Modernity for Young Rural Migrant Women Working in Garment Factories in Vientiane

MODERNITY FOR YOUNG RURAL MIGRANT WOMEN WORKING IN GARMENT FACTORIES IN VIENTIANE

ຄວາມເປັນສະໄໝໃໝສ່ າ ລບັ ຍງິ ສາວທ່ ເປັນແຮງງານຄ່ ອ ນ

ຍາ້ ຍ ເຮັດວຽກໃນໂຮງງານ-ຕດັ ຫຍບິ ຢນ່ ະຄອນຫຼວງ ວຽງຈນັ

Ms Rakounna SISALEUMSAK

MASTER DEGREE

NATIONAL UNIVERISTY OF LAOS

2012

MODERNITY FOR YOUNG RURAL MIGRANT WOMEN WORKING IN GARMENT FACTORIES IN VIENTIANE

ຄວາມເປັນສະໄໝໃໝສ່ າ ລບັ ຍງິ ສາວທ່ ເປັນແຮງງານເຄ່ ອ ນ

ຍາ້ ຍເຮັດວຽກໃນໂຮງງານ-ຕດັ ຫຍບິ ຢນ່ ະຄອນຫຼວງວຽງຈນັ

A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE OFFICE IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE MASTER DEGREE IN INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT STUDIES

Rakounna SISALEUMSAK

National University of Laos Advisor: Dr. Kabmanivanh PHOUXAY Chiang Mai University Advisor: Assistant Professor Dr. Pinkaew LAUNGARAMSRI

2012

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This thesis would not have been accomplished without valuable help and inputs from numerous people. First of all I would like to express my sincere appreciation to my supervisors Dr. Kabmanivanh Phouxay and Assistant Professor Dr. Pinkaew Laungaramsri for their valuable support, critical comments and advice which has helped shaped my thesis. In addition I would also like to express my sincere gratitude to Dr. Chayan Vaddhanaphuti, for the constant guidance and advice provided which has helped to deepen my understanding of the various concepts and development issues. I also wish to thank all the lecturers, professors and staff, from NUOL and CMU, for helping to increase my knowledge and widen my perspectives on development issues in Laos and in the region. My special thanks to Dr Seksin Srivattananukulkit for advising me to take this course and also to Dr Chaiwat Roongruangsee for his constant encouragement and words of wisdom which has helped motivate me to continue to write this thesis.

I wish to thank John Dore, my special mentor from the start of the course until writing the thesis, for all his critical input/comments, useful advice and edits he has provided. I would also like to thank Mike Lally for his helpful edits and comments on the thesis. Special thanks also to David Fairhurst for his help and advice on how to structure my thesis and writing. Thank you also to Anna Polonyi for bringing to my attention the concept of Saduak Sabai and to Christina McMellon for editing this thesis. At work I am grateful for the support and understanding I have received from all my work colleagues. Thank you so much for putting up with my constant queries on development issues in Laos and also my various requests for leave which enabled me to successfully complete my assignments and thesis.

My field study could not have accomplished without the help of my friend Boutsady who introduced me to her network of factory workers especially Sa and Kei and also made available her house and rice field as venue for the focus group discussions and interviews. I am deeply grateful to Sa and Kei, my key informants for making the focus group discussions and interviews happen. I would also like to thank all the NUOL

students who assisted me with the face to face interviews and of course all the young women from the various factories who participated in this survey.

Lastly my coursework and thesis would not have been completed without my family’s support. I would like to especially thank my husband, Lakkeo Sirimanothai, and children, Souvanna and Sousada Sirmanothai. To my husband, thank you for your encouragement and support throughout my study so that I was able to put in the late nights and spend long hours completing my assignments and thesis. To my children thank you for your patience and understanding. I also would like to thank my mother, Khamsouk Sisaleumsak, for her constant stories about the French times helping me to understand more about that period and also to my sister, Southalak Sisaleumsak, for her valuable advice and assistance throughout my coursework and field study.

ABSTRACT

Previous studies of garment factories in Laos tend to portray rural women migrant workers as passive agents driven mainly by economic factors. This study aims to understand how modernity influences rural migrant women working in garment factories in Vientiane to become active agents, how they adapt the changes in their life and the mechanisms used to adapt to these changes. It also looks at how their life has changed in urban settings. There are three main objectives to this study: i) to understand the aspiration of young unmarried women migrants from rural areas, how they view modernity and how they define it; ii) to explore their modernity experiences, changes and effects on their lives; iii) to explore the implications of the aspiration of modernity on their life. The concept of modernity was used to explore the working conditions, living conditions and social relations of young women working in garment factories in an urban setting and to identify aspects of their agency and social mobility.

Findings from a quantitative and qualitative survey in three garment factories in Vientiane show that modernity, in the perception of the young rural migrant women, are associated with consumption and kwarm saduak sabai, a set of values relating to ease, comfort and freedom. These aspects imply the practice and imagination of “urban modernity” by the young women. Within the urban settings the young women were able to practice modernity through consumption, thus enabling them to create a new self identity. At the same they also strove to obtain the kwarm saduak sabai that they imagined they would find through their work and social relations in the city. However the realities of the hard work, long hours, limited social relations and peer network restricted their possibility of social mobility thus making them realise that some of their aspirations were just illusions.

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ບດົ ຄດັ ຍ ້

ບດົ ຄນົ້ ຄວ້ າຜາ່ ນມາກຽ່ ວກບັ ໂຮງງານຕດັ ຫຍິບຢລາວ່ ສວ່ ນຫຼາຍແມນ່ ສະແດງໃຫເ້ ຫັນຍິງສາວທ່ ເປັນແຮງງານເຄ່ ອ ນຍາ້ ຍໃນພາບທ່ ເປັນຝາ່ ຍຖກ ພກັ ດນັ ຈາກປດັ ໃຈທາງດາ້ ນເສດຖະກດິ . ເປົ້າໝາຍການ ສຶກສາຄງັ້ ນ ້ ແມນ່ ເພ່ ອຕອ້ ງການເຂົ້າໃຈວາ່ ຄວາມເປັນສະໄໝໃໝມ່ ອ ິດທິຜນົ ແນວໃດຕ່ ຍິງສາວທ່ ເປັນແຮງງານເຄ່ ອ ນຍາ້ ຍ ເຂົ້າມາເຮັດວຽກຢໂຮງງານ່ ຕດັ ຫຍິບໃນນະຄອນ ຫຼວງວຽງຈນັ ເຊ່ ງິ ເຮັດໃຫພວກ້ ເຂົາກາຍເປັນຜກ້ າ ນດົ ຊວ ດິ ຕວົ ເອງ, ສຶກສາການປບັ ຕວົ ຕ່ ການ ປ່ຽນແປງທ່ ເກດ ຂນຶ້ ແນວໃດ ແລະກນົ ໄກທ່ ເຂົາເຈາົ້ ນາ ໃຊ.້ ພອ້ ມດຽວກນັ ນນັ້ ກ່ໄ ດສ້ ຶກສາເບ່ ິງວາ່ ແບບແຜນດາ ລງົ ຊວ ດິ ຂອງພວກຍິງສາວທ່ ເປັນແຮງງານເຄ່ ອ ນຍາ້ ຍເຫ່ ົຼານນັ້ ມກ ານປ່ຽນແປງ ແນວໃດພາຍຫຼງັ ທ່ ໄດມ້ າໃຊຊ້ ວ ດິ ຢໃ່ ນຕວົ ເມອ ງ.

ບດົ ນພິ ນົ ນມ ້ ສາມ ວດັ ຖປຸ ະສງົ ຫຼກັ ຄ: (i) ເພ່ ອເຂົ້າໃຈເຖງິ ຄວາມໄຝຝ່ ນັ ເຖງິ ຄວາມເປັນສະ ໄໝໃໝຂ່ ອງຍິງສາວທ່ ເປັນແຮງງານເຄ່ ອ ນຍາ້ ຍຈາກເຂດຊນົ ນະບດົ , ມມ ມອງກຽ່ ວກບັ ຄວາມເປັນສະໄໝໃໝ ່ ແລະນຍິ າມກຽ່ ວກບັ ຄວາມເປັນສະໄໝໃໝຂ່ ອງພວກເຂົາ (ii) ສຶກສາປະສບົ ການກຽ່ ວກບັ ຄວາມເປັນສະໄໝໃໝ,່ ຄວາມປ່ຽນແປງທ່ ເກດ ຂນຶ້ ແລະສ່ ິງດງ່ັ ກາ່ ວມຜ ນົ ຕ່ ພວກເຂົາຄແນວ ໃດ (iii) ສຶກສາເບ່ ງິ ວາ່ ຄວາມໄຝຝ່ ນັ ເຖງິ ຄວາມເປັນສະ ໄໝໃໝມ່ ຜ ນົ ສະທອ້ ນຕ່ ຊວ ດິ ຂອງພວກເຂົາແນວໃດ.

ການສຶກສາຄງັ້ ນ ້ ແມນ່ ນາ ໃຊແນວ້ ຄດິ ກຽ່ ວກບັ ຄວາມເປັນສະໄໝໃໝ ່ ຜາ່ ນການສາ ຫຼວດເບ່ ິງສະ ພາບການເຮັດວຽກ, ການດາ ລງົ ຊວ ດິ ແລະການພວົ ພນັ ທາງສງັ ຄມົ ຂອງຍິງສາວທ່ ເຮັດວຽກໃນ ໂຮງງານຕດັ ຫຍິບທ່ ຢໃນ່ ຕວົ ເມອ ງ ໂດຍຄນົ້ ຫາລກັ ສະນະຄວາມເປັນຕວົ ຕນົ ຂອງພວກເຂົາພອ້ ມ ທງັ ການເຄ່ ອ ນໄຫວທາງດາ້ ນສງັ ຄມົ ອ ກ.

ຈາກການສຶກສາຄນົ້ ຄວາ້ ວໄຈິ ໃນເຊງ ປະລິມານ ແລະຄຸນນະພາບຢສາມໂຮງງານໃນນະຄອນ່ ຫຼວງວຽງຈນັ ເຫັນວາ່ ຄວາມເປັນສະໄໝໃໝໃ່ ນມມ ມອງຂອງຍິງສາວທ່ ເປັນແຮງງານເຄ່ ອ ນຍາ້ ຍ ແມນ່ ກຽ່ ວພນັ ກບັ ການບ ລໂພິ ກ ແລະຄວາມສະດວກສະບາຍ, ເຊ່ ງິ ຮວມເອົາຄນຸ ຄາ່ ທ່ ກຽ່ ວພນັ ເຖງິ ຄວາມງາ່ ຍ, ຄວາມສະບາຍໃຈ ແລະຄວາມເປັນອິດສະລະ.

ບນັ ດາມຸມມອງເຫ່ ົຼານ ້ ແມນ່ ສະແດງອອກຜາ່ ນການປະຕບິ ດັ ແລະຈນິ ຕະນະການກຽ່ ວກບັ “ຄວາມເປັນສະໄໝໃໝໃ່ ນຕວົ ເມອ ງ” ໂດຍຍງິ ສາວເຫ່ ົຼານນັ້ . ໃນຕວົ ເມອ ງພວກຍິງສາວສາມາດ ປະຕິບດັ ຄວາມເປນັ ສະໄໝໃໝຜ່ າ່ ນການບ ລໂພິ ກ ເຊ່ ງິ ເຮັດໃຫພວກ້ ເຂົາສາມາດສາ້ ງພາບພດົ ໃໝ່ ໃຫກ້ ບັ ຕນົ ເອງ. ພອ້ ມດຽວກນັ ນນັ້ ພວກເຂົາກ່ພະຍາຍາ ມສະແຫວງຫາຄວາມສະດວກສະບາຍ

ທ່ ວາດພາບໄວວ້ າ່ ຕນົ ເອງຈະພບົ ຜາ່ ນການເຮັດວຽກ ແລະການພວົ ພນັ ທາງສງັ ຄມົ ໃນຕວົ ເມອ ງ. ແຕວ່ າ່ ຄວາມຈງິ ແລວ້ ພວກເຂົາຊາ ້ ພດັ ໄດພ້ ບົ ກບັ ການເຮັດວຽກໜກັ ແລະຍາວນານຫຼາຍຊ່ວົ ໂມງ, ເຮັດໃຫໂອກາດ້ ການພວົ ພນັ ທາງສງັ ຄມົ ທ່ ມໜ ອ້ ຍ ແລະການເຄ່ ອ ນໄຫວທາງສງັ ຄມົ ມ ຄວາມຈາ ກດັ ຈ່ງຶ ເຮັດໃຫພວກ້ ເຂົາພບົ ວາ່ ໃນຄວາມເປັນຈງິ ຄວາມໄຝຝນັ ຂອງພວກເຂົາ ເປັນ ພຽງແຕມະ່ ໂນພາບເທ່ ົານນັ້ .

ABBREVIATION

ADB Asian Development Bank

APHEDA Australian People for Health, Education and Development Abroad

CMP Cut, make and pack

CMT Cut, make and trim

CPI Committee for Planning and Investment

EU European Union

FDI Foreign Direct Investment

FOB Free On Board

HIV/AIDS Human Immunodeficiency Virus/Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome

HR Human Resource

ILO International Labour Organization

ITECC International Trade Exhibition and Convention Center

JV Joint Venture

Lao PDR Lao People’s Democratic Republic

LDC Least developed country

MIC Ministry of Information and Culture

NEM New Economic Mechanism

NGPES National Growth and Poverty Eradication Strategy

NRIE Northern Region Industrial Estate

NUOL National University of Laos

OT Overtime

QC Quality Control

SEA Games South East Asia Games

SEZ Special Economic Zone

UNIFEM United Nations Development Fund for Women

UNDP United Nations Development Programme

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... I ABSTRACT ...... III

ບດົ ຄດັ ຍ ້...... IV

ABBREVIATION ...... VI

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ...... 1

1.1 Background ...... 1

1.2 Rationale of the Study ...... 4

1.3 Research Questions ...... 7

1.4 Research objectives ...... 7

1.5 Organisation of the Thesis ...... 7

CHAPTER 2 THEORETICAL AND LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 9

21. Review of related literature ...... 9

2.2 Modernity ...... 13

2.2.1 Modernity in Laos ...... 14

2.3 Agency and Mobility ...... 21

2.4 Conceptual Framework ...... 23

CHAPTER 3 RESEARCH METHODOLGY ...... 26

3.1 Research site/Population and sample ...... 26

3.1.1 Research site...... 26

3.1.2 Field Works and Research Methods ...... 26

3.1.3 Profile on Informants/Workers ...... 30

3.1.4 Challenges and limitation of the study ...... 34

3.2 Terminology used in the thesis ...... 35

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CHAPTER 4 JOURNEY FROM RURAL TO FACTORY LIFE: CHANGES AND ADAPTATION 36

4.1 Industrialisation and garment industry in Laos ...... 36

4.1.1 Industrialisation in Laos ...... 36

4.1.2 The Garment Industry in Laos ...... 37

4.1.3 Organisational structure within a factory ...... 39

4.2 Profile of survey site ...... 40

4.2.1 Working conditions ...... 41

4.2.2 Accommodation ...... 44

4.2.3 Structure within the Dormitory ...... 45

4.3 Change and adaptation ...... 46

4.3.1 Working life – From rural to urban ...... 46

4.3.2 Working environment ...... 51

4.3.3 Dormitory life...... 54

4.3.4 Social relations ...... 58

4.4 Adaptation to work and dormitory life ...... 63

4.5 Conclusion ...... 64

CHAPTER 5 PERCEPTIONS ON MODERNITY AND ITS IMPLICATIONS ..... 66

5.1 Modernity in the context of the informants/workers ...... 66

5.1.1 Modernity as consumption ...... 68

5.1.2 Modernity as a set of values ...... 71

Convenience ...... 71

Comfort ...... 73

Freedom ...... 74

5.2 Tension and contradiction ...... 75

5.3 Implications of perceptions of modernity ...... 77

5.4 Conclusion ...... 81 ix

CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS ...... 83

6.1 Theoretical Discussions of the Findings ...... 83

6.2 Significance of the Findings and Recommendations ...... 87

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 90 APPENDICES ...... 95

APPENDIX 1 QUESTIONNAIRE ...... 95

APPENDIX 2 QUESTIONS FOR FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSION...... 108

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: Summary of Garment Factory and Number of Interviewees...... 27

Table 2: Age group of young women migrants ...... 31

Table 3: Origin of Migrant Workers ...... 32

Table 4: Education level ...... 33

LIST OF FIGURE

Figure 1: Conceptual Framework for analysing modernity of young rural migrants working in garment factory ...... 25

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background This thesis examines the implications of modernity for Lao women entering the garment industry.

Following the introduction of the New Economic Mechanism (NEM) in Laos since 1986, the national government has encouraged a transition from a subsistence economy to a market economy and promoted investments in infrastructure, hydropower, mining, transportation, construction and education. Rapid socio-economic development can be seen, especially in large cities and in the capital of Vientiane, due to increased foreign investment in wood processing, textiles and garment factories which have created a new demand for industrial labour. These sectors are now high-employment industries which provide income and expand people’s opportunities and work choices.

Moreover, the structural change in the economy and a corresponding relative decline in returns from farming have made non-farm activities an increasingly logical, essential and attractive alternative for rural people. Many male villagers have become engaged in off-farm activities, including becoming unskilled labourers on construction sites. Often this entails migrating to seek work in other urban provinces or in the capital city. The results of developments in communication and transportation within the country and between countries in the region have become a new opportunity for both internal and international migration in Laos (Phouxay, 2010). The influence of the mass media from neighbouring countries and exposure to commercial opportunities because of improved roads and access to markets has also increased the awareness and expectations of rural people. A rapid transformation can be seen in the change of values and preferred lifestyles, which are reflected in changed consumption practices whereby pursuing “basic needs” is being superseded by a shift to “relative needs”. Televisions and motorcycles are now considered as essential items by many rural households (Riggs, 2003).

Riggs noted that this change in consumption behaviour is one of the factors that results in people not only moving out of agricultural areas or jobs but also out of rural 1

areas. People migrate to urban areas with the desire to escape the hard work of farming and look for a more profitable livelihood. In addition, there is an evident desire to work in bigger cities with the hope of finding “better jobs”, earning higher wages or reaping some of the benefits of “modern life” that the bigger cities supposedly offer (UNDP, 2009).

Internal migration is not a new phenomenon in Laos. In the past the majority of migrants from rural to urban areas were men, but growth in the Lao garment industries also saw a growth of rural migration - especially among women. A recent study of mobility in Laos revealed that migration among women was higher than migration among men with the majority of women working in garment factories or service sectors (Riggs, 2007). This is consistent with the findings from the field survey conducted in Phonpapao village, Sisattanak district, one of the main areas for urban textile factories in Vientiane Capital, where 85% of the total 1065 workers were women from either rural areas or provincial towns (Phouxay and Tollefsen, 2010). Women workers are preferred in the garment industry because they are considered to be more hard-working and to pay greater attention to detail, are easier to control, less troublesome hence easier to manage (Riggs, 2003). A study conducted by APHEDA in 2008 which interviewed 199 workers from 10 garment factories in Vientiane showed that 56% came from northern, 24% from southern, and 20% from central provinces.

Factory work is not considered an attractive job for urban (or rural) elites. However, this is not the case for many women migrant workers. According to the UNDP (2009) report, rural women are usually unpaid family workers and expected to stay in that role thus have limited opportunities to find work in their hometown.

Traditionally Lao women in the rural areas are actively involved in household chores, farming tasks, and work which helps ensure the operation of the family (Sene- Asa, 2007). However, the move to a market economy, urbanisation and the influence of media is displacing the subsistence economy and increasing the demand for cash income. Their limited education usually results in rural women ending up as low paid wage labourers working in settings such as garment factories. The move to work in garment factory represents huge challenges to these women as the work and lifestyle is very different to what they are used to at home. They no longer have the freedom to 2

work at their leisure. As a paid labourer they are required to work long hours under strict rules and regulations. The workers usually cannot choose what they want to do but rather are assigned work based on their skills and speed. Despite their hard work they are usually paid a very low wage, meaning that they are not able to save and send money home to assist their families (APHEDA, 2008).

The latest census (2005) showed that women were much more likely to migrate to Vientiane Capital than men, a pattern that was even stronger in the younger age group (Phouxay and Tollefsen, 2010). Most women from the provinces migrated for garment jobs either of their own choice or because they received encouragement from their family members, relatives and friends. Their main reasons for moving include: lack of paid jobs in the rural areas, the need to support their family or curiosity to experience life and working style in urban Vientiane. Conflict with family members or parents in the villages also motivated some to come to Vientiane to find jobs in the garment factories. However the most important factor is the high demand for young women by garment factories. These young rural women usually find out about work in garment factories from their family/relatives or friends who are already working in Vientiane or who have just returned from the urban areas. Media (radio, television, printed materials) are also used to deliver information about factories. Most factories provide accommodation, but for the ones that do not stay in the dormitories, they provide free pick up services every morning to and from the factories (Sene-Asa, 2007).

Workers tend not to share their bad experience with their family and friends at home and therefore the image that they present is usually a rosy one, returning with money to buy houses or consumption goods (Riggs, 2003). According to Chamberlain the desire to earn money can also be seen as an outcome of materialism resulting from modernism and development and the desire to improve the status of the parents in the eyes of the community (Chamberlain, 2004; ADB, 2009). The majority of workers at the garment factories are young unmarried migrant women. Employers prefer to hire young unmarried women because they are able to work flexibly and put in the long hours required by factories (Riggs, 2003).

