaqusl
_j" t0 A
Y--L
NubeVendors-op of
/ " -' ,cl.elile °o F " i ' 11-15 '" 16-20
Figure 1 3 Origin of Products Traded in the Peliloo Market
(by number of vendors) P ich.inh:n 7
Azii;iv I
C 11I I11;1IhI ral I
Total froem (hIiIs it Ania to Regi on 20
14 i
unquisiii'-
N.. V
f 0
0 -50/- 2 1 V
" - -Fi ur 1 Destination of Produce Shipments Emamiting i /i--.. \ j(by numberfrom Saquisiliof vendors) Market Qaa
Quayas I Pichincha 27 Manabi 2 Los Rios 4 Azuay I r - Imbabura 8 Bolivar 1 Carchi 8 Galapagos l
Total from Outside Ambato Region 55 Sagusi
------
' ' I " J -- '
...--%,__r,. , ':.41\ Nubeof Vendors ".
/\ -JA - 0
6 -10 P lileo 11-15
16-20.
o 21,-,50I 51-100enor b . ._, 0.-L- ove .100kFigur 15/ - Destination of Produce Shipments Eminating from Pelileo Market (by number of vendors)
Qua ya S Piich i ncha I Los Rios 2 Azuay I Ch i nho roza 2
Total from Outside Ambato Region 7
Number of Vendors N-)y~~f~~
6-10 jPelleot
.11-15 JI 16 -2 o 21-50 * 51-100 0 over 100 Fi gtire 16 Home Location of Produce Vendors in Saquisili Market (by number of vendors) Chimboroza. 2 - Los Rios Pastaza I
Total from Outside I C-) Ambato Region 4
/ I7
I) ' i /f 0" 1Ii./ I~~s ,"s i_
Number of Vendors I t .% , ,
• 1-5___ - .. " 6-10 ,"I, Pelileol . 11-15 j :16-20 . o21-50 <- ,/ ! • 51-100 0 over 100
IFi t1l-0 17 Home . VendorsLocation in Pelile-o of ProduceMarket (by number of vendors) Pichincha 23 Los Rios 1 Imbabura 4 Bolivar I Carchi 4 Total from Outside Ambato Region 35
, .- "~ii .. ..
\ I
J'
-- I -v{.o, _
Number of Vendors ,. " , / f ,
o 1-50 • 6-10 . Y(_ Pe II_I : 16-20,,11-15 t ! 0 .I , r.
o 21-50 i * 51-100 * over 100 - Figure 18