Factory work has brought changes to the lifestyle of migrant women. A study in Myanmar found that previously women were under the control of their parents, 3

economically dependent and confined to small geographical areas, but that now they are earning and managing their own income. The exposure to a wider geographical area has transformed their lifestyle because of the changes of their values, attitude and ideologies (Chaw Chaw, 2003: 203). Despite the efforts to raise awareness on the dangers of migration by organizations such as ILO or APHEDA, a rise in migrant workers both internationally and internally can still be seen (UNDP, 2009). In some cases, even though they are aware of the hardship and difficulties that they may encounter, many still migrate in hope of earning an income (Mills, 2007). Mills (1997) argues that financial enrichment alone cannot explain the motivation for migration but may be partly explained by their “aspiration for modernity” or the “desire to be up-to- date”.

1.2 Rationale of the Study The implementation of the new economic mechanism has not only resulted in socio-economic transition and an increase in rural-urban migration but also population growth in urban areas (Phouxay, 2010).

People from rural areas coming to work for the first time in Vientiane Capital usually try to find work that does not require a high level of education and provides accommodation, so they usually end up working as domestic workers or in factories. The study conducted by APHEDA (2008) about women working in garment factories found that their education ranged from primary to upper secondary, but most had only completed lower secondary school. In Vientiane Capital, most garment factories provide workers with “free” accommodation but these are usually very basic, insecure, lack privacy and facilities such as kitchens and have inadequate bathroom facilities. Separate dormitories are provided for men and women but in some factories, dormitories are provided for women only. The “free” accommodation is offset by the relatively low wages paid.

Most rural women come from an agricultural background; some from poor families, some better off. They are used to working in the fields or helping with household chores, looking after their siblings or cooking for the family; therefore, work in a garment factory is completely new for them. Thus many women have to start right from the basics (e.g. learning how to sew and to use a sewing machine).

The work situation in Laos is similar to other Southeast Asian urban factories, such as in Vietnam, Cambodia and Thailand, namely long hours, low wages, strict rules and overtime work at night (Phouxay, 2010). Wolf’s study in Java suggests that women preferred factory work if compared to agricultural work because it was easier and provided a better income. As one employee puts it “working hard in the factory is better than working under the sun with no income” and it provides them with an opportunity to save money for themselves, for remittance as well as for future investment in the city or when they return home. In addition, it also frees them from the restrictions of familial control (Bacchus, 2005). In Laos, women migrants see industrial work as temporary job and, therefore, when they find a job with better pay they will move on. Some will leave one factory to work in another or work in Karaoke entertainment, clubs, restaurants or gift shops, but some will return back to the factory. Since they think of factory work as a temporary situation, these women adapt by being patient and working hard (Phouxay, 2010).

Working in the factory presents women with an opportunity to earn an income, so from previously being producers they have now become consumers (Thaweesit, 2009). Though they would like to save their money to send home, there is much temptation around them. They see their fellow factory workers, who have been longer in the capital, wearing new clothes and using beauty products and they too would like to have those things so as not to be different to others. Their income allows them to consume material goods and at the same time also engage in a wider range of leisure activities than in their home towns and villages.

This thesis is inspired by the research of Mary Beth Mills on migrant workers “aspiration for modernity” as being the main motivation for the migration of young women from North Eastern Thailand to Bangkok. According to Mills (1993) in order to understand the choices people make and the consequences both for society and the individual involved, it is necessary to look beyond economic conditions and circumstances to explore the specific social context, the motivation and values which shape migration decisions and migration experiences. By examining both urban and rural settings of migrants’ experience, she investigates migration from the view of the

migrants themselves which enables her to provide insights from both migrants and returnees.

The literature on what motivates women to move to urban areas and work in garment factories presents a mixed and contradictory picture. Some studies (ILO, UNIFEM) suggest that it is primarily economic factors that lead to migration, often viewing women as passive agents driven by others just to earn money. Similarly the literature presents a contradictory picture concerning the ways in which women’s experiences of work in garment factories shape their values, attitudes and subsequent place in the world. For some the experience is seen as a stepping stone on a downward spiral of oppression (Fan, 2003; UNIFEM, 2006). For others it can lead to positive effects associated with more social freedom, but these are seen as transitory transition ending with a return to the former lifestyle (Harvey 1998 cited by Phouxay and Tollefsen, 2010).

This study will argue that this picture is inadequate. It will situate on the work of Mills and others to test their findings in Laos.

Whereas Mills (1993) refers to the women migrants of northeast Thailand as saying “we are not like our mothers” the women migrants in Laos say “we do not want to be like our parents”. The young women from rural areas have seen the hardship their parents have been through and feel there is no way to progress if they stay in the rural area, so they do not want to be farmers like their parents (Phouxay, 2010). Aspirations for modernity have not only led women from rural area to migrate to become factory workers in the capital, but have also allowed them to experience modernity and taste social freedom in urban settings.

This thesis will not focus on the push-pull factors of migration nor on remittance. Unlike Mills, it will also not look at sexuality, though there may be some reference to these issues. The main focus of this research will be on the life trajectories of young unmarried women garment factory workers who have migrated from rural areas to work in Vientiane Capital. The thesis will explore the implications of modernity and how this affects and changes the lives of the migrant factory workers.

Currently there is very limited literature on factory workers in Laos. Existing literature focuses mainly on child labour, exploitation or sexual violence although there is some limited work which explores the experiences of the workers as active agents and their mobility. The work of Phouxay (2010) provides a useful insight into the socio- economic patterns of migration in Laos, but this thesis will take a step forward and focus more on how modernity influence workers to become active agents and how this is expressed through their mobility. Hence this research will help us understand more about the life of the factory workers, how as active agents they adapt, the mechanisms they use to adapt to the change and how their life has changed in urban settings.

1.3 Research Questions 1) How has the journey from rural to factory life changed and shaped the world of the young unmarried women migrant workers?

2) How do they perceive such change, especially with regards to experiences with modernity?

3) How do their experiences affect their sense of self, their perception towards rural and modern life and their everyday life practices?

1.4 Research objectives 1) To understand the aspiration of young unmarried women migrants from rural areas, how they view modernity and how they define it

2) To explore the modernity experiences, changes and effects on the life of the young unmarried women garment factory workers

3) To explore the implications of the aspiration of modernity on the life of the young unmarried women garment factory workers

1.5 Organisation of the Thesis This thesis is divided into six chapters. Chapter 1 is a brief introduction, providing basic background and rationale of the study and includes identifying research problems, questions and research objectives.

Chapter 2 provides a theoretical discussion and critical literature review. Three main concepts modernity, agency and social mobility are used in order to understand the changes that have incurred and its impact.

Chapter 3 discuss the methodology used in this research. It also provides a profile on the workers interviewed and discusses the limitations.

Chapter 4 provides a general background on industrialisation and the garment factories in Laos and more specific background on surveyed sites of the garment factories where the young women interviewed were working. It discusses the changes that occur with the workers within the factory and dormitory and how they adapt to the new environment.

Chapter 5 explores women migrant workers perception of modernity, how they view modernity and how they define it. It also examines the changes and effects of modernity on the life of the young unmarried rural women working in the garment factory. Moreover, it looks at the perceptions of the young unmarried rural women working in the garment factory of urban and rural life and the implications of these perceptions.

Chapter 6 presents conclusions from the results obtained during the study.

CHAPTER 2 THEORETICAL AND LITERATURE REVIEW

21. Review of related literature Literature on factory workers usually relates to rural-urban migration as the majority of factory workers are migrant workers. While economic hardship may be one of the factors leading to migration, it can explain only one aspect of migrant mobility as there are many more factors which contribute to migration. Therefore, current literature on migration examines the phenomenon of migration in a multi-dimensional way; researchers have been looking not only at the economic dimension but also the socio- cultural dimension.

The majority of literature regarding rural-urban migration talks about remittances (ILO, 2009; Haas, 2007). The importance of remittance shows that economic factors of migration cannot be denied and still remains one of the main reasons for migration but in recent years much of the debate has been about the advantages and disadvantages of remittances. Thus, it is accepted that, while remittances can contribute to raising income levels of households or spending on daily needs and other uses, at the same time they can create dependency on the part of the receiver. Scholars have also linked remittances with the role of the dutiful daughter. Daughters - but not sons - are usually expected to send money home or they are not considered as having upheld their obligations to their families (Mills, 2005; Riggs, 2005). Studies also show that women usually send money home more frequently than men even though the amount may be less than the amount sent by men because women are usually paid less (ILO, 2009; Haas, 2007). Furthermore, the findings from the study by Riggs (2007) shows that it is not always the poorest that migrate to work so there is not always reliance from the family upon remittance from migrant family members.

Rural-urban migration can be both empowering and disempowering for migrant workers. Various studies (APHEDA, 2008; UNIFEM, 2007) discuss how migrant workers may be victims of exploitation, sexual harassment and abuse and for those that meet with these negative experiences this can be damaging and disempowering (Tout, 2004 cited in UNIFEM, 2006: 45). But there are also studies and research that review

how rural-urban migration can lead to empowerment. Hancock (2000) concludes that migration often enables women to become more autonomous as they have the ability to earn income and to make decisions, and this changes their status within their family. According to the research conducted by Hancock in rural West Java in 2000, the women factory workers did not necessarily see themselves as victims of exploitation. The workers felt that if they did not have the job they would be very poor. Working in the factory increased their status at home as they had control over their income and they were able to use their wage to help other family members. This was echoed by the findings of research conducted by UNIFEM with Cambodian women migrant workers. The findings indicated that migration enabled them to earn an income to support themselves and families, which made them become economically self-sufficient. In addition, the women got the chance to see new places, make new friends and learn new skills (UNIFEM, 2006: 44). Some workers say they don’t mind working overtime because it means that they can earn more money (APHEDA, 2008). However Fan (2003) argues that while migrant work may be considered as empowering for young unmarried women workers from rural areas, this is in the short term only and that when they return to their village to marry; they lose their autonomy as independent income earners. Similarly Harvey (1998) refers to working conditions and consumption as temporarily empowering, but warns that workers often face exploitation and abuse by factory managers (Harvey 1998 cited by Phouxay and Tollefsen 2010).

Literature on rural–urban migration also notes the importance of social networks. Many rely on their network of family, relatives and friends in the decision-making process or in finding jobs. Such social networks provide support and help to young women who are travelling and living away from their homes for the first time in their lives, to adjust both emotionally and psychologically to the new situation (UNIFEM, 2006). But there are also studies which demonstrate that it is the friends or sometimes relatives who encourage migrants to escape the hard work of garment factories by entering the service sector (karaoke, bar) or becoming sex workers (Sene-Asa, 2007; Phouxay and Tollesen, 2010). This has resulted in negative identities for women working in garment factories thus garment factory workers are often stigmatized or looked down upon by the surrounding society and their communities of origin (Phouxay and Tollesen, 2010). In the case of Bangladeshi workers, in order to avoid this situation

the migrant workers would display a “modern” image by wearing fashionable clothes or even changing their dialect (Amin et al, 1998). The study by Mills (1999) of Thai workers from Isaan shows that migrants try to express their 'modern' identity through bringing back money to their families and making donations at temples, while dressed in the latest fashions and accompanied by new friends from work. Through merit- making trips the young women are able to show their commitment to both their village and family as well as demonstrate their claims to personal autonomy and material success before a large audience (Mills, 1997; Mills, 1999).

But at the same time, it is also this “modern” identity which makes it hard for returning migrants to fit in, both socially and economically, as their status is often questioned. Thus, they are negotiating their identities and status not only in their villages of origin but also in the city (Phouxay and Tollesen, 2010). However factory women in the Northern Region Industrial Estate (NRIE) of Lampoon of northern Thailand were able to create positive self-identities through interdependent relationships with their families and their role as the dutiful daughter. By maintaining the daughterly roles that had been articulated in their home villages within the NRIE community, they provided strong proof of being good women and this enabled them to defy the negative image of factory women as “sexually loose” and thus maintain their honour (Michinobu, 2004).

Recent literature on migration explains migrant worker’s motivations for working outside their hometown in terms of the imagining and practice of “modernity”. The case of Thai-Isaan workers illustrates their inspiration to move as propelled by hopes of a modern consumption lifestyle of the urban middle class (Lin, 2009). Mills, through her study on Thai-Isaan workers, describes the primary driving force behind women’s decisions to migrate to Bangkok as the desire to participate in a 'modern' (thansamay) life. So in this sense, for Mills, modernity is associated with ideals of wealth, comfort and a commoditised style or being up-to-date (kwarm thansamay). “Aspirations of modernity” lead to a construction of a new identity as that of a consumer rather than a producer, revealing a new aspect of women’s urban employment. This highlights the path by which migrants pursue new forms of autonomy and the construction of socially satisfying and valued identities (Mills, 1999). Consumption can change women’s conceptions about themselves and the world around them. This is because the rapidly 11

changing fashions and lifestyles become important parts of the experience of being modern for women consumers (Chengzou, 2008). Riggs (2003) claims that consumerism and materialism are not only push factors of migration but also reinforce the changing culture of consumption. Yet for these women, the low wages and high living costs limit their ability to purchase what Mills call thansamay goods and engage in thansamay experiences, so they get caught in a dilemma between their desire to be “up to date” and the expectation to be a dutiful daughter because of the moral obligation to their family at home (Mills, 1993; Mills, 1999; Mills, 2005).

Lin (2009) however, argues that modern consumption is not just imagining or practicing “modernity”. Thai Isaan women migrant workers and male transnational workers use their experiences outside their village to create or reclaim their social relations with or within their village. For women this manifests in the ability to resist the control of the village communities while for men in the ability to reclaim their social status within the community which shows how they manipulate themselves within their social relations in response to their cultural system.

In Laos the existing limited literature on migration (ILO, UNIFEM) focuses more on cross border migration or human trafficking and takes little notice of other forms of migration. This is because a large part of the security agenda relates to the cross-border dynamics exemplified in the issues addressed by the UN Convention against transnational organised crime (2000) and the United Nations trafficking protocol (Huijsmans, 2010). In addition, these studies also focus on exploitation and harsh working conditions which impact on health (APHEDA, 2008; CARE, 2004). A study conducted by Sene-Asa (2007) on the transition of factory workers into sex workers provides a new perspective on migration. Female factory workers are generally stigmatized as bad women and looked down on by part of the society. His study explores the reasons why some factory workers become sex workers and whether they have been trafficked or lured into prostitution. The findings of his study show that the majority of these women were active agents who entered prostitution not just because of economic factors, but also because of social relations and peer influence. He observed that the transition was a gradual one and even though some of the girls did become sex workers, they still kept regular contact with their family and continued to send money home. The study by Sene-Asa touches only briefly on their lifestyle focussing more on 12

social relations in order to explain why they entered sex work. However, his study does not focus on how they adapted to the new environment.

The study by Sene-Asa is one of the few studies in Laos which depicts migrants working in garment factories as active agents. This is an important factor which tends to be overlooked in the research on migration in Laos and not acknowledging this fact can lead to the establishment of ineffective initiatives. Thus in viewing as active agents it is necessary to see things from the point of view of the migrants. The study by Mills on “aspirations of modernity” reveals that the use of the concept “modernity” to explain “migration” enables us to look at the various issues such as remittance, gender, identity, behavioural change, social relations and many others at the same time which can help increase our understanding especially from the point of view of the migrants.

2.2 Modernity The term modernity has been used by scholars in different ways. One example is the use to distinguish between the past and the present through the dichotomy of “traditional” and “modern”. According to Mills (1993), the paired concepts of “traditional” and “modern” initially emerged during the 18th century Enlightenment, in order to explain the material and social transformation resulting from industrial capitalism. Leading from this point, Mills has used the concepts to explain the changes that occurred to “traditional” values and cultural identity in contemporary Thai society because of modernity.

Anthony Giddens has written extensively on modernity, but in Mills’ view, he focuses less on a departure from “tradition” in contemporary societies and more on how the dominant cultures of modernity achieve hegemonic effects by moulding individual experience. Giddens uses modernity as another term for modern society or industrial civilization in which economic influence is structured around capitalist institutions and policies. For Giddens, modernity consists of four key dimensions: capitalism, industrialism, surveillance and military power. Giddens argues that the creation of a capitalist economic order became the most significant driver of the modernity that has subsequently emerged (Giddens, 1998: 95-97).

The concept “modernity” has also been used in a more narrow sense to describe the economic and social development of Western Europe. This includes 13

industrialisation, urbanization, and the increased use of technology within all sectors of the economy. The increased use of technology and scientific principles is reflected within social and cultural spheres. Therefore modernity for some can be understood as “development” and “progress”, while for others it is associated with eradication of cultural practices, the destruction of natural environment and a decline in the quality of life (Willis, 2005).

The term “modernity”, when linked to the idea of development, can also be understood as the state of being modern, new or up-to-date (Ogborn 1999: 153 cited by Willis, 2005). Giddens notes that an important feature of modernity is that distant events and actions have effects on our lives, so modernity is also about time and space, or about the organization of time and space (Giddens, 1998: 98). This idea situates people in time, so the meaning of “modern” will change over time and space because of social, economic, political and cultural dynamism. What one group considers as “modern” may be considered as “old-fashioned” by others (Willis, 2005).

Modernity can also be viewed from another level, since, according to Giddens, modernity leads to the socio-cultural construction of identity. This opens up new opportunities for individuals, enabling them to ask “What do they want to be?” (Giddens, 1997). Hence the term “aspiration for modernity” can be understood as “the desire to be modern in terms of wealth, comfort and social status”. This can be seen as an individual view where each individual’s aspirations will differ. However the limitation of this aspect was noted as it does not take into account the ability of different individuals within modern societies to achieve desired identities and the variation in social relations (Mills, 1993).

2.2.1 Modernity in Laos Laos is a non-western and multi-ethnic landlocked country with 77 percent of its population engaged in subsistence agriculture across sparse rural areas (World Bank, 2008). In terms of infrastructure, essential transportation and communication systems are still absent especially in the remote areas. Most villages are not linked to the main town or provincial roads (MPI, 2011). To date Laos still has its own spoken and written language, music, handicrafts, dress code (especially for women) and popular customs.

Changes have occurred in Laos as a result of development and modernisation. Of the four dimensions mentioned by Giddens (1990), the most obvious in Laos are capitalism and industrialism, which can provide insights into the transformation occurring in society and individuals. The idea of modernity in Laos has been influenced by at least three waves of historical changes: French colonization1, the socialist period following the revolution and the post-socialist period following the introduction of the new economic mechanism.

French Colonization

The notion of modernity was first introduced to Laos during the French era when the French, along with other European nations, tried to introduce ‘modern’ society to the countries that they colonized (Achren, 2009: 18). Major changes to Lao society brought about through French intervention included the creation of a nation state with clearly defined borders; laying the foundation for an integrated society regulated by the state, and the introduction of capitalism and technocracy. Not only did the French create a bureaucratic administration system (including a technical administration system, a legal system and a western education system) but they also created a capitalist market economy (mainly in the capital city Vientiane) (Rehbein, 2007: 43-44).

However France’s main colonial aspirations were in Vietnam because of its large potential labour force and access to sea trade. Their primary interest in Laos was exploitation of its natural resources. Therefore the French did little to encourage economic development in Laos or improve the social welfare. Ninety per cent of the population remained subsistence farmers and there was no industry except for two small French tin mining companies (Stuart-Fox, 1986:16). France’s effort went mainly into the development of roads to facilitate trade to link the towns of Laos to coastal Vietnam (Stuart-Fox, 1997:20, 47). These towns of Thakek, Savannahket and Luang Prabang are now linked to each other by a road which started in Saigon passed through Cambodia and then made its way north along the Mekong to Vientiane before cutting through the mountains to reach Luang Prabang (Stuart-Fox, 1997:47-48). These roads remained the backbone of the Lao road transport system linking the major urban centres but a large

1 French colonization: during the nineteen century when Laos was under the French colonization of ‘Indo Chine’

part of the country especially the remotes areas still remain inaccessible (Achren, 2007: 19).

Therefore, despite Laos being firstly a French colony and later under influence of the Americans, western culture did not have a widespread impact on the country as a whole because of the lack of media and state penetration and because the French and the Americans created their own communities only within the major cities. Even though the French were responsible for the creation of the nation state, it was the foundation laid by the French in creating a state-led integrated society which resulted in unrest particularly among the locals (Rehbein, 2007: 43-44). So on the one hand while changes were occurring across the lowland societies, war was ranging in the mountains (Evans, 2002: 150).

Socialist Period

The second wave was the period following the socialist revolution in 1975. This period, from 1975 to 1985 is commonly known as the transition2 period. During this period Laos not only changed the system created by the French and Americans but eventually tried to build an economy following the Soviet and Vietnam socialist model. However faced with a shortage of capital and qualified people3 whilst at the same time having plenty of physical labour, the importance of human factor was emphasized (Pholsena, 2006: 55). Therefore the goal of the Lao leaders, guided by Marxist-Leninist ideology, was to create a “new socialist society and a new socialist man” within a socialist context. The period pre 1975 was considered by the Lao Leaders as labob kao or the “old regime” which was the cause of all negative things which occured in the society. The backwardness of Laos was due to exploitation by the old feudal class and their imperialist and colonialist masters (Zasloff 1991: 5). Thus there was a need to create a labob mai or a “new regime” through the implementation of the ‘three revolutions 4 : (1) a production-relations revolution, (2) a scientific and technical

2 Transition period: refers to the transition from Feudalism to Socialism bypassing Capitalism, the period post 1975

3 Almost ten percent of the population –including those with education and technical skills- fled the country or were taken to re-education camp following the revolutionary takeover (Zasloff, 1991: 30-32)

4 Three revolution: Kaysone Phomvihane (1980) La Revolution Lao (Moscow: Edition du progrés

revolution and (3) an ideological and cultural revolution. The purpose of the production-relations revolution was to convert private economic enterprise into state- run and collective enterprise in order to transform the economy from its backward state to a modern industrialised one. In order to achieve this it was necessary to have a scientific and technical revolution so as to bring new technology and efficiency to increase production. Lastly the ideological and cultural revolution was meant to delete the remains of the old system, increase people’s awareness of Marxism-Leninism, expand the level of education, and nurture the national culture, all leading to the emergence of a “new socialist man” - one who possessed a high level of revolutionary morality, the culture of socialism and patriotism but was guided by a “moral life” (Zasloff 1991: 5; Shui Meng 1991: 161; Pholsena, 2006: 58).

The socialist ideology seen in the ‘three revolutions’, especially the ideological and cultural revolution, can be viewed as an effort of the Lao Leaders to shift away from traditionalism through their attempt to abandon superstitious belief and practices. They also hoped that the ideology of the “new socialist man” would replace the structural role of Buddhism within the Lao society especially at village level (Evans, 1993). However the morality of the “new socialist man”, which shows the ideology of the Lao Leaders as highly traditional and conservative conditioned by the Lao social environment, also reveals their reaction to the Western culture (Evans, 1990: 4).

Post Socialist Period

The third wave emerged as a result of the lack of success of the Lao Leaders attempt to build the socialist economy based on the socialist Model. This was due to the fact that most of the Lao farmers were subsistence farmers living in a social structure based on kinship and subsistence ethics (Halpern, 1961c cited by Rehbein, 2007: 43- 44). Acknowledging the need for economic reform Kaysone Phomvihane 5, former Prime Minister of Lao PDR and Party Secretary of LPRP, announced that Laos must pass through a stage of “state capitalism” in order to expand its productive forces. Laos had to reach out to the outside world, not just socialist but also capitalist countries, for

5 Article by Kaysone Phomvihane, former Prime Minister of Lao PDR, published in Pravda (Moscow) on 2 December 1988 commemorating the 13th anniversary of the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party.

trade, technology, capital and expert advice; but achieving socialism was still the ultimate goal of Laos (Zasloff, 1991: 33). In the 1990s, with the change in the ideology of the Lao Leaders, socialism was no longer mentioned as a goal and Laos, while still defined as a “People’s Democratic State”, became known only as a country of peace, independence, democracy, unity and prosperity (Pholsena, 2006: 5).

The policy change heralded by the New Economic Mechanism (NEM) in 1986 was the first major step by Laos to reluctantly embrace capitalism in the post socialism era. The aim of the Lao Leaders was to move from an agriculturally based economy to an industrialised and modern nation (Pholsena and Banomyong, 2006: 80-81). The state’s view on modernity was now focused on modernisation and industrialisation. The Lao leaders looked upon countries in the west as modern countries because of their economic and social structures, wealth and technology. They were also noting the policy changes made by fellow communist/socialist states such as Vietnam and China.

For people in Laos, countries such as Japan, Singapore and Thailand are seen as modern, in terms of their economic production systems and material wealth. Therefore, the idea of modernity here can be explained as “development” (phathana) and “progress” (chareun) – with the assumption that you equate the accumulation of material wealth and services with development and progress. This idea is mainly influenced by the flow of media and goods, in line with Appadurai’s idea of “Modernity at Large” (1996). Appadurai stated that the global flow of mass media and goods makes it possible for modernity to be shared by people living in different times and spaces (Siriphon, 2008). Currently, the extensive penetration of the Thai mass media through television, newspaper and radio has made Lao people’s exposure to the modern world inevitable (Utamachant, 2001 cited by Pholsena and Banomyong, 2006: 65). More than three quarters of the population of Laos are within range of watching or listening to Thai media, so, increasingly, youth are being exposed to the material and consumer society (Pholsena and Banomyong, 2006: 140).

While Laos has embraced many features of modernity within this period, such as capitalism and industrialism, modernity is most apparent in the fields of structure and technology. An example of this is the demolition of old buildings and their replacement with bigger, taller modern buildings such as the new French Bank on the Lane Xang

Avenue which is built in a European style. Another example is the demolition of the former “Vientiane Department Store”, a one storey building with a roof designed in the Lao style in the main area of the Morning Market. In this case, the building was not even old as its construction had only been completed in the late 1990s, but was replaced by a five storey modern shopping complex equipped with escalators and elevators. Construction of the new building was completed in December 2011.

Currently modernity in Laos is not seen as incompatible with maintaining other aspects of tradition. Traditionalism is still observed in Laos as the Lao Leaders are very concerned about loss of culture and tradition. The opening of the Lao economy to the outside world has also resulted in the rapid growth of the expatriate community in Vientiane capital and provincial centres. The increase in formal aid commitments, growth in overseas non-governmental aid organizations, growing number of small business and tourists all contribute to a transforming social life, particularly in Vientiane, as commercial venues such as bars and discotheques flourish. Moreover changes can be seen in fashion, music and clothing, although again mostly in the urban areas and major cities. (Evans, 2002: 206). Cultural management, therefore, especially in Vientiane Capital, became a priority for Lao Leaders. In order to preserve the social order, Lao Leaders encouraged a return to cultural practices and traditions which constituted part of daily life prior to the revolution in 1975 (Pholsena and Banomyong, 2006: 163). Through their cultural policies, the Lao Leaders hope to preserve and reinforce the country’s image of authenticity and purity by imposing a moral order and a cultural discipline on the population and especially the younger generation. In addition, the Lao Leaders also re-engaged with Buddhism in order to promote national identity (Pholsena, 2006). Thus, traditions such as giving alms (tak baht) to Buddhist monks or recognizing important Buddhist events such as That Luang festival (bun That Luang), the beginning of Buddhist lent (khao phan sa) and the end of Buddhist lent (ok phan sa) were now being led by the Lao Leaders. Currently That Luang temple and the That Luang festival have become important symbols of national identity, replacing the hammer and sickle (Askew et al, 2007: 204; Evans, 2002: 204). In Vientiane Capital, the practice of giving alms on important Buddhist events is popular even amongst youth.

At the same time, Lao Leaders also issued regulations in order to control some aspects of social life. For example, in 1994 the mayor of Vientiane issued a set of instructions to enforce ‘Lao culture’, concerning dress code for men and women in places of entertainment. Men were required to dress in international suits, national, ethnic or other appropriate outfits and women should be dressed in the Lao traditional skirts (sinh) and have their hair made up in a bun or in some other proper and appropriate manner. Instructions were also issued for discotheques and bars saying that international songs may only be played - and danced to - on condition that the establishment has registered with, the Department of Culture and Information of the Vientiane Municipality (Evans, 2002: 207).

Nowadays the dress code, especially for women, in terms of western clothing is much more relaxed, but some ministries such as the Ministries of Education or Public Security still do not allow Lao women who have come to do business within the Ministry to enter if they are not wearing a Sinh. Occasionally during major official events such as the ASEAN summit in 2004 and the recent SEA Games hosted by Laos in 2009, Lao Leaders issued a notice to all Lao women especially in Vientiane capital, through local newspapers and radio, to preserve Lao traditions by not wearing western clothing for the duration of the event. On the other hand, wearing a silk sinh to formal events such as weddings, or traditional ceremonies has become fashionable, even amongst young women in urban areas. Even though a sinh is worn in the traditional style, the accompanying top may have been modernized to fit with the latest fashion, such as strapless, single straps (sai dieu) or even halter necks. It is very rare to see young Lao women dressed in western clothing at these ceremonies as it is considered by the elders to be inappropriate. Moreover, amongst the elite, the sinh is also a sign of status and wealth since the more expensive the silk sinh they wear, the better off they are seen to be.

Though modernity in the Lao context is not a complete break from traditionalism, individual’s understanding and experiences of modernity is different. The word and concept of modernity is not easy to explain in Lao language because of its unique history of Laos, the limitation of the Lao language itself and also the level of education of the factory workers. In this thesis, I utilise Mills (1997) concept of modernity as ‘being modern or up-to-date’ (kwarm thansamy) and the characteristic of being modern 20

(kwarm pen samay mai) because of the similarity in the meaning in Thai and Lao languages. However unlike Mills I do not use the concept of “samay mai” to explain the changes that occurred to “traditional” values nor compare past and the present values. In Laos it is not possible to classify which practices represent the past or the present as they are still being practiced as part the Buddhist revival. Thus it makes more sense to think about the “old regime” and “new regime”.

Women, in the new regime play an important role in preserving the tradition and culture, through their behaviour (having good manners, respecting the elders) and preserving the dress code such as noung sinh biang phae6 (wearing sinh and draping a Lao scarf over their shoulders). This is the government’s expectation of ‘women in the new era’. The phrase nhing Lao nhuk mai (Lao women in the new era) is associated mainly with women’s productive and reproductive role in the society. This is clearly expressed in the popular Lao Song “Nhing Lao Nhuk Mai” which talks about how Lao women in the new era should not only possess beauty but should also be smart (thang ngam thang keng). However, my aim in this thesis is not to explore modernity in the context of the old and new regimes but rather to examine it within the context of the post socialist period, which focuses more on modernisation and industrialisation. This is the period which, through the growth of the garment industry, saw the rise in the number of women migrants from rural to urban areas who came to work in garment factories in Vientiane and Thailand.

This thesis will explore modernity in the context of rural migrant workers by examining the living condition, the work environment and socials relations of young women working in garment factories in an urban setting and identifying aspects of their mobility and agency (see below). The focus of mobility will be on social mobility. By being mobile this refers to their freedom of their movement for example choice of work, travel, change of job, the people they meet etc. This will explore the extent to which they obtain autonomy and become active agents of their own personal change.

2.3 Agency and Mobility

6 Noung sinh biang phae: traditional Lao women attire in formal ceremony or when attending Buddhist ceremony or going to the temple

The concept of agency has been used by various scholars as a proxy to assist the definition of the empowerment of women (Anju, 2003). Sharifa and Binayak (2009) define empowerment as an individual’s level of ability to take control over their own lives and make their own choices. Though Sharifa and Binayak acknowledge that it is not easy to measure agency, they suggest it can be done indirectly by examining education, exposure to the media and decision making roles. Anju (2003) refers to agency as the ability to formulate strategic choices, to control resources and to make decisions that affect important life outcomes. This is the essence of women’s empowerment. In the discourse on empowerment, the importance of agency emerged as a result of the rejection of ‘top down’ approaches to development. The discourse emphasized popular participation and ‘social inclusion’ at the institutional level while at the micro level, the idea of self-efficacy and meaning for individual women was a realization that they can be the agents of change in their own lives.

Migrant factory workers, from the moment they decide to move to work in Vientiane capital, are exercising their agency. Influencing factors such as living conditions, work conditions, social relations etc. cannot be denied, but it is up to the individuals to decide what they want to do in their future, who they want to meet or even how they will use their savings in the future. These actions will demonstrate their level of autonomy and decision making.

Examining young migrant women agency, this study aims to understand the factory workers’ aspiration of modernity through focusing on their mobility, or freedom of movement. According to Riggs (2007) mobility occurs within social, economic and political spaces because of particular reasons leading to particular outcomes. ’Human mobility’ is not just about people travelling but it is about how people interact with each other in their social lives (Kakihara and Sorensen, 2001). ’Social mobility’ refers to changes of occupation or within economic sectors and is classified in terms of horizontal and vertical movements. Horizontal mobility refers to the movement of an individual from one occupation to another whereas vertical mobility (also known as upward mobility) refers to movement in terms of class or status in the society (Sonsaneeyarat, 1997). The focus of this thesis will be on the factory workers’ social mobility in urban settings. It will examine their freedom of movement and choice, analyse how they adapt to their new work and living environment, their relationships 22

with family, what they do in their leisure time, what kind of modern technology they use and their future plans.

2.4 Conceptual Framework The focus of this research will be young unmarried women, aged between 15 and 30 years old, from rural areas of other Lao provinces who have moved to work in Vientiane City. This age group has been chosen for the study because they represent the main workforce in the garment industry. In addition, their lack of maturity and experience in urban settings makes them more vulnerable, especially to exposure to modernity. The majority were unpaid workers helping in their household or working in the field before they come to Vientiane City. They want to earn an income but because of their limited education and limited job opportunities in their hometowns they decided to migrate to Vientiane Capital to find work there. The decisions they make is also due to peer influence. They see their friends returning in new clothes, dressed fashionably and having money to spend, so they would also like to earn some money and see the “city lights”. Their aspiration for modernity leads them to migrate to work in garment factories in Vientiane. Social networks also play an important role; migrants usually go to places where there is already a network in place as this can help them to adjust, both emotionally and psychologically, in the new environment.

This research examines the migrant factory workers in an urban setting. Working in a factory presents a whole new experience for them. If their aspirations of modernity led them to migrate to work in the city, this same aspiration could also lead to the changes that have occurred within their life within the garment factory in Vientiane. This thesis is situated on migrant factory workers’ life trajectories in order to explore the changes that have occurred in their lives. These changes may occur because of freedom of movement, as they are no longer under their parental control, or because of the people they meet, work or live with. As these women are now living far away from their parents in dormitories or, for some living, with their relatives, they will meet and work with women, who like them, have migrated to Vientiane. These women will have different backgrounds, come from different provinces, ethnic groups, and classes. This may have an influence on how they eat, dress or act and eventually lead to a change in behavior. Therefore the living conditions, the work environment and social relations will be explored. Analyzing their work environment involves understanding how they 23

are treated by their supervisors, their colleagues, the rules and regulation they have to follow and the long work hours, all of which could affect how they make decisions plans for their future. Understanding social relations involves examining what women do in their leisure time, who they meet or how they spend their income, since these factors can also determine the effect that modernity has on them. All of these factors are linked and can explain the changes in terms of their autonomy and social mobility enabling us to visualize their life trajectories. Finally, it is important to identify the implications of these changes. However, it is important to recognize that the young women in the target group all come from different backgrounds and ethnic groups, and have different work experience, and to identify these differences as they emerge in the findings.

young unmarried women - limited education - lack of income - peer influence - social networks

Rural

Aspiration

for

modernity Migration

Urban Industrialisation

Garment Industry

Implications

Factory worker’s perception of modernity

Self Family Characteristic Expectation Goal Labour shortage

Figure 1: Conceptual Framework for analyzing the modernity of young rural migrants working in garment factory

CHAPTER 3 RESEARCH METHODOLGY

3.1 Research site/Population and sample

3.1.1 Research site The research was conducted in three garment factories in Vientiane Capital. By the request of the factories all wish to remain anonymous so all names of the factories in this thesis are pseudonyms only. Initially only one factory (Ton Pheung Garment Factory) was chosen for a number of reasons. First, it is one of the biggest garment factories in Vientiane which employs more than 1750 workers. Secondly, it is a foreign-owned company and lastly, because of its location and surrounding environment. Ton Pheung Garment factory is situated on the outskirts of Vientiane Capital in Nasaythong district (approximately 12 km from downtown). Opposite the factory is a large compound which accommodates dormitories for women workers only, men have to stay outside the dormitory. Close to the dormitory are small stalls which sell food, clothes and other daily necessities ranging from soap and shampoo to salt and fish sauce etc. About 500m further along the road is the newly built National Sport Training Center and a modern nightclub and Karaoke. However due to problems with limited access to the factory workers in Ton Pheung Garment Factory, two more garment factories were added to the research scope. Both of these factories are also foreign-owned companies but, they are much smaller than Ton Pheung Garment factory. Ansara Garment Factory and Euangfa Garment factory are situated about 300 meters from each other and located about 6km out of town. Ton Pheung Garment Factory and Ansara Garment Factory have quite similar operations and work hours but the third factory Euangfa Garment Factory, has a slightly different working system.

3.1.2 Field Works and Research Methods For my field work I used a combination of both quantitative and qualitative methods. Data was collected though surveying rural women migrant workers in the 3 selected factories. A questionnaire was used to gather quantitative data (through face to face interviews) on the factors bringing the women to the city and their lifestyle in the factory, on socio-demographic background, working conditions, experience, leisure activities, reasons for working in garment factories and future plans. The results of the 26

quantitative survey were used to provide a contextual background about the workers. A sample of the questionnaire used for this survey can be found in Appendix 1. Qualitative data was provided through four focus group discussion among young unmarried women working in the garment industry to explore their views on modernity and to look at their mobility and how this effects and lead to changes in their behaviour. The focus group discussions used semi structure questions and consisted of five main themes similar to the questionnaire. The focus group discussions were made possible with the assistance of the key informants within the three factories. Furthermore, in- depth interviews were also conducted with selected participants from the focus group discussions to discuss their sense of self, their perception towards rural and modern life and their everyday life practices. This field research was also supplemented by informal interviews with key informants including each factory’s Human Resource Officer or Assistant, Dormitory Supervisor, co-workers and market vendors around the factory or dormitories.

The face to face interview and focus group discussions took place between March and June 2011. A total of 104 workers participated in the individual interviews. Four focus group discussions were held with 24 workers (6 workers per group). In-depth interviews were also conducted with 8 workers from the three factories from August to October 2011. Formal and informal observations were also made during the visits to the factories and dormitories.

Table 1: Summary of Garment Factory and Number of Interviewees

Name of Garment Factory Size Number of Number of Factories Workers Interviewees

Ansara Garment Medium 853 29 Factory

Euangfa Garment Medium 400 27 Factory

Ton Pheung Garment Large 1750 48 Factory

Total 104

Initially Ton Pheung Garment factory requested that the questionnaires be left with the Human Resource Officer who would then distribute them to all the factory workers and would advise when to come to pick up the completed forms. Prior to distribution, a pre test was conducted for the questionnaire, which included both quantitative and qualitative question and had five main parts: background, work at factory, life in the dormitory, social relations and modernity (see appendix). Four young women were selected for the pre test, but only two young women turned up as the others wanted to go to the morning market. Of these two women, one was 15 years old and had never been to school while the other was 20 years old and had completed year 3 of Junior High School. Even though a face to face interview was conducted, the girl of fifteen, struggled with terms such as modernity (khuam thansamay; being up to date, being modern) and the interview took about one hour. For the second girl, the pre- test was conducted in writing - a form was provided to her to fill out while I sat nearby so that she could ask if she had any questions. I found that not only did she struggle with the terms of khuam thansamay but also with writing. She confessed that while she did complete year 3 of Junior High she had not written since leaving school and working in the factory and writing was quite a challenge as she said she had forgotten how to write. She took a total of one and a half hour to complete the form. Following the pre-test the questionnaire was revised to make it easier to understand and also shortened so as to take less time to complete. Several copies of the questionnaire were then given to the HR Assistant Manager of Ton Pheung Garment Factory to check. At the same time I also requested permission from the HR Assistant Manager to conduct face to face interview rather than leaving the forms because of the difficult terms that were used and the open ended questions. Permission was also sought to conduct the survey on Sunday (which was the worker’s day off) inside the dormitory area. Initially the HR Assistant Manager did not agree saying that Sunday was the worker’s only free day so I should let them rest. However after she had looked at the questionnaire she agreed to let me and my team conduct face to face interviews as she realized that the young women would not be able to fill out the questionnaire because of their limited education, but only on the condition that it was conducted under her supervision and that incentives were provided to the young women that were interviewed. She also

invited me to attend an HIV/AIDs awareness raising session held by the Lao Youth Group on the following Saturday afternoon at 1700 o’clock after the young women workers finished their work at the factory in the communal eating area so that I could observe how to undertake interviews. Participation in the HIV/AIDs awareness raising session allowed me to enter the dormitory for the first time and also to observe the young women. The HR Assistant Manager told me that these sessions were held once a year and that newcomers would usually be invited to attend the session. On completion of the session the HR Assistant Manager advised me that I could conduct the survey in mid March as they had a big order to finish. She told me that the factory would allow me to conduct the survey only once and that it had to be done on a Saturday evening, just like the Lao Youth Group. So in preparation for the survey I recruited 10 students from the National University of Laos (NUOL) currently studying at the Faculty of Social Science and Faculty of Environment to assist me. All the 10 students were then trained on how to conduct the survey so that they understood the ethical code of interviewing and also the context of the research. The students were also instructed not to ask leading questions since the majority of the questions were open ended.

For the survey I initially requested that the group to be interviewed consisted of young single women from 16 to 25 with over two year’s experience of working in the factory. The HR Assistant Manager advised me that the factory did not keep a register of the worker’s marital status as only the information about name, age, and where the women came from was important to factory. They did not care whether the workers were single, married or divorced, but they assumed that, since the workers are staying in the dormitory, they are unmarried as most of the married workers live outside of the dormitory. However, the group that participated in the survey consisted of young women workers from the age of 15 to 30 years old who had been working at the factory from between 1 month and over 10 years. Therefore, following the survey, the sample group age and experience limit was revised to take the reality into account. All data collected from the questionnaire was analyzed using the software SPSS7.

7 SPSS (Statistical Package for the Social Sciences): computer program used for statistical analysis in social science

A total of four group discussions8 were conducted. Two focus group discussions with workers from Ton Pheung Garment Factory which took place at a friend’s house, one focus group discussion with workers from Euangfa Garment Factory which took place at a food stall in front of the factory and the last focus group discussion with workers from Ansara Garment Factory which took place inside the dormitory in the communal eating area. I personally conducted all the focus group discussions using semi structured questions and, with permission from the group, the whole interview was taped. I also attempted to take notes but this was not successful as the young women stopped talking every time I started taking notes because they were afraid that I could not keep up with them, so in the end I decided to just rely on the tapes as I did not want the focus group discussion to go on for too long.

I also conducted a total of 8 in-depth interviews using semi-structured questions, five of which were conducted at a friend’s house while the remaining three were conducted outside the ITECC Shopping Center in the front lawn on the grass. Six of these interviews were taped and notes were also taken (when possible) while the remaining two young women were so afraid of the tape recorder that I had to turn it off. In addition they also stopped talking whenever I started writing, so I could only jot down important words and as soon as I completed each of these interview I had to write down the whole interview while it was still fresh in my mind so as to avoid loss of important data. All the data that was taped was later transcribed in Lao language then translated into English.

3.1.3 Profile on Informants/Workers The findings do not represent all the female migrant workers from the three factories but provides a snap shot of those interviewed. Initially it was intended to invite young migrant women between the ages of 16 to 25 years old who had up to two years of experience in the factory. However due to limited access to the workers, it was decided not to limit the age and experience but to interview all the workers who were present.

8 The focus group discussion consisted of a total of 24 women: there was one group of five, two groups of six and one group of seven

The study therefore surveyed a total of 104 women migrant workers between the ages of 15 to 30 years old from three garment factories. Findings from the survey showed that over 56 percent of these young women were between the ages of 17 and 20 years old and nearly 3 percent of them were 15 and 30 years old (see table 2 below). Although this survey does not include women over the age of 30, the key informant (who was over 30) advised that there were also a number of women over the age of 30 working in the factory. These were mainly the women who had been working in factories for over 10 years. The dominant ethnic group was the Tai-Lao (69 percent) while the second largest ethnic group was the Mon-Khmer (mainly Khmu) (18 percent) and only 7 percent from Hmong-Mien and 5 percent from Tibeto-Burman group. This is fairly reflective of the country as whole, a country with multi ethnic group and diverse background.

Table 2: Age group of young women migrants

In terms of their geographical background the young women were classified as being from the Northern, the Central and the Southern provinces. Laos has a total of 17 provinces but the focus of the study was on migrant workers so workers from Vientiane Capital were not invited to participate in the survey, hence, there are only 16 provinces classified in the study. This includes from the North (Phongsaly, Bokeo, Luangnamtha, Huaphan, Oudomsay, Sayaboury, Luangprabang); the Central (Xiengkhouang, Vientiane province, Bolikhamxay, Khammouane, Savannakhet) and from the South

(Champasak, Saravane, Sekong, Attapeu). Surprisingly the survey showed no one from Luangnamtha province. Young women coming from the North were dominant with over 54 percent of which 20 percent were from Huaphan and 11 percent from Luangprabang, while only 36 percent were from the Central part (19 percent from Vientiane Province and 11 percent from Xieng Khouang). Only 11 percent were from the South, of which 8 percent were from Champasak (see table 3 below).

Table 3: Origin of Migrant Workers

Percentage

Province

Regarding the socio-economic background, these young women came from families with members ranging from 5 to 8 people. The majority came from farming families with a small percentage from families that were government officials, traders or wage labourers. The main source of their family income (up to 69 percent) came from selling crops while 11 percent came from livestock and 6 percent from salary and wage labour. In terms of education the findings show that the majority of the garment workers had completed or partially completed primary and secondary schools. Almost 47 percent of them studied at secondary level 1-3; 28 percent studied at primary level; 18 percent studied at secondary level 4-6 while 4 percent did not go to school at all (see

table 4 below). These findings correspond with other surveys conducted with factory workers as the group that had less access to education for both socio and economic reasons. What I found surprising though was the high percentage of the young women who attended lower secondary school. Several possible factors which would explain the reasons why they did not complete or continue on to higher secondary include not enough higher secondary schools in rural areas; the long distance to the schools or even high schooling cost (fees, transport etc). Moreover it could be in related to the fact that there was limit job opportunities in their hometown so they /their families did not see the benefit of further education.

Table 4: Education level

Education level Frequency Percent Valid Percent

30 28.8 28.8 Primary 1-5

49 47.1 47.1 Secondary 1-3

19 18.3 18.3 Secondary 4-6

2 1.9 1.9 TAFE

Did not go to 4 3.8 3.8 school

104 100 100 Total

The young women’s motivation for migrating to work in the city was that they wanted a better life and future. Forty-four percent of the respondents cited their main reason for coming to Vientiane city as being that they wanted to earn an income, while 27 percent cited that it was that they were poor and a further 13 percent stated the reason was that they wanted to see Vientiane City. Only 3 percent cited that they came because of their friends. Ninety-three percent of the respondents claimed that they made their own decision to come to work in Vientiane and 83 percent of the total said that their parents agreed with their decision.

3.1.4 Challenges and limitation of the study The worker’s limited available time was my biggest challenge since I could only interview them either Saturday after 5pm or on Sunday. This was a result of their availability as they worked every day on Monday to Friday from 8am till 7pm, on Saturday from 8am till 5pm with Sunday off. Hence the interviews (especially for the in-depth interview) could only be conducted either on Saturday afternoon or on Sunday. And when there were urgent orders they would also have to work on Sunday. Sunday, being their only day off, was also the only time for them to wash their clothes, go to the market or do errands, so if they were not available then it meant that I had to wait for the next Sunday. This year also coincided with a long holiday during the Lao New Year in which the factories were closed for 4 days. A further challenge was the selection of workers who were to be involved in the research. For the interviews from Ton Pheung Garment Factory, the workers interviewed were selected by the HR Assistant Manager. Although I did emphasise that the interview was to be conducted on a voluntary basis, I later found out that most of the young rural women interviewed (mostly the newcomers) was told by the HR Assistant Manager to go to the communal area. However I was lucky that as it got closer to 6pm more young women (who were told not to come to the interview) came to the commune area to do their cooking so my team and I were also able to interview them too. For the Euangfa and Ansara Garment Factories I was much luckier as they did not impose so many restrictions. My team and I were allowed to go into the factories (under the supervision of the Dormitory Supervisor) and interview any of the young women who were around either on a Saturday afternoon or on Sunday. However I was advised that it was better to conduct the interview on Saturday afternoon rather than Sunday as there would be more people about. I also had to tell them the exact day that my team and I were going to conduct the interviews as they had to arrange for Dormitory supervisor to supervise the survey.

For the focus group discussion in Ton Pheung Garment factory, I had an inside informant, also a factory worker, who - with assistance from her friends - was able to persuade a group of young women out of dormitory for the focus group discussion. However the limitation of this was that the young women were selected by our informants rather than by my own choice. This was also the case for Euangfa Garment factory.

Another limitation was the fact that the interviews were conducted on the site of the factory dormitories which may affect the responses of workers. Both the quantitative and some of the qualitative survey was conducted within dormitories under the supervision of the Human Resources Officer from the factories or the Dormitory Supervisor, as they did not allow the survey to be conducted outside of the dormitory. Wariness from the company owner was another factor which needed to be taken into account. All companies experience high turnover rates and were afraid we were going to lure their workers away. On the other hand factories are also a popular destination for students studying Business Administration so they are regularly given questionnaires to fill out. The time that I was conducting my survey coincided with a major study conducted by The World Bank regarding factory workers’ conditions, in which both factory owners and workers were interviewed in an attempt reduce the high turnover rate.

Most of the analysis is based on the findings from the 104 workers surveyed, the focus group discussions and in-depth interviews. Therefore I understand that this study cannot represent all the views of the factory workers and the outcome of the study was subjective to the individual experience of the workers interviewed.

3.2 Terminology used in the thesis Throughout the thesis the term “Laos” is used when making reference to the Country of Laos. The official term Lao People’s Democratic Republic or Lao PDR is only used when I wanted to refer to its official status following its establishment as Lao People’s Democratic Republic on 2 December 1975.

The term “young women” is used when referring to the unmarried rural migrant women who are working in the garment factory.

Lao words have been used throughout the thesis so that the meaning will not be lost in translations due to the limitation of the Lao language itself.

CHAPTER 4 JOURNEY FROM RURAL TO FACTORY LIFE: CHANGES AND ADAPTATION

This chapter looks at the changes and adaptations that occur with the young women following their move to work in the garment factories in Vientiane Capital. However, in order to understand these changes it is necessary to first understand the context of industrialisation and the garment industry in Laos.

4.1 Industrialisation and garment industry in Laos

4.1.1 Industrialisation in Laos Laos is an agricultural country with more than 80 percent of its labor force working in agriculture (Pholsena and Banomyong, 2004: 92). The government’s effort to develop the country towards industrialisation or socialism started following the establishment of the Lao People Democratic Republic (Lao PDR) in 1975. Initially industrialisation was focused on transforming Laos from a traditional based agriculture (agriculture that is dependent on nature) to a more modern agriculture (usage of modern technology) since the Government’s primary objective was to achieve food self- sufficiency, particularly in rice (Syviengxay, 2011: 269-271).

However the economic crisis in Asia led to a decline in the Lao economy, which made the Government realise that new approaches and policies were required. The government decided to reform the economy by passing a new resolution, the New Economic Mechanism (NEM), which allowed an increased role for private enterprise and lifted some control on market transactions (Evans, 1991: 95-103).

This structural change in the economy was one of the main triggers for rural-urban migration. Following the implementation of the New Economic Mechanism (NEM) in 1986, the Lao government has encouraged a transition from a central economy to a market oriented economy. The Government’s goal is for Laos to graduate from its status as a least developed country (LCD) by the year 2020, by promoting internal and international investments in sectors such as hydropower, agriculture manufacturing, tourism, mining and construction materials (Syviengxay, 2011: 269-271). In order to

facilitate the country’s progress towards industrialisation, the government introduced several measures to develop infrastructure and improve the business environment in Laos. These include the revision of investment promotion law, the development of Special Economic Zone (SEZ) and also the introduction of a number of tax exemptions and other incentives in order to attract more Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in order to integrate the country into regional and global economies. FDI is also considered a means to help the country attain its macro development because of its limited domestic investment (Syviengxay, 2011: 280-282).

The increased foreign investment in Laos has not only resulted in rapid socio- economic development in the large cities and in the capital of Vientiane, but has created a new demand and supply for industrial labour. These sectors are now high-employment industries which provide income and expand people’s opportunities and work choices.

4.1.2 The Garment Industry in Laos One of the main industries in Laos, which has played a significant economic role in generating revenues and providing employment opportunities, is the garment industry (World Bank, 2011b). Established in 1990, the garment industry has steadily grown and to date there are 59 export-oriented garment companies and 57 subcontractors operating in Laos. Half of the garment companies operating in Laos are foreign-owned and slightly more than 30 percent are Lao owned companies, while the rest are joint Lao and foreign ventures (JV). As foreign-owned companies account for nearly half of the total employment creation and volume of production, FDI therefore plays a very important role in the industry (World Bank, 2011b).

The main markets for Lao garment products are Italy, the United Kingdom, France, the United States, Canada, Australia and Japan while the major foreign investors in the garment industry include Thailand, China, Japan and Taiwan (Syviengxay, 2011: 281). These countries choose to produce in Laos not only because they wish to take advantage of the cheap labour force and production costs (electricity, water) but also because of trade investment law in Laos which is more relaxed than in other countries in terms of quotas and export tax (Thephavong et al, 2007).

In Laos most FDI and JV companies operate on a basis of Free On Board (FOB) but there are also a number of factories which operate as both FOB and CMP (cut, make and pack)/CMT (cut, make and trim). When operating on a FOB basis, companies are responsible for procuring raw materials, producing the garments and delivering the goods either to the Bangkok ports or the EU ports. Though this type of production involves higher risks throughout the operation process from sourcing material to delivery of product, it also provides higher profit margins than CMT/CMP producers. The CMP/CMT type of production is most common amongst Lao owned garment factories. Under this model, all materials and intermediate goods necessary to make the garments are provided by the buyers. While factories operating on this basis are guaranteed profit, this is much lower than FOB because profit comes only from the mark up on the labour wage (CPI, 2007: 22-23).

Most FDI and JV companies receive orders from their parent companies and some agents, particularly from Thailand while the Lao owned factories and subcontractors receive orders from other large exporting factories through networking (ibid). The design, quality measures, and almost 100 percent of raw materials are imported with the majority of the raw material come from neighbouring countries, especially China, Thailand and Malaysia. (Syviengxay, 2011: 281)

In general, from receipt of the raw materials, the garment factories require about a month for production and packaging of the garments. Because Laos is a landlocked country with no sea ports, the majority of the raw materials are imported from Malaysia and other sources are sent from the Khlong Toey Port in Bangkok to Vientiane. Upon completion the factories transport their garment products via the Lao – Thai Friendship bridge to Bangkok which could take up to two days. All in all, the lead time for garment factories in Laos is about 90 days (ibid). So while Laos holds an advantage in terms of cheap labour, resources and quota, at the same time it is disadvantaged in terms of export and transport because of its topography resulting in high transport cost. Moreover Laos’ insufficient public infrastructure limits access to markets and ports in neighbouring countries (Pholsena and Banomyong, 2004: 97). Hence Laos’ efforts to become a landlinked country by establishing connectivity with the People’s Republic of China, and other countries in Southeast Asia through a road network. It is also because

of poor transport and a weak infrastructure that the majority of garment factories are based in Vientiane Capital with only a few established in Savannakhet Province.

In Laos, though the garment industry is the largest formal sector of employment, compared to international standards (or even in the region) the size of the garment industry is very small (World Bank, 2011b). Recent data shows that the garment industry in Laos employs more than 21,000 people. The World Bank classified garment factories into three main categories: large, medium and small based on the number of their workers. The large factories (direct exporters, mostly foreign owned) consist of more than 500 workers while a medium size factory (also direct exporters, mixture of foreign and domestic ownership) consist of more than one hundred. All factories with less than one hundred workers are considered small factories and are usually subcontractors to bigger garment factories in Laos. The garment factories mostly employ basic skilled workers who are trained on-site by foreign production supervisors (World Bank, 2011a).

4.1.3 Organisational structure within a factory In general most factories have a very similar organisational structure. The management structure usually consists of a Manager, Supervisors and Team Leaders. In foreign owned companies these position are usually occupied by a non-Lao employees. The Manager has overall responsibility in the factory while the Supervisors and Team Leaders provide technical support to the various lines. The Team Leader is usually responsible for three to four lines within the section. Each line consists of about 8 to 10 people and is headed by the Line Leader. Finally the workers on each line can be either skilled or unskilled. In this case skilled workers mean that they have experience in using a sewing machine, while unskilled workers mean that they are still training or on a probation period, which is usually three months. On the administration side, the HR Manager and administrative staff are usually Lao.

The different sections within a factory are usually the production line, the quality control line (QC), the drawing line, the cutting line, the packing unit and then the administrative section. Of all these lines most workers want to work in the production section because production money is calculated based on the pieces produced, and the amount paid per piece varies depending on the difficulty and level of skill required.

Payment per piece in the production line is highest while the QC section pays second highest per piece. Unskilled work, such as cutting threads, sewing buttons etc, is the lowest paid.

All workers have a factory card which they have to punch in and out when they enter or leave the building. This is used to monitor their attendance as the workers are paid based on a calculation of the days that they work. All workers are assigned to work under a line which comprise of about 8 to 10 people. The workers’ performances are monitored by Line Leaders who are responsible for ensuring that the targets set for their line have been met.

One aspect of the organisational structure in factories in Laos that is different to factories abroad is that there are no worker’s representations or union. Though there is a Trade Union this has responsibility mainly for policy at the higher level rather than the actual welfare of the workers. Therefore it is uncommon to see strikes in Laos as workers resolve the problem by simply resigning, hence the high turnover rates within companies (APHEDA, 2008; WB, 2011a).

4.2 Profile of survey site The three factories chosen for this survey (Ton Pheung Garment Factory, Euangfa Garment Factory and Ansara Garment Factory) all are classified as FDI operating on an FOB basis. The three factories were chosen not for comparison, but mainly because of accessibility; the survey aimed to interview over 100 people but the Ton Pheung Garment Factory only allowed our survey team to have access once, on a Saturday evening. On this occasion the team was only able to interview about 40 people, so two additional sites were chosen. In order to ensure that there were no major differences between the three factories, the additional factories were chosen based on fact that they were FDI, that they were medium to large sized factories and, finally, that they were accessible. The additional two factories were recommended by NUOL students who had come to assist with the survey. As these students had friends working inside the company, this made it easier for our team to gain access to the factory management and workers.

Of the three factories surveyed, Ton Pheung Garment Factory was the biggest factory with more than 1,750 workers and technical staff working in the factory. This includes 70 technical/permanent staff and 1,680 workers (1,440 female, and 240 male). The Ton Pheung Garment Factory, Chinese owned, first opened in 1996 with only 300 workers and has seen constant growth until now. Ansara Garment Factory is the second largest factory over with 823 staff (731 female and 82 male) of which 776 are workers and 47 technical and, based on the number of their workers, is also classified as large. The Ansara Garment Factory is under Italian management and is one of first factory garments in Laos as it has been in operation since 1991. The company has been so successful that it has opened a second branch in 2005, but this branch is smaller than the first factory with only about 400 workers. The Euangfa Garment Factory was also established in 1995 under the French management and has only 385 workers.

4.2.1 Working conditions In terms of working condition all three factories are very similar because, according to their respective management, their terms and conditions follow the Lao labour law. At the time of the interviews the basic wage earned by the workers was about 324,000Kip9 per month. In addition the workers also receive production money for the pieces produced (for Ton Pheung and Ansara) and OT10 money when overtime is required. Moreover at the end of the year some factories provide a wage for being productive (ngeun kha nhun) while others provide bonuses. The Euangfa Garment Factory has an additional incentive system in that they pay additional money (around 100,000 kip) for each year that the workers stay on, meaning that the longer the workers stay, the more money they can earn. According to the HR Manager of Euangfa Garment Factory, the workers that have stayed the longest (about 6 years) earn about 1 million kip per month in total. The Ansara Garment Factory, also provide food, in the form of steamed sticky rice, to the workers living in the dormitory; each of the workers

9 Basic wage: at the time of the interview the basic wage was around 324,000Kip per month however according the Vientianes Times newspaper issued on December 14, 2011, the government recently approved the increase of basic wage for all workers working a total of 26 days per month, six days a week and 8 hours per day from 324,000kip to 626,000kip per month (from approx. US$40.5 to approx US$78.25, ex rate 1US$ = 8000kip) effective January 2012. This figure will be subject to pro rata if the workers work less than this specified days or hours.

10 OT: At the time of the interview OT was calculated at 3010kip per hour (approx. US$2.65)

receives one basket of rice for each meal for three meals per day. The workers also receive bonuses twice a year (during the Lao New Year and at the end of the year).

In all three factories, workers who have passed the trial period (usually 3 months) are registered into the social security insurance scheme as per the Lao labour law. All three factories have a sick room and a nurse to provide basic first aid and medication such as pain relievers or ulcer tablets. The nurse will let the workers use this room when they faint, feel dizzy or have a bad stomach ache - the workers are usually allowed to rest for an hour before being woken up to go back to work. Only if the case is serious and beyond the nurse’s capacity or in an emergency will the factory send the worker to the hospital.

The factories do not cut the workers’ wage when they are sick if they have a medical certificate but they are not paid for that day because wages are calculated based on the number of days worked. However, in Euangfa Garment Factory the workers are paid a basic wage so they will suffer deductions for the days that they are sick if they do not provide a medical certificate. In all three factories, failure to produce a medical certificate can result in a fine of 50,000 kip per day.

Factories generally adopt the same recruitment procedures, which utilise advertisements on the radio, public speaking system or brokers and leaflets. However the most common and popular method is word of mouth from the village head in the village where the factory is situated or through the workers themselves. According to the HR Manager from Ansara Garment Factory, gaining new workers through their existing workers is best because they have come of their own will so they are more likely to stay longer than those who have come because of brokers. Ansara Garment Factory pays a fee of 250,000 kip to brokers for each new skilled worker11 that they have introduce, but brokers only receive this fee after that new worker has worked in the factory for over three months; if that new worker leaves before three months then the broker gets nothing. This is the general tactic which is also used by the other factories. Workers who are able to bring in other skilled workers also receive the broker fee. According to the HR Manager from Ansara Garment Factory “I prefer to give this fee to

11 Skilled worker: someone who has past experience working in a factory and able to use a sewing machine

the workers rather than the brokers because they are ones who can make better use of the money. In addition the new workers introduced by workers tend to stay on longer because they really want to work unlike the ones brought by the brokers”. This is because brokers tend to dramatise the working conditions and pay so that the workers arrive with a high expectation, and when this is not met then they become upset and leave.

The working hours for all three factories are similar in that they all work six days a week, usually from 8am till 7pm with a one hour lunch break at 12pm from Monday to Friday, while on Saturdays they work from 8am till 5pm. For the days that OT is required the workers will work from 8am till 5pm and then recommence work at 6pm and work until 9pm. The exception is Euangfa Garment Factory, which normally works six days a week from 8am till 5pm with one hour lunch break. Workers are only required to work overtime once in a while when there is rush order, or as when the in- depth interviews were being conducted, because there is a high turnover of staff and the remaining workers have to work overtime in order to fulfil an order in time. There is no production money for workers in Euangfa Garment because the factory produces fashion clothing, which therefore puts the emphasis on skill and quality.

All three factories produce different kinds of clothing. The Euangfa Garment Factory is more elite and produces dainty fashion clothes for babies and young children, while Ton Pheung Garment Factory produces special heavy duty suits for labourers working in mines. According to the Ton Pheung Garment workers, the material used to make these suits is so thick and hard that they have to push hard for the materials to go through the sewing machine. When they initially started sewing they were very slow because they were unused to the thickness of the fabric, although with experience they gained speed. Ansara Garment Factory produces T-shirts, but recently they have started taking on some fashion clothing, such as shirts that include frills or extra buttons, which take more time to produce.

Of the three factories, Ton Pheung Garment is the only factory where the workers work in an air conditioned room. Both Ansara Garment and Euangfa only have fans although Ansara Garment is slightly better than Euangfa Garment in that the fans are

water based so they are cooler than normal fans. According to the HR Manager, Ansara Garment has plans to install air conditioning for the workers in the near future.

4.2.2 Accommodation Having a dormitory is one of the attractions of working in a garment factory for young women, especially those from rural areas. As factory work is not attractive work for people from urban areas, factories owners build dormitories especially to accommodate workers who are living far away from home or come from other provinces. According to the HR Manager from Ansara Garment Factory, most of their workers come from other provinces and having a dormitory to live in means they do not have to worry about finding a place to stay while they work in Vientiane.

Some factories have dormitories for both men and women, but the majority provide mostly for women as they are the main work force. The rooms are usually small and have to be shared between 8 to 16 persons. Other facilities provided include a big communal area for eating, a communal area for cooking, several toilets and wash rooms. In the rooms, some dormitories provide beds and bedding equipment, some provide beds only and some provide nothing at all. Most rooms have poor ventilation and lighting (only one small light bulb in the room) especially in the rooms on the inner side of the buildings where there are no windows. Some dormitories also provide cupboards in the room but some do not, and in the latter cases the workers keep their clothes either at the top or bottom of their bed.

The factory usually collects a small fee (around 3,000 kip/month) for electricity and water from the workers staying at the dormitory. All workers are given a dormitory card which has their picture, name and village on it. Every six months the factory collects the dormitory cards from the workers in order to stamp to extend their cards for another six month period. On return of the card, the factory will also collect the accommodation fee from the workers.

The accommodation at the three factories surveyed have very similar settings with the exception of Ton Pheung Garment Factory. This is because Ton Pheung Garment Factory has different accommodation for the line leaders. Each line leader only has to share a room with one or two other line leaders. Their rooms have windows and are equipped with a fan and electricity inside the room. The room also has a cupboard but 44

no beds are provided. Each of the workers has their own mats and mattress which they roll up every morning after they wake up. As there is electricity within their rooms, these workers do not have to use the communal area for cooking and charging their mobile phone like the rest of the workers.

In the dormitories all factories have a large communal area for eating, watching TV and a large sport ground for playing badminton or soccer. At the Ton Pheung Garment Factory, the large communal area also has many electrical sockets for cooking and charging mobile phones. The Ton Pheung Garment Factory commune eating area has two televisions, one at both ends, for the workers to watch. The Ansara Garment Factory has a separate kitchen for the workers to cook and mobile phones are usually charged in the Dormitory Manager’s room which is right beside the communal eating area. Ansara Garment Factory also has one TV set for the workers to watch in the evening. At the Euangfa Garment Factory, as each bedroom already has electricity, the communal area is mainly used for eating and watching TV.

4.2.3 Structure within the Dormitory Dormitories usually have a Manager/Supervisor who has overall responsibility for all the workers living in the dormitories. Depending on the factory some of these supervisors live in the dormitory and others do not. For those that do not live in the dormitory there is usually an assistant (a worker or a member of administrative staff) who lives in the dormitory.

It is the duty of the Dormitory Manager/Supervisor to turn the lights, fans and TV on and off each day. In addition it is also their role to check each of the rooms after the workers have left for work to ensure that all the lights and fans have been turned off, whether there are any remaining workers left in the dormitory and if there are to find out why. In the event that the Dormitory Managers finds someone very sick in the room it is their duty to report to the Administrative office for action.

All dormitories generally have a housekeeper who has overall responsibility for keeping the dormitory clean but they do not clean the workers room because this is the responsibility of the workers themselves. In the dormitory the workers are divided into groups based on the room that they sleep in. Each of these groups has a Head and a Deputy, who are usually chosen by their own roommates. The Head of the group is 45

responsible for ensuring that the room is kept clean, by implementing a cleaning roster and reporting on absence of their group member to the Dormitory Manager. The Head will try to resolve any dispute between the workers, but if they cannot then they will report to the Dormitory Manager, and in the worst case scenario this will be reported to the HR Manager.

Dormitories usually have strict rules to ensure the safety of both the workers and their motorcycles. Near the front entrance of the dormitory there is a guard on duty 24 hours a day. Some dormitories are stricter than others in that they require all visitors (women only) to register before entering the building. The dormitories usually close their gates at 1030pm; workers that arrive after this hour are allowed in but their names and number are taken down and reported to the Administration office. The first and second time that this happens, the workers are issued a warning note but after the third time they may be expelled from the dormitory. Men are not allowed inside the dormitories at all times. Therefore after work hours or on the Sundays it is quite a common sight to see men waiting outside the dormitory gates on their motorbike for their friends or hanging on to the walls to call out to their friends to meet them outside.

The dormitory has zero tolerance on theft so any workers that are caught red- handed will be expelled from the dormitory immediately and not allowed on the premises of the dormitory.

4.3 Change and adaptation

4.3.1 Working life – From rural to urban The move to work in a factory can be considered a big change for the young rural women because not only do they have to learn a new skill but they also have to learn how to adapt to working in a factory. Work at the factory is very different to the work that they were used to in their hometown. As most of the women in this study had come from farming families, in general they were used to working in the fields and helping their parents with household chores or looking after their siblings. Very few of them had ever used a sewing machine before (thus, on recruitment, all new comers are tested and then placed in areas that are short of labour). The sewing section is the section in which most workers want to work, but if this section is already full, then the worker will have to wait until there is a vacancy before they can move into that department. In

general, a new worker does not have a choice about which work they do unless they have a special skill. Not all young women are similarly affected by the changes. Some find it easier to adapt to the changes but others may suffer and feel depressed, which is expressed through their own way of resistance or protest to the work. From my discussions, both in the focus groups and in-depth interviews, I note that adaption to the new working life is an ongoing process with many stages.

In my point of view, the first stage in which major changes and adaption occur is during the probation period. In most factories, the first three months are considered the training period, so during this period all the new workers receive only the minimum wage. The probation period is probably the period which requires most adaptation because not only do workers have to learn new skills but they also have to get used to working according to a schedule and under supervision. It is during this time that workers are constantly rotated between work, depending on the shortage of each section. According to the young women, this is the period that they hate most because, not only do they earn little money, but they also have to do the most undesirable jobs and low skilled jobs such as cutting loose thread, sewing buttons, ironing (small parts such as pockets, collars etc..). Moreover the production money during this time is very small because this work is considered as unskilled, so they gain a very low price per piece. Another task they have to do in this period is dern ngan (delivering products to and forth from each assembly line). According to 20 years old Lin, a new comer to Ton Pheung Garment Factory from Champassak who had just started working for two months:

“I hate delivering products, I have to run around all day from one section to another; it’s so tiring and we are not allowed to rest or we would get scolded. Everywhere everybody is calling out to you ‘come here’ or ‘take this over there’. “I hope I will pass probation and learn to sew soon so that I can start in that section; then I won’t have to walk around and about and can also start earning lots of productivity money”.

Not only did Lin express her dislike of the work but also commented on the repetitiveness of the work “We just seem to be doing the same thing over and over again that I’m so fed up (beua lai); as soon as I save up enough money to buy a motorcycle I 47

will leave and go home”. This behaviour is quite common amongst newcomers that find it hard to adapt to the new work life and, therefore, during this period there is a high turnover of staff. Some workers leave as early as after the first few days of work, while others try to stay on until they at least receive their first month’s wage so that they have money to travel back home.

According the HR Manager of Ansara Garment Factory, this probation period is very important because it provides an opportunity for workers to get to know the work because they have to do everything. For example, in the sewing section they have to prepare all the pieces for the sewers. This includes cutting thread, ironing the different pieces of material together for the collar or pockets, making button holes in the shirt etc… By doing this they get accustomed to the different types of material, they learn to differentiate the different pieces and which part is used for what. After the newcomers have been working for a month or so then they commence training for up to two months. Once they have passed this training they can then commence work on the assembly line.

There are, however, some lucky women who already possess some skills and are able to do the job they wish. For example Jine, who after testing, was assigned to the drawing section. According to Jine “I really like working at the factory because I am doing what I like. I have always been good at drawing so I have been placed in the drawing pattern section. Work is not too hard because I just have to draw according to the patterns provided” (Jine, 19 years old from Savannakhet, Ton Phueng Garment Factory).

For those that were able to adapt, the workers spoke about having great fun and enjoying their new work so I could sense their level of satisfaction and contentment with their work. The work at factory provided them with an opportunity to learn new skills and also meet many people. These were usually the newcomers who found working in the factory to be an improvement upon their previous work. For example 15 year-old Noi, from Sayaboury, who is now working at Ansara Garment Factory. Before coming to work at the factory Noi was brought to Vientiane to look after her relatives’ children. When the children were old enough to go to school she was sent to the factory to work to help earn an income. At home she never met or socialised with anyone so 48

she welcomed the change because, not only was she doing proper work (by her definition), but she was also getting paid for it. She did not mind whatever she was given to do because to her it was better than working at home. For others there was also the satisfaction of having finally mastered the skills, enabling them to sit in the production line and earn more money than previously. This was usually the case for the young women who had been working at the factory for less than two years. For them everything was still new; the work, the environment and the ability to earn more money through the production pieces as they got used to the work and their speed increased, thus enabling them to produce more.

In the second phase, adaptation to the long working hours and repetitive work takes place. This usually occurs in young women who have already been working for more than two years. I could sense their dissatisfaction with their work in their discussions about how boring and repetitive the work was. In addition the young women also complained of the long working hours in which they have to work from 8am in the morning till 7pm at night or, if there is overtime, until 9pm, which makes them reflect on the differences with their work at home. One common response from the young women about the difference between work at home and at the factory was that in the factory they don’t have to work under the sun and rain (bo dai het viec tak det tak fon). However, even though they work under the shade and work in a big building they realise working in the factory is neither easier nor lighter than working in the fields. According to Min who has now been working for Ansara Garment Factory for over 8 years, “Working in the field is sabai (convenient) because we can return home at four or five O’clock. Here in Vientiane we have to do OT so we work till the late in the evening but the difference is we get money. If I didn’t get paid for either work, I’d rather work at home” (Min, 28 years old from Vientiane Province, Ansara Garment Factory). In addition, Min also referred to work hours at her home which is flexible based on the chores that need to done. “Working in the factory seems like the work goes on forever and will never finish. If we stop work it means we do not get money but at home once you put rice up the loft (aw khao kheun laow) it means that your work is done”. However, money has now become an important factor for the women and the main reason why they continue to work in the factory. They realise that if they return home they will not be able to earn the same amount as in the factory, but if they continue in

the same place they want to earn more than what they are currently earning. So even though there are complaints about the long working hours, the complaints are not really about the work itself but about the amount they receive for their work. In one month, a worker can earn up to 1 million kip per month but only one third of this amount is the minimum wage while the rest comes from production money and overtime. The young women feel that they should be paid more for their hard work, but although they feel exploited they do not know what to do. Now that they are equipped with a skill this provides them a chance to find better work place with better pay and conditions and during this second period of adaptation there is a high turnover of workers due to influence from their friends and their personal aspirations to receive better pay. Sometimes this move may be temporary because the young women may find that the pay and conditions in the new place are worse than in the previous factory and they can return to the original factory as factories always welcome skilled workers back. However for some the move is permanent because they are lucky enough to find a factory with better pay and conditions.

I see the third stage of adaptation as the stage when the young women try to make the best of what they can with their current work. Sometimes young women come directly to this stage without passing the second stage. For them, their goal is to save as much as they can so that in the future, after they study tailoring, they can open up a tailoring shop or set up their own business. Others may try to develop and expand specialised skills in order to move up the factory to a higher position. After sufficiently developing their skills and knowledge in their field of expertise, there is more chance of them being promoted to become a head of a sewing unit, a line leader, or responsible for training new workers or doing quality control (CPI, 2007: 10-11). By becoming the head of a line, they not only get more privilege but possibly also extra pay. For example, Ton Pheung Garment Factory provides Line Leaders with a room in the dormitory which only needs to be shared with two other people. Kang who had been working at Euangfa Garment Factory for more than 4 years also refers to this privilege: “if you are not the line leader then you don’t have anything” (Kang, 26 years old from Xiengkhouang Province, Euangfa Garment Factory). For Kang being a line leader comes with status and empowerment. Status here means that they have gone up a step because they are no longer just a normal worker but the person who is responsible for

their line members to ensure that the target is met. At the same time, it is also about empowerment; both in terms of responsibility and achievement. When new items are brought in, it is usually the Line Leader’s responsibility to learn to sew that part and then to teach other members in their line.

4.3.2 Working environment A normal working days starts at 8am in the morning and goes until 12pm, when all workers have a lunch break for one hour. They recommence again at 1pm and work till 5pm or 7pm depending on the factory. When OT is required then they will have a one hour break from 5pm to 6pm and then resume working for OT. All workers have to work to meet their line’s target and deadline so OT is very common in the factories. In addition production money is paid per piece produced, so those who sew a lot can earn a lot of money and these conditions make the workers compete against each. According to Thompson (1967) industrial capitalism is all about productive consumption of time. For the workers this is quite new experience, not only to compete against time but also to compete against each other. In the past, when working in their field, they had to work against time as expressed in the saying “het viec tak det tak fon” or working under the sun and the rain. The reason they had to work under those conditions was to ensure that crops have been planted, weeded or harvested in time, otherwise they would die or get spoiled by the rain. However, in this case they were in control of their own working lives and were working with their families to compete against nature. Unlike at the factory in which their earnings depend on how much they produce. However, in the factories, the young women do not necessarily see themselves as competing against each other if they are friends, but they will compete against a person if they only regard that person as a work colleague.

Kei, who had been working in at the garment factory for more than 10 years, recalled her experience in competing with a work colleague when she competed so hard that she nearly fainted at work.

“At that time I really forced myself to work hard because I didn’t want her to get more money than me. I saw that she was able to sew a big pile so I wanted to compete with her. I tried to “nhad” snatch as much as I could because that person was selfish and didn’t want to share the pieces with

anybody so I had to compete with her for the pieces. I got dizzy because I did too much OT. I was so afraid of wasting time that I worked continuously without taking a break or going out for dinner. If I got hungry I would just eat the snacks which I snuck in and had dinner after I had finish work at 9pm. I did this two weeks in a row and then in the third week I nearly passed out. That day I went out for lunch and had a splitting headache that I nearly couldn’t walk. My face was so pale that my friend took me to see the factory nurse” (Kei, 30 years old from Vientiane Province, Ton Pheung Garment Factory).

According to Kei that was the one and only time that she did that. Now before doing OT she takes a break and has dinner before starting the work. In addition she said she was working in a new line. She is happy in this line because when doing OT they share the pieces amongst each other so they don’t have to compete for it.

Although this is only one example of how competition with fellow colleague affected the health of a worker, even without competition the long working hours and heavy workload can cause muscle strain on women’s shoulders, legs and back. I asked if they had been to see the factory nurse about these problems, but Kei told me that the nurse would just tell them it was because they had been sitting too long and that they should regularly stand up and also drink lots of clean water. However Kei admits that in reality this is not really easy to do because once they get started on their work, the only time they stand up is to go to the toilet. Other complaints from the young women included having gastric pain, which was mainly from eating at irregular hours because of OT. The young women said that sometimes they were so tired that they weren’t hungry so they didn’t feel like eating anything, but for others the reason for not eating was that they wanted to save money and therefore had to be careful of their expenditure on their food. The young women that do not get steamed rice 12 as part of their allowance, have to spend at least 8,000 kip to 10,000 kip per day for food since rice costs are rising: previously 1,000 kip would be enough to pay for rice for one meal but nowadays they would have to spend at least 2,000 kip on rice at each meal to be

12 Rice: though rice is provided, cost for rice is actually deducted from their wage

satisfied. Together with the rice they usually buy one or two kinds of other food (about one thousand kip per variety) to eat with it.

The young women also complain about not being allowed to wear their shoes into the work room to prevent the clothes from getting dirty as all the clothes are left on the floor in a big pile. Normally the young women are used to working barefoot in their homes but in the factory, especially the ones working in the air conditioned room, they complained of having cold feet. According to the young women they are only allowed to wear shoes when the Labor and Social Welfare department comes to inspect the factory. In addition the young women also complained of the dust from the material. According to Kei, Ton Pheung Garment Factory no longer forces the workers to wear a mask and, as this is now voluntarily, they no longer provide workers with masks. However, Kei said for her own safety and health she wears the mask as it helps keeps the dust out of her lungs and doesn’t make her cough.

The long working hours and poor ventilation are conditions that the workers get used to over time but one thing that young women still find hard to get used to are the harsh words used by Supervisors. According to Lin from Ton Pheung Garment Factory “they shout at us as if we were dogs or cats, even at home my parents have never scolded me like that before”. For Lin, this was very humiliating because the scolding was done not to her alone but in front of everyone in the sewing room. “I don’t understand why they can’t just tell us nicely instead of shouting at us” she added. For Lin she thinks that the main reason the Supervisors show disrespect to the workers is because of their low level of education. However she said, if it wasn’t for their low level of education, who would want to become a factory worker? However, although I could clearly sense Lin’s feeling of dissatisfaction from her words, they do not display this feeling in front of the Supervisors. The young women do not resort to open resistance, their strategy is to quit and move to a new factory or return home. In some cases their friends have been able to calm them down and persuade them to stay on by telling them to think of it “as a dog barking”. At times this strategy works but in cases where it doesn’t they will leave, usually by themselves although there have been cases where the workers have resigned as a group, which occurred during the time that the survey was being conducted in Ton Pheung Garment Factory. According to the HR Assistant sometimes recruitment as a group is not so good because when they leave they 53

also leave as a group. A group of young women (about 30 of them) from the north, who the manager was able to persuade to come to work at the factory during her visit in north, had just left the factory because one of young woman was insulted by the Supervisor. All her friends who had arrived in the same group resigned at the same time and left with the young woman because they felt that the Supervisor had not only insulted their friend but also the whole group. This young women leaving in a large group had quite an impact because it left many gaps in the assembly line, and, since the factory was not able to find enough skilled workers to replace the ones they lost, it meant that the remaining workers had to work twice as hard in order to meet the targets.

4.3.3 Dormitory life Living in a dormitory proves to be another challenge for the young women. Young women from different places, different families and different lifestyles come together to live in a crowded living space or room where they not only have to learn how to take care of themselves but they also have to learn how to live with others.

In the Dormitory the Dormitory Manager will, if possible, usually try make the newcomers comfortable by putting them into rooms where people from the same provinces are staying. However if the young women have come with relatives or friends the Managers will also try to accommodate them together. According to the Ansara Garment Factory HR Manager “we want the new workers to stay with us a long time so we try to help them settle in”. However, in the event that the newcomers know no one the Managers will usually try to divide the newcomers amongst the older workers so that the older workers can look after the newcomers. Ultimately it is usually the head of group who is responsible for advising the newcomer on what to do. Since most dormitories only provide a bed, the worker has to bring their own mattress, bed sheets, blanket and pillows. Some dormitories will lend these items to the workers until they get their first payment and are able to buy their own, but for the dormitories that don’t have any spare bedding, the workers would have to borrow money from either the factory or from their friends to buy these things.

Young women are most vulnerable when they first arrive because, not only are they coming to stay in a strange place among strangers, but they usually have only a limited amount of money to last them until they get their first pay. As this money is

usually set aside for food they usually leave the bedding arrangement until after they get their first pay. Though some bring some rice and food along with them, usually this is not enough to last them for the whole month so they are dependent on either their friends or relatives within the dormitory for assistance. This includes not only money and cooking utensils but also showing them their way around the dormitory and to the food stalls and market. For those who do not know anybody to borrow money from, the Head of the group will usually advise them to borrow from the Factory’s Administration Office.

When living and sharing facilities in a dormitory, tensions and disputes are unavoidable. There could be a number of reasons for the tensions within the dormitory, such as sexuality or harassment, but this study did not look at those issues. Commons disagreement within the factories mostly arose from clash of personalities; power struggle; shared facilities and a lack of resources (electricity and water) or even disputes over boys. From my discussions these issues are mainly resolved by moving rooms, and to date no one has left the dormitory because of a dispute amongst peers.

One of the major complaints about living in dormitory was theft, ranging from money, clothing to food such as rice or instant noodle. Thus, alongside trying to learn how to earn money, the young women also had to learn how to manage it and how to take care of it and how to be extra careful with their personal items. All the factories visited provided a cupboard for storing personal items but each individual had to buy their own padlock. Even though everyone has a lock on their cupboard they know this is not safe because the Chinese locks are unreliable. The safest place to keep money and jewelry was to keep it with oneself. “I lost 80,000 kip once because I forgot to take my money to work with me. When I came down for lunch someone had broken the lock and my money was gone. I don’t dare leave any money in the locker anymore and I only take out money as needed from the ATM. I usually take out about 20,000 kip at a time” (Kei, Ton Pheung Garment Factory)

Of the three factories visited, only the Ton Pheung Garment Factory had an ATM and all pay was transferred directly to their accounts. This solved only some of the problem of losing money. However for the factories that does not have an ATM they

pay cash. The young women in these factories have to be extra careful with their money.

According to the HR Assistant from Euangfa Garment Factory “the workers have low education so do not know how to use the ATM cards. We’ve tried it before but there was too many problems so we stopped using the ATM altogether. It is much easier for them to get cash then they can do what they want with it”. The HR Manager from Ansara Garment Factory reported that workers did not like using the ATM and they requested to be paid in cash. This was because even though they used the ATM, they still lost money because someone had stolen their card and then taken out all their money. The factory does not take any responsibility for cash lost in an ATM, therefore the workers requested for cash so that the responsibility lay with themselves. Issues such as not being able to withdraw their money from the ATM on pay day because the ATM was either broken or ran out of money was also cited as a reason for why the young women preferred to receive cash.

Each young women had their own individual strategy for keeping their money safe. Apart from carrying their cash with them at all times, a common strategy amongst the young women was to lin houay13 (pool money). The young women would keep a certain amount of money for food and consumption, some for remittances (in the case of those who have to send regularly) and the remaining money they would put into the shared pool. This enables them not only to save money but also gain a lump sum so that they can buy what they want e.g. to buy gold, put savings into the bank or send home a large amount rather than in small amounts. They acknowledge that it is much harder to buy gold now as it is much more expensive than it used to be but still they do not give up. They buy gold in small pieces; for example this time they would buy one houn (approximately 0.375 gram) and next time buy another houn or two based on the

13 Lin houay: For example A group consisting of five people agree on the amount of share of 200,000kip/month person. Each month everyone has to put in a bid on how much interest they will pay for the share. The person who puts in the highest bid will get the money first, in this case it is 800,000Kip (collect from the four members 200,000kip/each). Then on the following months that person will have to pay 200,000kip/month plus the interest to the remaining four until everyone gets their share. For the person that hasn’t receive their share yet they will continue to contribute 200,000kip/month until they get their share. The person who takes the money last usually receive the most because they receive not only the 800,000kip but also interest from the four members who took the money before them.

amount of money they can save until they can buy a necklace or bracelet which is about 15 grams of gold. They take the money they keep with them everywhere; to work and even when they take a bath unless they have a very good friend who they can leave the money with and take turns in looking after each other’s possessions when they take a bath. “I carry my money with me all the time even when I go and take a bath as I do not dare leave it the room because I am afraid someone will steal it” (Kang, Euangfa Garment Factory)

Stealing is one of the main causes for disagreement and can cause tension within the dormitory. “Sometimes we know that person has taken our shirt or pants but we have no proof so cannot get it back” (Pu, 20 years old from Vientiane province, Euangfa Garment Factory). According to the young women, things often get stolen, especially around Lao New Year because that is the time when the factory is closed for the long holiday and people go home. This 2011 holiday was especially long because the factory shut down for 4 days since Lao New Year started from Wednesday 13 April and through to Saturday 16 April. The factory resumed work again on Monday 18 April. According to the Dormitory Manager

“We occasionally have to settle arguments regarding lost clothing but what can we do. Unless the thieves are caught red-handed or there is proof of theft then we can do nothing. For all thefts that are caught red-handed they are not allowed to stay in dormitory or come near the dormitory anymore but they may still continue working at the factory (if they want to) that is unless they steal something from the factory then they are fired immediately. There is usually no problem with big items like motorcycle because there is a 24 security guard. As for the stolen items the factory will make an announcement for everyone who has lost things to come to look at the office for personal belongings”.

To date the factory can still not resolve the issue of stealing but they have taken on extra measures by ensuring that all visitors register with the guards. In addition they also do not allow street vendors inside the dormitory area. Therefore, all young women just had to take extra caution on days that they wash their clothes; such as sitting watching their clothes to ensure they don’t go missing or asking a friend to watch out

for them. Some measures even include hanging their wet clothes in their bedroom although this option was the least preferred because the young women are afraid that clothes would turn moldy, so this option is only used in emergency cases when they had to work on the weekend and had no time to wash and dry their clothes outside.

The young women also learned about the best ways of sending remittances home. These varied from the traditional way of sending money home with relatives or sending it with the daily bus to the most modern way of sending through Western Union. “Every month I have to send money to my younger brother who is studying in Luangprabang. Sending through Western Union is very easy, they are open even on Sunday so we don’t have to take a day off to send money” (Kang, Euangfa Garment Factory).

4.3.4 Social relations Though the young women are working and living in Vientiane, they still maintain regular contact with their families, in most cases through mobile phones. The parents of those women from better off families would already own a mobile so their parents may even buy a mobile phone for them to bring to Vientiane to keep in contact. However for the ones that do not own one they would buy a mobile phone not only for themselves but also for their parents so that they can keep in regular contact with their families. In addition, they also keep in contact through sending food or clothes or money to their parents and sibling. Young women from Vientiane province are able to travel home quite regularly but for women living far away from home it might be a year or two before they go to visit home, since sometimes high travel costs, mean that it is better to send home that money than use it for travel.

Peer influence was cited as one of the main reasons why the young women come to work in a factory. Friends not only have an influence on the young women before they start working at the factory but also when they are working in the factory. Young women often talk about the importance of friends and how having friends helps them to settle into their new life in the factory and in the dormitory. These may not be the friends who initially brought them to this factory but may be new friends that they have made at the dormitory. One of the things that the young women remember about when they first moved to live in the dormitory was how lonely and scared they felt. This was

because it was usually their first time away from home on their own in a strange place. In addition they have heard many bad things about Vientiane so they are very afraid and uncertain about what lies ahead for them. They talked about how they would cry to sleep every night for the first fortnight and thought about returning home as soon as they received their pay, but in the end they were able to get by because of encouragement from their friends. Since everyone is living away from their home, ‘friends’14in the dormitory become like a second family for them - they become very reliant on their friends from settling in to going about and around. “When I first came I didn’t know anything, my friends had to teach me everything from combing my hair to buying food” (Min, Ansara Garment Factory)

When the young women have a problem it also their friends who help them through the difficult times. Thus the young women also talk about how they have made true friends in the dormitory and how, in times of need, their friends had supported them both emotionally and financially. According to Kei from Ton Pheung Garment Factory, when her mother passed away, she was devastated but was lucky she had her friends around her to given her encouragement to pass through that difficult time. In addition she also needed a sum of money to assist with the funeral costs but had no savings as these were used up for her mother’s medical treatment at the hospital. If she had borrowed from someone other than her friends she would have had to pay interest but her friends helped out by lending her some money free of interest.

Friends are also one of main reasons that young women change the way they dress, especially during the settling in period. According to the Manager of the Dormitory of Euangfa Factory these changes are very notable:

“When they first come they are very ban nok (country bumpkin) dressed in old clothes and messy hair. It is very easy to tell who are the newcomers and who are the old ones just by looking at them. But then, a few months after they have received their wage, you can see them start wearing nice modern clothes, their hair straightened and done up nicely”.

14 Friends here does not necessarily mean people who they have known for a long time but can refer to new acquaintance made at the factory

The young women stated that the main reason for this change is that they did not want to be different from their friends and they also want to look and feel modern. As the Lao saying goes “mua khao muang tong lieu ta tam” or similarly in English “when in Rome do as the Romans do”. For Inh “We should do what the others do so as not to be different from them” (Inh, 16 years old from Luangprabang, Euangfa Garment Factory). Of course the change is gradual as they could not afford to buy everything all at once. “We cannot buy everything at once otherwise or we would not have any money to eat or save. One month we might buy one pair of trouser and one shirt and then another pair next month” (Min, Ansara Garment Factory). Min also argued that the modern clothing, such as shorts or tank tops, which she sometimes wore were not just to be in fashion but were more suitable for the hot weather.

“At first I didn’t like shorts at all and I didn’t dare wear them either. After some time my friends told me to try because it is much cooler than long trousers. To begin with, I wore shorts only to sleep and when I began to get used to it, then I started wearing it around the dormitory. Wearing a tank top (seua sai dieu) was the same, at first it felt very bare but now I’m used to it and it feels normal. However, even now I don’t dare to wear shorts or a tank top out of the dormitory but only around it. When I go out I change into something more proper”.

Though it cannot be denied that the young women change the way they dress in order to look modern, they also commented that they do not necessarily have to dress the same way as the people in the city. According to Kang from Euangfa Garment Factory “People in the city wear fashionable clothes but some of the clothes are so soe (show off, daring, low cut) they may look nice but it doesn’t mean that we will wear whatever we see. We also need to know what suits us and what is appropriate to wear”.

However friends did not only introduce young women to western clothing but also to modern Lao clothing, particularly the silk sinh and silk top. Silk sinh and silk top are commonly worn by people in the capital city and major provincial capitals but not in rural areas. These clothing are usually worn during formal events such as weddings or house ritual (heuan boun) and, through their friends, the young women also had a

chance to ok sangkom (go into society15) and participate in these formal events. With this exposure, it has made them increasingly aware of the difference between their hometown and the city. For example 28 year-old Song from Vientiane province commented on how nice and clean the people in the city look when compared to the people from her hometown. According to Song

“At home we don’t dress up, we can wear anything but here in the city you have to dress nicely like your friends. People in the city look elegant, have work to do and they dress nicely and look after themselves well. In ban nok (the country) people wake up in the morning, they don’t take a bath but just go straight to work. In Vientiane you can’t do that, you have to take a bath first” (Song, Euangfa Garment Factory).

Thus, in addition to the changes in dress and appearance, there are also changes to their personal hygiene. Furthermore they also attempt to modernize their look by straightening16 their hair because it will make them look good and modern just like the Thai movie star actress. For Pu one of the advantages with straightening the hair is that it was easier to manage, thus reducing the need to go into a hairdresser shop often since they could wash their hair themselves and their hair would still come out “nice and straight” (Pu, Euangfa Garment Factory). Going into a hairdresser shop was considered a luxury and they would only go only infrequently or on special occasions such as going to festivals or weddings.

However, it was not the just the way that they looked or dressed that made the young women that had just come to the city stand out from the others; it was also the way that they behave. According to Sa from Ton Pheung Garment Factory “At lunch time we have only one hour break and sometime the food they sell is not enough for all of us so you have to be fast. You can always tell who is a newcomer because of the way they act. They will not push to buy food but always wait patiently until everyone is gone

15 Society: according to the workers this refers to a variety of things such as the city, the shopping mall, entertainment places, weddings etc…

16 This involves going to a hair dresser and using a special formula which temporarily straighten their hair so that is looks nice and straight

before they go up to buy food. So by that time there is nothing left.” (Sa, Key Informant).

Sa said that she and her friends sometimes feel sorry for the newcomers so they share their food with them. They also tell the young women that they have to su (struggle) to survive in the city. However at times when there is not enough food to share, the newcomers would have to eat instant noodle for lunch instead. For young women instant noodles have become like an emergency food and they would usually stock up on instant noodles when they get their wage. This commodity is useful when they have to work late doing OT and become hungry or when all the food has run out. For the newcomers having to fight to buy food is something that they find strange. In addition, rushing through their lunch hour because there was only one hour break makes them miss home even more because at home they have their parents to provide food for them and they could take their time with their lunch.

Although the young women are able to adapt to this situation quite quickly they would often talk about how they miss going to collect vegetables from the fields or the forest. They also commented on the difference in the food that they eat in Vientiane. “The food in Vientiane is different to the food I’ve eaten before. I really enjoy eating sin heng (dried meat) and tam mi (like papaya salad but made from noodles). There are many other nice dishes that I sometimes I wish my parents were here to taste. I still like the traditional food but I like these new food too” (Song, Euangfa Garment Factory).

Near the factories besides the food stalls are also small vendors selling fresh vegetable and clothes so the young women often build a relationship with these vendors. They would refer to the owners as Mae Huk or Euay Huk (someone they respect as their mother or sister) and often these vendors will also let these young women tid ni (buy on credit) and pay back when they receive their pay. This is especially true for the clothes vendors as they would always tell the young women “if you like it just take it, you can pay back when you get your wage”. The vendors always seem to know when the young women get paid because they are always waiting outside the factory gate for them. In addition the vendors always hold a small talat nat (special market) on the days that the young women receive their wages.

4.4 Adaptation to work and dormitory life Adapting to their work and life in the factory and dormitory has empowered the young women not only because of their rising confidence but also as a result of greater personal responsibilities. Thus, it is this rising confidence and capability that enables then to adapt to the working and living environment.

The young women’s adaptation to their dormitory life empowered the young women through building greater personal responsibilities. Young women not only learn how to take care of themselves but they also how to look after their family. The young women talk about how they have become phou nhai khuen (grown up) because they now have more discipline (because of the strict rules and regulation of the factory), and have become more responsible because they are now self reliant and no longer financially dependent on their parents. Though they are living in the city, this has not changed their relationship with their family. Instead this has actually brought them closer to their family through sending remittance or items home.

However the increase of responsibility can also be disempowering since the expectations and financial burden of their family leave the young women little choice but to continue working at the garment factory because they are afraid that they will lose their income. Thus the autonomy gained is not straightforward because it involves having to work hard and provide for their family (GDG, 2011: 44). For example Leua who had been working at Ton Pheung Garment Factory for over 7 years complained of the boring nature and repetitiveness of her work. She would like to return home but cannot do so because of financial commitment to her family. “I don’t like working at the factory but I have no choice. If I go home I will have no money and I cannot go home if I don’t have any money. I really am tired of working here because the work is boring I just do the same thing every day” (Leua, 25 years old from Xiengkhouang province, Ton Pheung Garment Factory). A similar case is Kang from Euangfa Garment Factory, whose parents asked her to continue working at the garment factory and not to resign until after her brother had graduated from Law school as her parent could not afford his tuition fees and living expense in Luangprabang. As for Ping from Ansara Garment Factory, because her siblings are still studying she does not even want to think about the future and doesn’t have any plans yet.

Though the young women may claim that they have no choice, in reality it is their choice on whether to stay or leave. It is their choice to stay because of family commitment and in addition it is also because of the autonomy gained through having an income of their own. They are use to being self sufficient in terms of money so they do not want to go back to having to depend on their family for money. Moreover they are also afraid to go back to working under the sun or rain again because they have become so used to working in the shade.

The young women also talk about how they have become more knowledgeable because they have seen many places, met many people and been able to travel on their own. “When I first came to Vientiane I was so afraid. I didn’t dare speak with strangers or go anywhere on my own because I was afraid of getting lost. Now I have no problem in going around on my own and if I get lost I just ask my way” (Loy, 22 years old from Xiengkhouang province, Ton Pheung Garment Factory). Their exposure to the city life has also increased their level of confidence. Similarly for Na who had now been working at the garment factory for over five years “I have learnt lots of things since moving to the city. I have better manners and know how to talk to elders and even my mother praised me that I speak nicely now. All this I learnt from my relatives and my friends. “Dieu ni khao sangkhom dai lae””I can now mingle in the society” (Na, 25 years old from Champasak province, Ton Pheung Garment Factory).

4.5 Conclusion The move from rural to urban settings has brought about changes to the young women lifestyle, resulting in changes in their behavior and attitude. On the one hand the young women had to learn about efficient use of time because work was now defined by time. The work in the factory is completely different to what they used to do in the past and they have to learn how to work productively in a factory in order to maximize their income. This has led them to work not only in competition against time but also against each other. Furthermore they have to compete for food and adapt to the short lunch break. On the other hand the young women also learn to live with others. Through this process they actually mature and become more responsible as they not only have to learn to take care of themselves and but also their money, through pooling money, opening a bank account or turning money into assets through purchasing gold. In addition they also contribute to their families’ wellbeing through remittances. In 64

their new settings they also learn how dress up and behave like others, which not only satisfy their personal desire to be modern but (in their views) also allow them to be the same as the other women working in the factory or in the city.

In summary the ability to adapt to changes reveals the agency of young women as can be seen though their strategies to seek work in other factories or move up the hierarchy of employment. Personal changes can be viewed in terms of following their desires and aspiration to be modern which can be observed through changes in the way they dress, think and behave. Their increasing confidence and capability has also broadened their views and perspectives, which has led to their empowerment. Although they may be burdened by the financial responsibilities to their family, the final decision remains theirs regarding whether to stay or return to their hometown.

CHAPTER 5 PERCEPTIONS ON MODERNITY AND ITS IMPLICATIONS

This chapter explores the different views on modernity and the changes and effects of modernity on the life of the young women garment factory workers. It will look at some of the implications of these perceptions for their sense of personal identity, their ideas about the future and their altered views of the rural world from which they came.

5.1 Modernity in the context of the informants/workers The previous section reviewed changes that occurred in the working and living conditions of the young rural migrants in order to better understand how their backgrounds and environments have shaped their perspectives on modernity. However, before examining the perspectives of the young rural migrant women working in the factory, it is necessary to understand modernity in the context of Vientiane Capital in general and specifically in the context of their surroundings.

It is important to note that concepts such as modernity are always relative terms, not absolutes. Key characteristics of informants are their level of education and limited exposure to the city. Unlike in developed countries or developing countries such as Thailand, the majority of the young women working as wage laborers in the garment factory come from an agricultural background and have limited levels of education ranging from none to Secondary High School only. Therefore, their perception of modernity is very different from those living in Vientiane Capital and less sophisticated than young women workers from Thailand. In addition their perception of modernity is limited, only including that within the boundaries of the factories, the dormitories and through their short visits outside the factory into town.

The capital city of Laos, Vientiane, is the centre for political, culture and socio- economic development as well as the centre for education, entertainment and fashion. However, compared to neighboring countries such as Thailand or Vietnam it is still very much underdeveloped, especially in the suburbs. To date, there is only one modern shopping mall, a five storey building which is equipped with air conditioning, elevators 66

and escalators. An extension to this shopping mall is currently in the final stages of construction. Though modern in style, the malls do not feature international brands and, therefore, the urban elite continue to cross the Thai border in order to go shopping. However, for rural migrants, a trip to the shopping mall is one of the ways of spending their day off. Though they acknowledge that the prices in the malls are more expensive than in the local market, they mostly go there for window shopping and for the atmosphere. In addition, they also go there to buy gold as they believe that only “real” gold is sold at the mall. Other favorite places where the young rural urban women like to “hang out” on their days off are the Anou or Anousavaly17, along the banks of the Mekong river and the That Luang monument. During these trips nearly all the young women would have their pictures taken so as to show to their families and friends back at home the different places that they have been to whilst in Vientiane capital. For these young women the Anousavaly and the That Luang monument are symbolic of Vientiane capital, but the Mekong river banks and the natural surroundings remind them of their home and so they go there to relax.

During the survey, in order to gain the informants’ views and thoughts on characteristics of being modern, open-ended questions were asked about the things that they perceived as being modern. The question was asked in Lao language, using the same terms used by Mary Beth Mills; kwarm than samay (to be modern) and kwarm pen samay mai (to be up-to-date). Findings from the survey show that more than 51 percent associated being modern or up-to-date with being well dressed or wearing makeup. Another 22 percent of responses were related to people who are smart and have a good education while 6 percent thought that it related to people who like to go out (pai thieu). The remaining replied they didn’t know. The question was followed by another open ended question asking whether they liked kwarm than samay and the reason why. In response, 87 percent replied yes while 13 percent replied no. Up to 36 percent of the

17 Anou or Anousavaly: the former name of the Patuxai monument. The name was changed from Anousavaly monument to Patuxai in 1975 when the Government of Laos took control over the country but residents still call it by its former name. Foreigners also call Patuxai the "Champs Elysees of Vientiane", a counterpart of the Arc de Triomphe. Surrounding the monument is an elegant garden, known as Patuxai Park, with musical fountains making it a pleasant place to stroll or relax. The place is popular not only among Vientiane residents but has also become a popular tourist site. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Patuxai downloaded 16 July 2011)

respondents replied that the reason they liked modernity was because it was saduak sabai; 35 percent said it was because people wore nice clothes and used modern equipment; while 19 percent said they didn’t know. The term saduak sabai also came up again when questions were asked about their work place, living conditions and life in Vientiane.

The outcomes of the face-to-face interviews show that young rural women linked kwarm thansamay and kwarm pen samay may mainly to consumption. However the term saduak sabai also came up frequently, but this is a term which has no simple and ready translation in either English or Lao. Saduak sabai can be used many different ways in Lao language to mean such things as easygoing, good facilities or even being happy. For example, when asked what they liked about their work, their reply was “saduak sabai” because they worked under the shade. So in this case it could be translated as convenience but on the other hand when asked about their accommodation they also replied saduak sabai because of electricity and water so in this case they were referring to modern facilities. Thus, in order to better understand what the informants meant by saduak sabai in the different circumstances, further exploration of this word was undertaken in the group discussion and in-depth interviews. From the findings from these discussions it was concluded that the term saduak sabai was used to explain a set of values relating to ease in living such as contentment, convenience and freedom.

Based on these results, the perceptions of modernity held by the young rural women migrants working in the Vientiane garment factories can be categorized into two groups: modernity as consumption and modernity as a set of values that includes ease, comfort, contentment and freedom. This is consistent with the findings of Mills (1999) and Lin (2009) which implies the practice and imagination of “urban modernity” by the young women.

5.1.1 Modernity as consumption This perception reflects how modernity is practiced. The findings from the survey show that, on one hand, the young women’s perception of modernity was associated more with tangible things such as clothes, mobile telephones and jewelry whilst on the other hand it also involved the creation of self identity. According to Giddens (1990), modernity leads to the socio-cultural construction of identity since it opens up new

opportunities for individuals, enabling them to create their own self image (Giddens 1997 cited by Mills 1993). One of the main motivations for the young women to migrate to Vientiane to work in the factory was so they could earn an income and become financially independent. Engagement in wage labour made it possible for the young women to consume material goods and participate in the urban lifestyle (Thaweesit, 2000 p 89). This is consistent with the findings of Mills (1997) and many other researchers that through consumption, one can fulfill one’s self-image as thansamai (Thaweesit, 2000 p 89). In addition, the practice of their earning and consumption can lead to the construction of their selfhood (Firat and Hholakia 1998 cited by Thaweesit, 2000: 89).

As discussed in the previous section, one of the main changes that occur with young rural migrants when they first came to work in the garment factories was the change in the way they dress, because they did not want to be different from the others. So in this sense, their creation of self identity was not only for assimilation purposes but also for creation of a new status for themselves. As is the case in Thai language, “workers” in Lao language are called kammakorn or khon ngan (labourers), terms which can be used for unskilled labour for both men or women. Women working in factories are called sao hong ngarn (factory girls) but a man working in a factory would never be called bao hong ngarn (factory boys). The term sao hong ngarn has a derogatory connotation as it is associated with “bad”18 girls. As a result of this negative identity, women working in garment factories are often stigmatized or looked down upon by the surrounding society and their communities of origin (Phouxay and Tollesen, 2010). Thus, young women working in factories, especially garment factories, resent being called “factory girls”. This resentment was quite evident in the focus group discussions and in the in-depth interviews with young women: They asked the question: “Why do people look down on women working in factories?” According to Lin, a Ton Pheung Garment Factory worker, “I don’t understand why people look down on us. We are just normal workers trying to make a living. They call us sao hong ngarn (factory girls) but for women working in the office they are called phanakgnarn

18 “Bad” girls: this term was created by the part of the public referring to women who are promiscuous or has inappropriate behaviour.

hong karn (office employees)”. Of course, the young women acknowledge that there are some girls who do bad things, however they say that society should not make a general conclusion. For Lin “just because there is one bad fish, it doesn’t mean we are all bad”. Hence, the makeover (clothes, new hair style) has helped create a new image for themselves and also helped to increase their self confidence. In addition, the young women strive hard to earn money to create social status for themselves by saving money for the future or purchasing jewellery (mainly gold), which is not only regarded as a symbol of wealth but also a safe guard for the future, as this can also be turned into money. The young women are not sure how long they will be working in the factory, so they need to ensure that they have created some security for themselves in the future.

Another thing to note about the young women’s consumption is that it is not only for upgrading themselves but also for upgrading their families status through contributions to the household economy (farming equipment, livestock, siblings’ education etc..). In this sense, they were also creating a positive self-identity by conforming to the gender norms in which family members assess the value of young women through their contribution. (Hirai 1998, Muecke 1992 cited by Michinobu, 2004). The purchase of some consumable items such as mobile phones is not only a symbol of being modern but it also enables the young women to keep in contact with their families. Besides clothing, mobile phones are one of the first things that the young women purchase with their first wage payment. This demonstrates that ties to their home are not only economic but also emotional (Mills, 1997: 161). In the case of the young women from “better-off” families, their parents give them a mobile phone before coming to Vientiane so that they can call home and keep in touch.

The young women’s work in the garment factory work has allowed them to become not only earners and consumers, but has also producers. In Laos, as in many other developing countries, women are the main labour force in the garment industry so, without them, the garment industry would not be in existence. Thus, through their work in the factory, they have become involved in the capitalist culture of the factory that has turned its subjects into a modern labor workforce who are efficient and disciplined.

5.1.2 Modernity as a set of values This aspect is the way that modernity is seen to be a set of values which are constructed through imagination based on experiences in working and living conditions and through social relations (rather than on practical, tangible consumer goods). Modernity as saduak sabai refers to value systems associated with having an easier life as it relates to convenience, comfort and freedom.

Convenience When the young women migrant workers were asked about the difference between their home and the dormitory, the findings from the survey showed that 18 percent cited home as being saduak sabai while for 17 percent it was the opposite. For them the dormitory was more saduak sabai. Although the remaining 65 percent did not refer specifically to saduak sabai, it is implied through their responses such as: not having to work under the sun; freedom; fun because they have lots of friends and getting paid for their work.

Saduak sabai when used to talk about places can refer to facilities, such as having bright lights and flowing water (nam lay fay savang) or to having electricity and piped water. It was not surprising that there is not much of a difference between the percentage between home as being more saduak sabai and dormitory more saduak sabai since this shows the areas that these girls come from. For the girls that cite the dormitory as more saduak sabai, it shows that they come from very rural areas where electricity and piped water had not yet reached their village yet or if reached it was very limited. Hence, for them it is a major change as they are now working in shade in a large building under the air condition/fan and don’t have to carry or pump water because they can just turn on the tap. However, for those who have electricity at home, they actually find it quite a nuisance in terms of the restrictions on using electricity for personal use or for cooking.

“I am used to sleeping with the light on because I am afraid of ghosts but here I am not allowed to leave the lights on all night. At ten o’clock all lights must be turned off or we will get into trouble” (Ping, Ansara Garment Factory).

“There is no electricity in the rooms so we have to charge our mobile phone in the communal area. It is so inconvenient because there are so many people sometimes we have to wait until there is a free socket before we can charge our mobile. That is another reason why I don’t like cooking because sometime I have to wait a long time before there is a free socket for me to use” ( Kei, Ton Pheung Garment Factory).

Saduak sabai can also be used to refer to utilities such as the usage of modern agricultural equipments as these help make farm work easier and quicker or even mobile phones which make it easier to contact their family and friends.

However when used as saduak sabai nai kan pai ma this means having good roads, good transport (bus, motorcycle, jumbo19) so it is easy to get round and about and also make it easier for them to visit home. Many of the informants talked about the poor quality of their roads and how hard it was to get about, especially in the rainy season when the roads were nearly inaccessible, so their main transport became walking or riding on the buffalo carts.

The perspective of saduak sabai as convenience relating to infrastructure or facilities is very much influenced by the Government of Laos’ perception of modernity as progress and development. The priority of the government in development is developing the infrastructure. This objective is evident not only in the national strategy plans and papers but also in daily radio broadcasts to advocate the government’s directives. One example of this is on the daily morning radio program on FM103.7 at 7.30am each morning from Monday to Friday after the morning news. A typical opening line is as follow:

“Lao People’s Revolutionary Party is the leader, the Government is responsible for management while ownership is by the People. The Government always puts the needs of the people first. The Government’s goal is to eradicate poverty by focusing on creating roads and services for the people of Laos.”

19 Jumbo: or known as tuk tuk in Thailand or auto rickshaw is a three-wheeled cabin cycle for private use and as a vehicle for hire (auto rickshaw-Wikipedia)

The Government aim to create kwarm saduak sabai for the Lao people in order to ensure that people are living well, eating well and have good roads, electricity and access to services. Thus, it is not surprising that the young women associate kwarm saduak sabai with convenience as this is the discourse which is advocated by the government.

Saduak sabai as convenience can also refer to the ease of earning money (saduak sabai nai karn ha ngern). The young women acknowledge that working in the factory enables them to earn a lump sum or save money. This was different to the past when, even though they were able to earn some money either through weaving or doing odd jobs, they could earn only a small sum of money, just enough to purchase some personal ítems but not enough to contribute substantially to the household income. However, at the same time, the young women also acknowledge that living in the city it is easy to chai ngern (use money) because there are so many nice things to buy and that, therefore, if they do not use their money carefully or save their money they will have nothing left.

Comfort When talking about home, many of the informants talked about saduak sabai to explain the feeling of comfort at being at home. Hence the citation from over 19 percent of the respondents regarding lack of warmth (kad khuam ob oun) from family in the dormitory and saduak sabai, when referring to home, has the same meaning. At home, they were in their familiar background and they had their parents to take care of them and look after them, both when they were well and when they were sick. They also didn’t have to worry about finances as this was taken care of by their parents.

Living far away from home has made the rural young women not only reflect on the importance of their family but also the importance of having money; about its meaning and its value. While they acknowledge that living in the city it is saduak sabai nai kan ha ngern (easy to make money) at the same time they also admit that it is only sabai if you have money and work, otherwise it is better to live at home. According to 22 years old Nong from Khammouane province “At home if you don’t have any money you can kep phak sok kin dai (find vegetable or food) but in Vientiane if you don’t have any money then you don’t have anything to eat” (Nong, Ansara Garment Factory).

In addition the meaning of saduak sabai, when referring to home, also refers to the pace of their work, which was more seasonal in comparison with the continuous work in the factory (which would only stop in the event that the factory ran out of supply of raw materials). At home, they could work at their own pace and stop when they wanted to, or even take a break and rest if they were sick, but this was not the case at the factory. “At home if we are not feeling well we don’t have to go to work but at the factory even if we are not feeling well we have to go to work otherwise we won’t get paid for that day” (Min, Ansara Garment Factory). Thus, even if they are sick the young women will try to go to work and only rest in the case that they are too sick to work.

Freedom Living far away from home the young rural women enjoy more freedom than they usually do at home because they are no longer under parental control and are financially independent. This was expressed by the respondents as saduak sabai nai kan pai ma meaning freedom in going about; now that they are living far away from their parents they do not have to ask permission from their parents and can go out when they want and where they want. However, upon closer examination, when women refer to freedom they actually mean freedom to do what they want as well as to go where they want. When at home they also have a chance to go to festivals or socialize with their friends, but they would never be allowed to drink beer or go to entertainment places such as karaoke shops or bars as these actions would be seen as inappropriate. However, in Vientiane, there was no one to stop them or to disapprove of their actions.

Living in the city also provides the young rural migrants with an opportunity to visit many different places and to participate in the major festivals that take place in Vientiane Capital such Boun suang heua (Boat Race festival) and That Luang festival. The factories are closed during these festivals so that they can attend festivals in the day time. The young women usually go in a group, hiring a jumbo to take them to the festival and also to bring them back.

Though living in the city there is freedom to come and go, one restriction that the young women living in dormitories face is the rules and regulations within the dormitory. The dormitory closes the doors at 10.30pm and the women have to return

before the gate closes or risk getting their names reported to the Management. The dormitory was, therefore, not only a place provided by the factory for convenience of the workers but also a place used to control the workers and ensure that they return back at a reasonable hour so that they would not be too tired to work the next day. Though it cannot be denied that some young women go to entertainment places more frequently than others, the majority interviewed stated that they would only go once in a while. One of the reasons given was that they were too tired to go out after working all day or that if they did go out and came back late they would be too tired to go to work the next and therefore not be able to earn any money that day. Thus, the long working hours and the potential earnings limited the women’s socializing. Leisure activities cost money; for example, drinks in entertainment places cost three times more than normal market price, so if they went too often they would not have much money left for saving or buying things.

The findings indicate that young women had misinterpreted the act of socializing, by drinking beer or going to entertainment places, as a sign of being modern. This was clearly reflected in their response that they only went along because they wanted to socialize with their friends but they didn’t really enjoy going to the bar or even drinking beer. It was just an opportunity to perd hou per ta (open their ears and eyes).

5.2 Tension and contradiction The findings from the survey show that 77 percent of the respondents felt that they had made the correct decision in coming to work at a factory in Vientiane; not only because could they earn money but because they could also look after themselves and their families. At the same time, 11 percent of the respondents believed that that they had made the wrong decision and 12 percent didn’t know whether coming to work in Vientiane was correct or not. The reason cited on why they didn’t know if their decision was correct or not was that they had to work hard but earned little money. These findings reflect the ambiguity of the rural young woman’s position as a factory worker. On the one hand, they can establish a modern identity through changes in the way they dress, speak and behave but on the other hand, is their identity as a provider, through their contribution to their families. The modern identity is the one which is most noticeable; however the identity as a provider is not obvious if contributions are in other forms for e.g. education for siblings rather than building a new house or purchase 75

of new farming equipment. The young women are often under the scrutiny of the villagers from their hometown because of negative images of women migrant workers in garment factories as being associated with sex work. The villagers expect to see changes in the status of families that have daughters working in Vientiane, so if they do not see any changes they wonder why the young women do not send their parents any money. This was the case with Kei, Ton Pheung Garment Factory, who has been working in the garment factory for more than 10 years. Whenever she returns home, she is subject to skepticism or gossip by the villagers. They would make sarcastic or scornful remarks such as “how much money do you bring home this time” or “how come you aren’t rich since you have been working in Vientiane for a long time already”. They expect the young women to be making lots of money so when they don’t see these young women become rich then they wonder why the young women don’t have much money. According to Kei, “They don’t realize how hard I have to work to earn money”. (Kei, Ton Pheung Garment Factory). In addition added Kei, “If I went home skinny and pale they would also ask me what have I been doing to become so skinny and pale. And even if I told them that I have been sick, I can still see the disbelief in their eyes because they think that I have been doing something bad”.

In addition to the ambiguity in the young women’s identity, there is also ambiguity in their perception of modernity as saduak sabai because the phrase saduak sabai refers to both physical and emotional aspects of this term. Although there is appreciation of the “comfort” and “convenience” offered in the city, at the same time the young women also acknowledge the long working hours, the monotonous work or even the economic strains because of their limited wage, all contributing to their feeling ill of ease or homesick. This contradiction was expressed by young women through their remarks that that there was not much difference between living at home or at dormitory/city because they are saduak in different ways. At home they are touk kai tae sabai chai20 but at the dormitory/city they are sabai kai tae touk chai21.

20 Touk kai sabai chai : if translate word for word means our body may endure hardship but we are happy. Here the young women suggests that even if they have to work hard but they are happy or have no worries

21 Sabai kai tae touk chai: they may be living in comfort but they are not happy

5.3 Implications of perceptions of modernity . These are the implications of changes brought by the young women’s perception and practice of modernity. The results of the findings show that there are two main implications: change to self and change in family. Change to self implies: (1) the change from ‘rural self’ to ‘urban self’ leading to new characteristics as expressed through their clothing, manners, behavior; and (2) new goals in life, such as valuing their independence or their changing views about marriage. The implications for the family are a consequence of the change from rural self to urban self, which has resulted in a labour shortage for families and also the families expectation from the young women.

The young women’s perceptions of modernity, based on both practice and imagination, have huge implications for their sense of self. These perceptions have influenced their ideas about both rural and urban life and their relationships to both the modern world and the place from which they came. It was obvious, through the changes in the perceptions of young women working in the city, that they try to discard the rural self in order to create an urban self. Though in the interviews the young women may claim not to have changed, my observations suggest that the changes that occur can be seen both physically (outside appearance) and in their way of thinking. For example, when describing or talking about their hometown or people at home they would refer to ban nok (from the countryside, backward) but they do not consider themselves as ban nok because they are now living and working in city. They try to create an urban identity in order to move from the ban nok country identity. Similarly, their construction of the concept saduak sabai, which expresses how they view city life and how their families view it, also requires them to live up to that impression i.e living in comfort.

The changes by the young women do not go unnoticed by their family. Many of the young women said that their parents praised them because they had grown up and become more responsible, while their friends and siblings praise them because they have become more beautiful and fairer than before, and because they dress fashionably. Many of the respondents said that it was OK for them to wear trousers home, but there were a few respondents who said that they didn’t wear trousers home or they would be looked down upon by the villagers as being dressed inappropriately. But even though 77

trousers were accepted by most parents, parents did not approve them wearing shorts (especially above the knee). Some parents ask them not to wear shorts at home at all while others allowed them to wear them at home but requested that they put a sinh over them or change out of them as soon as they have guests coming to the house.

It was not only interesting to note how parents accepted the changes in their daughters, but also the changes in attitudes and ways of thinking of the parents. In the past parents in rural area tend to be worried that their daughters will keun karn (not be able to get married) if they are over 20 years old. Usually the age for marriage in rural areas is from 16 years old, so once the daughters have past their twenties and are still not married then parents are worried that their daughters will not be able to find a partner. However from my discussions with the young women at the garment factory who were over 22 years of age, none of their parents seem worried that they were still single. Even when the parents were worried they did not force their daughter to return or try to arrange a marriage for them. According to Song from Ton Pheung Garment Factory “my parents told me to save lots of money and if I meet someone I like I should just marry him. Just be sure to choose the right person”. This was also similar to Loy from Ton Pheung Garment Factory whose parents not only was not worried but also encouraged her to try to find a husband while in Vientiane “My parents are not worried about me having a family yet or not nor do they try to find a husband for me. They just told me to do my best at work and if I meet someone I like then I should marry him because there is nothing at home”. In the case of Pha, who has been working at the factory for over 10 years, her parents are more worried about her safety in Vientiane.

“My parents worry about me because I live in Vientiane so they always tell me to be careful wherever I go. They are also worried that I won’t be able to find a husband but they do not look for one for me or force me to return home to get married. My aspiration is to get married and find work which is not as labour intensive as this one”. (Pha, 30 years old from Vientiane province, Ton Pheung Garment Factory).

The change in the expectations of parents (particularly in rural areas) regarding marriage or that their daughters will return home may be explained by the fact they too are imagining saduak sabai. They think that their daughters are well off in the city

already so they do not see a reason for them to return. In addition they believe the city offers many more opportunities for their daughters so they do not want them to return to the backward life at home. They want their daughters to find someone rich to marry and have a better life. Though another explanation for why parents do not demand that their daughters return home is due to the fact that their daughter has past the marriage age so they may be afraid that even if she returns no one will marry hers.

According to Amin et al (1998) delayed marriage for garment factory workers in Bangladesh was seen as a positive opportunity as it created a period of adolescence for them, however in this case delayed marriage did not occur by choice of these young rural women migrant but because there was no prospective suitor waiting for them. Interesting though was an observation was made by Ping (aged 22) from Ansara Garment Factory regarding delayed marriage for working women in the city and in the garment factory: “I noticed there are many “sao kae sao thao22” in the city and also in the garment factory. I wonder if it is because women in the city don’t care about getting married or is it because they don’t have time”. Here she was probably comparing the women she observed in the city to their experience in the factory, the fact that they had no time to socialize or meet anybody because they were always working. Ping added

“This seems to be normal in the city so I’m not worried that I’m not married yet and if I don’t get married, at least I won’t be alone as the majority of my friends working in the factory are all single. There are also many women here who are older than me and still unmarried”.

This was also echoed by 30 years old Kei from Ton Pheung Garment who said that she believed if she is destined not to have a partner then she will stay single but she is not afraid because many of her friends of the same age in the factory are also single.

These responses show that many women have changed their perception of marriage. On the one hand this shows the autonomy that the young women have gained from their experiences in the city, making them more self reliant so that they regard not getting married as less of an issue than the young women in rural areas. On the other

22 Sao kae sao thao: in Laos this term is commonly used for women who have past the marriage age and are still single. This is similar to the English term of ‘old maid’.

hand it shows that they did not put too much emphasis on getting married and starting a family.

The aspiration to find someone rich to marry, have a house and have land in Vientiane is shared by many of the young rural migrant women working in garment factories in Vientiane. Marriage is seen as a means of upward social mobility for women (Thadani and Todaro 1984 cited by Chaw Chaw 2003). However the realities of the hard work, long hours and limited social relations, limit their possibility of marrying upwards make them realise that their aspirations are just illusions.

Though the young women interviewed said that they are not worried about not getting married, this contradicts their view that they are afraid that they will have no one to look after them in future. For Kei she said that by sending remittances home regularly to her siblings she hopes that one day her nieces or nephew will look after her when she no longer has an income. Moreover she also puts importance into having money saved up for future in case there is no one to look after her. But this, she said, is preferable to getting married to someone “bo dee” (bad) because it will make them touk chai (have lots of worry) especially as you cannot trust men in the city because they are lo lae (irresponsible) so staying alone is sabai chai kwua (have no worries).

This shows that the young women working in the city also rely on the traditional bun khun23 relationship with their family, not only because they were being the “dutiful daughter” but with the hope that the merit earned will come back to them in the future; as the saying goes one good deed deserves another.

From my observation most of the young women still view the rural areas as their homeland. They still have deep ties and connection with their home as they consider this as a nest where they rely on for warmth and comfort. It will always be a place that they can return to recharge their batteries when they are in need of a break from the routine factory work, when they are sick, or when they are troubled (bo sabai chai). The young women maintained their ties with their family not only through remittances but also their regular visits home and keeping in regular contact by phone. The

23 Bun Khun: “The relationship is conceive as a debt of earned merit of the one who has received the meritorious good of another to reciprocate with gratitude (kattanyu) and respect (naptuu)” (Mills 1997 p 94)

influence of living in the urban setting was evident, however, through their attempts to modernise their home and bring kwarm saduak sabai to their family by financing the renovation or building a house. Furthermore, installation of modern facilities (electricity, water) and the purchase of luxury items such as motorcycles, televisions or refrigerators for use by the family.

Although the rural village is still considered their homeland, it may not necessarily be the place where they will live or settle down. The findings from the survey and in-depth interviews show that most of the young women express their desire to return home, but it was not obvious from the discussions when this would happen and whether the return home would be just for a visit or permanent. Especially for the women who had already purchased land in Vientiane, the likelihood of returning home was even lower.

Another implication of change which cannot be denied is the lost labour for the family. Though the young women will continue to contribute financially to the household there is little chance of them returning to agriculture or farm work. They are afraid to go back to working in the sun or rain again because they have become so used to working in the shade. In addition they are used to being self sufficient in terms of money, so they do not want to go back to having to depend on their family for money. For the women that do return to their hometown, they are more likely to open a small shop (tailoring, hairdressing, processed food) of their own than to return to farming.

This implies that the young women are now thinking more seriously about their future. Now that they are engaged in the market economy they are thinking about more than subsistence and putting more importance upon having money. Their aspiration is to save a lump sum to use as capital in the future, to buy gold, land, build a house, or use as a safety net in the future.

5.4 Conclusion This section discussed modernity in the context of Laos and in the context of the young rural migrant women working in garment factories. It also examined these young women’s perception of modernity from two perspectives: (i): modernity as consumption; and (ii) modernity as part of their values systems. Modernity as consumption is more than just consuming material goods but is also a means for 81

creating a new self within the society and within their respective families. It is through consumption and investment that the young women maintain their commitment to their family through their financial contribution. Modernity as a values system, related to the phrase kwarm saduak sabai, refers to ease of living, particularly in terms of comfort, contentment and freedom. However, the negative image of young female factory workers created by part of society gives rise to ambiguity in the young women status as factory workers’ and also raises contradictions in the term kwarm saduak sabai within the context of the city.

The perception of modernity as consumption or as saduak sabai is very much influenced by the government’s directive on poverty reduction. It is a result of the government’s policy on the New Economic Mechanism that the young women become engaged in garment factories has and are turned not only into consumers but also producers in the garment industry.

Finally, this chapter examined the important implications that these perceptions had on the self identity of the young women. Although there may be changes to the young women’s appearance and behavior, they still maintain strong ties with their family. They still consider the rural setting as their homeland but it is often unclear whether they will return only for a visit or to stay permanently. In the event they do return it is usually not to farm work but to other occupations. One of implications of working and living in the city was delayed marriage. The long working hours and limited social relations hinder their opportunity to meet and marry someone. Remittance is, therefore, their way of maintaining the ties with their family, not only by being the dutiful daughter but also with the hope that in the future the son or daughter of their siblings will look after them in the event that they do not get married and have a family of their own.

CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Rural migrant women constitute the majority of the workforce in garment factories in Vientiane but there is very little literature in Laos about them. The existing literature tends to portray the young women as passive agents driven mainly by economic factors and there is also a stereotype negative image associated with women working in garment factories. Thus the purpose of this study is to understand more about rural migrant women working in garment factory, in order to find out who they are, where they come from and why they have come to work in the garment factory? The study will help inform others about the life and experiences of rural migrant women while working in Vientiane. My enquiry was motivated by the argument of Mills (1997) who claimed that financial enrichment alone cannot explain the desire to migrate and that this desire might be partly explained by women’s “aspiration for modernity” or the “desire to be up-to-date”. By exploring the working conditions, living conditions and social relations within the urban setting, this study looked at how modernity influences the young women to become active agents, enabling them to adapt to the changes and the mechanisms used in this process. In addition the study also looks at young rural migrant women’s perceptions, the implications and how these perceptions have affected their sense of self.

6.1 Theoretical Discussions of the Findings The changes and adaption that take place following the young women’s move to work in the garment factory were discussed in Chapter 4. In exploring the agency of the young rural migrant women, first of all I look at the ability of the women to take control over their own lives and make their own choices by examining their working conditions, living conditions and social relations.

As the majority of the women have come from agricultural backgrounds, the work in the factory is completely different to what they used to do in the past. The young women have to learn new skills and also how to work efficiently and productively in order to maximize their income. In addition working in the factory requires them to

work according to strict rules and regulations, hence work in the factory requires ongoing improvement from probation period to when they start working on the production line. In the dormitory the necessary learning includes learning to live with others, to take care of themselves and also their families. They learn different strategies for how to use money efficiently and also different ways to save money such as lin huay (pool money) or investing in gold. Their work has empowered them as it has enabled them to become more responsible, self reliant and self dependant, but at the same time the long work hours; monotonous and repetitive work; small amount of money earned and harsh words from their supervisors lead to disempowerment for the young women. Furthermore there is also the financial burden from their families. Therefore young women are faced with the decision as to whether they should continue to stay working in the factory, move to another factory or return home. Though they are pressured by their families to remain working in the garment factory for fear of loss of income, the final decision still rests with the young women, thus revealing the agency of the young women as they choose their future path. In terms of personal changes, this demonstrates how they pursue their desires and aspiration to be modern through changes in the way they dress, think and behave. Their increasing confidence and capability has also empowered them through their broadened views and perspectives.

Mobility can be seen through the young women movement between occupations such as through the change from agricultural work to work in the garment factory. This form of movement reflects horizontal mobility (Sonsaneeyarat, 1997). In addition mobility is also demonstrated through their strategies to seek work in other factories or move up the hierarchy of employment from unskilled to skilled workers or from normal workers on the production line to becoming line leaders.

The different views on modernity and the changes and effects of modernity on the life of the young women garment factory workers was highlighted in Chapter 5. This Chapter also discusses some of the implications of these perceptions for their sense of personal identity and how this has altered their ideas and views about the future and the rural world from which they came.

The perception of the young women towards modernity was very much shaped by their education and culture within the context of a developing country going through an

economic transition. As with Mills, I have found that the young women both practice and imagine modernity within urban settings. The young women were able to practice modernity through consumption, thus enabling them to create a new self identity (urban identity) and at the same time maintaining their role of the “dutiful daughter” via remittances. In addition the young women also strive to obtain the kwarm saduak sabai that they imagined they would find through their work and social relations in the city. This has resulted in contradictions in their perceptions towards rural and modern life and their everyday practices.

In Mills findings on modernity, she also refers to comfort and values, but the perception of modernity as saduak sabai, as found in this research, provides a deeper meaning as it covers not only the physical aspects but also the emotional aspects of modernity. This was best expressed through the young women’s quote “At home we are touk kai tae sabai chai24 but at the dormitory/city we are sabai kai tae touk chai25”.

Moreover, unlike the findings of Mills, the young rural women working in garment factories in Laos display their up-to-date status more at an individual level rather than at the community level. The young women contribution is mainly to their household, family income or sibling’s educational costs and therefore their contribution is not always visible to the community unless they have built a new house for their parents. What is most obvious is the changes in their appearance or behaviour. This is in contrast to the findings of Mills study of workers from North Eastern Thailand where they display their wealth and modern status through Buddhist ceremonies such as ngan thod phapaa or through donations to their village temple.

Social mobility was restricted by the long working hours and the location of the factory on the outskirts of town, and so there was limited opportunity to socialise or meet with someone above their class. This has resulted in the young women not only having little prospect of marrying upwards but even marrying within their own class because of the standards set in rural areas about the age of marriage. In addition the

24 Touk kai sabai chai : if translated word for word means “our body may endure hardship but we are happy”. Here the young women suggests that, even though they have to work hard, they are happy or have no worries

25 Sabai kai tae touk chai: they may be living in comfort but they are not happy

negative image created by part of the society also gives rise to ambiguity in the young women status as factory workers and at the same time raises contradiction in terms of kwarm saduak sabai within the context of the city. As a result the young women realise that their aspirations for a better life and better future are not all attainable.

From the findings it can be concluded that modernity in the context of Laos is not seen as incompatible with tradition, as tradition and culture still plays an important role within the society. Mills refered to the samai korn samai mai values but these do not apply in the context of Laos. As a result of the government’s concern over the influence from the Thai media and the exposure of Lao youth to the modern world, Lao Leaders have encouraged a return to cultural practices and traditions which constituted part of daily life in the past (prior to the revolution) especially in Vientiane capital. Thus it is not possible to classify which practices represent the past or the present as they are still being practiced. Thus through the young women’s presence in the Vientiane Capital they have a chance to practice or participate in the culture or tradition which is being promoted by the Lao authorities such as participation in the That Luang festival including the vien thiene ceremony (procession around the That Luang stupa on the eve of the full moon) or the tak baht ceremony (giving alms to monk) on the morning of the full moon at the That Luang arcade. Moreover wearing sinh to formal events is the normal practice in Vientiane and, for the Lao Leaders, women play an important role in preserving the tradition and culture, through their behaviour (having good manners, respecting the elders) and preserving the dress code such as noung sinh biang phae26 (wearing sinh and draping a Lao scarf over their shoulders). This is the government’s expectation of ‘women in the new era’ or mae nhing nhuk mai, which is different to mae nhing samai mai or the image of modern women which the young women try to create through wearing modern fashion and adopting modern behaviour. However despite the modern image they create the women still maintain their role of the dutiful daughter. Though they may view themselves as being modern, these women still view their rural village as their homeland and maintain deep ties and connections with their family; but whether they return to stay at home or not is another matter.

26 Noung sinh biang phae: traditional Lao women attire in formal ceremony or when attending Buddhist ceremony or going to the temple 86

6.2 Significance of the Findings and Recommendations The findings show that the main motivation for rural urban migration is the aspiration for modernity. As long as there is still a big disparity between rural and urban areas, rural migrants will continue to come to Vientiane to experience the modern settings of the Vientiane capital. In addition, with the growing garment industry in Laos there will be an ongoing demand for women, as they are the main labour force in this sector. Therefore, rural-urban migration is inevitable. While young rural women may not be hapless victims it cannot be denied that they are victims of exploitation because of the low wages, the long working hours and poor working conditions such as poor lighting, poor ventilation. Government officials and development workers should pay immediate attention to these issues by providing the young women with knowledge and basic skills so that they are better equipped and prepared for work in the factory. This could include knowledge about local labour laws and regulations so that workers are aware of their rights and training to understand the wage and overtime system so that they are not exploited. Moreover it is necessary to teach them basic skills such as how to sew or use the sewing machine or even numeracy skills. Presently there are already initiatives in place which focuses on preventing rural urban migration among youth by creating livelihood activities but these activities would be more effective if the focus was shifted to preparing them for work in the urban areas instead. In addition relevant authorities should ensure that local labour laws are strictly enforced within garment factories to protect the rights and benefits of the workers. Furthermore factory owners should improve the ventilation, lighting system, water sanitation system both in the work place and dormitory so that it meets the occupational safety and health standards. The issue of overcrowded accommodation should also not be overlooked.

The findings also show that there is a need to strengthen the social protection system in Laos. This does not only apply specifically to the workers in the garment factory but to the population in general. Workers are only covered under the social security system during their period of employment, which is why the young women were worried about their future because the State does not have scheme in place which looks after them when they leave the garment factory. Hence policy makers should consider the possibility of setting up some type of social protection scheme such as a

pension or payment of a lump sum to workers when they leave the factory so as to reduce their vulnerability in old age when they can no longer find employment.

Another important finding was the lack information easily accessible to the young women. The fact that they are living far away from home and are no longer under parental control may cause loneliness and opportunities to socialise along with many other factors can lead them into risky behaviour; hence the young women are at risk from Sexually Transmitted Diseases (STDs) and HIV/AIDS. Though most factories allow NGOs or mass organisations to come in to raise awareness of STD and HIV/AIDS to the workers at least once a year, this session is held only for the newcomers as it is perceived by the management that training had already been provided to the others when they first arrived. There is no refresher training or awareness raising for the workers that have stayed longer than one year. It is recommended that the awareness raising session should be held at least once a year and this should not be restricted only to the newcomers but open to all workers. In addition factory owners should encourage workers to access the free services available in Vientiane such as the services provided by Vientiane Youth Centre for Development under the Lao Women’s Union. This centre provides various services to young people such as toll free hotline telephone counselling on reproductive health and STD, treatment and referrals.

During this research “women acting like men and men acting like women” emerged as one of the implications of modernity. This thesis however did not include sexuality as a focus, hence I did not explore this issue any further. However recognising the fact that this issue should not be neglected therefore this would be an interesting topic to pursue in any future study conducted within the garment factory.

In conclusion, this research has given me the opportunity to meet young women from rural areas making their way in life both enabled by and beholden to the garment industry. This research has broadened my understanding on the motivation and lives of rural migrant within urban settings. I hope that this research was able to some extent capture their struggles and challenges as women migrant workers so that more attention and support can be provided to improve their work and living conditions. I also hope that these findings will contribute to appropriate interventions being put in place so as to

develop the skills of the rural women migrants prior to coming to work in Vientiane to ensure that they are better equipped and prepared for work and life within the factory.

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APPENDICES

Code

APPENDIX 1 QUESTIONNAIRE

Information for the interviewer

First of all I would like to introduce myself and explain the reason why I have come to collect data.

My name is …………………………………….. I am assisting the Masters’ student from NUOL to interview young women working in the garment factory in order to collect data to write a thesis under the title of “Modernity of young rural migrant working in garment factories in Vientiane Capital”

First of all I would like to request for your permission to ask your information and I would like to thank you in advance for sacrificing your time to answer this questionnaire. I vow that all data collected will be used solely for research purpose. There is no right or wrong answers. Your answers will be very beneficial for all who are researching on this topic. The interview will take about 35 minutes.

Target group 1. Young women between the age of 16-25 2. Single (have never been married before or have a husband) 3. Move from other province to come to work in Vientiane Capital

Advice on how to answer the questionnaire Please select one answer or add the answer in the blank space provided. Example: 9. Did you decide to come to work in Vientiane by √ a. Yes

yourself? b. No

Specific Information

Age: Ethnic group: Hometown: City: Province: Number of members in family: Female: Male: 95

Part I: Personal data

Question Answer/choices 1. Profession of father? ฅ a. Farmer ฅ b. Merchant ฅ c. Teacher ฅ d. Government official ฅ e. Private Sector ฅ f. Worker

ฅ g. Other (specify))......

2. Profession of mother?? ฅ a. Farmer ฅ b. Merchant ฅ c. Teacher ฅ d. Government official ฅ e. Private Sector ฅ f. Worker

ฅ g. Other (specify))......

3. Main source of family income? ฅ a. Crops (do not read out the answers but you can ฅ b. Livestock mark more than one answer) ฅ c. Salary father/mother ฅ d. Daily wage labour ฅ e. Money from Relatives ฅ f. Money from children ฅ g. Others (specify) ………………………….. …………………………………………………

4. Level of Education completed? ฅ a. Primary year…………… ฅ b. High school year………… ฅ c. Technical school ฅ d. Did not go to school 96

5. Profession before moving out of home? ฅ a. Farmer ฅ b. Merchant ฅ c. Weaving ฅ d. Nothing

ฅ e. Other (specify)......

6. Reason come to work in Vientiane? ......

7. Did you make your own decision to come ฅ a. Yes to work in Vientiane? ฅ b. No 8. Who advised you or gave you information ฅ a. Parents about work in Vientiane? ฅ b. Brother, sister ฅ c. Friends ฅ d. Relatives ฅ e. Villagers/neighbours ฅ f. Broker ฅ g. Other (specify) ......

...... 9. Who brought you to Vientiane? ฅ a. Parents ฅ b. Brother, sister ฅ c. Friends ฅ d. Relatives ฅ e. Villagers/neighbours ฅ f. Broker ฅ g. Other (specify)......

...... 10. Did your parents agree for you to come ฅ a. Yes to work in Vientiane? ฅ b. No 11. Do you have brother/sister/relative working ฅ a. No in Vientiane? ฅ b. Yes ฅ If yes what are they doing? where do they work? ………………………………………………………

Part II: Work Question Answer/choices 12. What work are you doing in the factory? ฅ a. Line leader ฅ b. Worker (sewing, quality check, packing etc) ฅ c. Cleaner ฅ d. Other (specify)...... 13. Before coming to work in this factory in ฅ a. No Vientiane did you work anywhere else? ฅ b. Yes ฅ If yes what work did you do? where did you work? ......

How many years have you worked in 14. ……………… years this factory? How many hours do you usually work in 15. ……………….. hours one day? 16. Do you work OT? ฅ a. No ฅ b. Yes, from ……. O’clock till …… O’clock 17. If not? Why did you not work OT? ฅ a. No material ฅ b. Tired ฅ c. Go out with friends ฅ d. Go to work somewhere else ฅ e. Other (Specify) ...... 18. Besides working in this factory did you ฅ a. No go to work anywhere else? ฅ b. Yes Where did you work? ฅ 1. Beer shop, Karaoke ฅ 2. Restaurant ฅ 3. Other ......

......

How many friends do you have in the 19. ………………… person factory? 20. Outside the factory how many good ………………… person friends do you have?

21. Where do your good friends like to go? ฅ a. Nowhere (do not read out the answers but you ฅ b. Market can mark more than one answer) ฅ c. ITECC ฅ d. Beer shop, Karoke shop ฅ e. Restaurant ฅ f. Anousavary ฅ g. That Luang ฅ h. Other (specify) ......

22. While working in this factory did you ฅ a. No (if this answer move to question no 24) move to work in other factory? ฅ b. Yes Explain the reason why ฅ 1. Go with friends ฅ 2. Go with broker ฅ 3. Go with relative ฅ 4. Other (specify) …………………… ………………………………………………… …………………………………………………

23. Why did you return to work at the ฅ a. This factory is better (money, factory? accommodation, not strict, do not have to work hard) ฅ b. Miss friend ฅ c. New place is too far cannot go out ฅ d. Other (specify) ……….………………… …………………………………………………

24. Are you satisfied with your current work? ฅ a. Yes ฅ b. No 99

25. What do you like best about working in this factory? ………………………………………………… ………………………………………………… ………………………………………………… ......

26. What do you not like about working in this factory? ………………………………………………… ………………………………………………… ………………………………………………… ......

Part III: Accommodation Question Answer/choices 27. Where are you staying? ฅ a. Dormitory ฅ b. Rented house ฅ c. Relative’s house 28. If compared current accommodation with ฅ a. Not different your house what is the difference? ฅ b. Different (probe for answer) ฅ Explanation……………………………………… …………………………………………………… ……………………………………………………

29. If you could improve the dormitory what do think should be improved? ………………………………………………… ………………………………………………… ………………………………………………… …………………………………………………

100

Part IV: Social relations Questions Answer/choices 30. What do you usually do when on the day ฅ a. Fair you receive your wage? ฅ b. Buy food to eat with each other ฅ c. Go to beer shop, discoteque ฅ d. Other (specify)…………..…………………… ………………………..…………………………… …………………………………………………

31. Since coming to work in Vientiane what ฅ a. Motorcycle have you bought so far with your ฅ b. Gold (necklace, ring, bracelet) wage/savings? ฅ c. Mobile (do not read out the answers but you ฅ d. Clothes can mark more than one answer) ฅ e. Cosmetic ฅ f. Land ฅ g. All above ฅ h. Other (specify)...... …………………………………………………

32. If you are currently saving money what ฅ a. Motorcycle are you saving for? ฅ b. Gold (necklace, ring, bracelet) (do not read out the answers but you ฅ c. Mobile can mark more than one answer) ฅ d. Clothes ฅ e. Cosmetic ฅ f. Land ฅ g. All above ฅ h. Other (specify)...... …………………………………………………

33. Why do you want to buy that item? ………………………………………………… …………………………………………………

......

101

34. Is your wage sufficient? ฅ a. Yes ฅ b. No If no explain ฅ 1. Send home to parents ฅ 2. Use up with food ฅ 3. Use up with goods ฅ 4. Other (specify)………………………. ………………………………………………..… …………………………………………………

35. After work do you go out? ฅ a. No ฅ b. Yes If yes where have you been to? ฅ 1. Beer shop, bar, Karaoke ฅ 2. Restaurant ฅ 3. Friend’s house ฅ 4. Other......

In a week how often do you usually 36. …………. Times hangout with your friends? 37. Where do you go on your day off? ฅ a. Nowhere ฅ b. Visit parents ฅ c. Go out (specify) ...... ฅ d. Other (specify)...... ………………………………….………………..…

38. Where do you go on your annual leave ฅ ກ. Home

or when there is a long holiday? ฅ ຂ. Go out to play (specify)...... ฅ ຄ. Other (specify)...... …………………………………………..,………..… …………………………………………..,………..…

102

In one year how often do you return 39. …………….. times home? In one year how often does your 40. …………….. times parent/family come to visit you? 41. How do you usually contact your home? ฅ a. Never contact (go to Question No. 43) (do not read out the answers but you ฅ b.Telephone can mark more than one answer) ฅ c. Mobile phone ฅ d. Write letter ฅ e. Go home on visit ฅ f. Other (specify) ………………………..……… …………………………………………..,……….. …………………………………………………

42. How often do you contact your home? ฅ a. Times …………..… week ฅ b. Times ……………. month ฅ c. Times ……………… year

43. After you have come working in Vientiane ฅ a. No is there any change to your family? How ฅ b. Yes has it change? Explanation …….….…………………………… (probe into response) …………………………………………..,………..…

Part V: Modernity Questions Answer/choices 44. Since working in Vientiane where have ฅ a. Morning market you been? Tell all the places you have ฅ b. ITECC been to in Vientiane ฅ c. Beer shop, bar, Karaoke (do not read out the answers but you ฅ d. Restaurant can mark more than one answer) ฅ e. Anousavary ฅ f. That Luang ฅ g. Other (specify) ......

103

45. Who did you go with? ฅ a. Family ฅ b. Relatives ฅ c. Friends ฅ d. Boyfriend ฅ e. Other (specify) …………………………… …………………………………………………

46. What is your favourite place in ฅ a. Morning market Vientiane? ฅ b. ITECC ฅ c. Beer shop, bar, karaoke ฅ d. Restaurant ฅ e. Anousavary ฅ f. That Luang ฅ g. Other (specify) ...... …………………………………………………

47. What were your aspirations before coming to Vientiane? ………………………………………………… ………………………………………………… ………………………………………………..… ......

48. Working in Vientiane did everything go ฅ a. Yes according to your aspirations? ฅ b. No (probe answer) Explanation……………………………………… ………………………………………………… ………………………………………………… ………………………………………………...…

49. Do you think your decision to work in ฅ a. Yes Vientiane is correct? ฅ b. No (ask the reason) Why?……………………………………………… ……………………………..……………………… …………………………………..………………… …………………………………..…………………

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50. If your hometown had a garment factory ฅ a. No would you return to work there? ฅ b. Yes Why? Explain the reason …………………………………………………… ......

......

51. After working in Vientiane do you see any changes in yourself? ………………………………………………… ………………………………………………… …………………………………………………

52. What do think is the characteristic of a modern person? ………………………………………………… Do you think of yourself as being ………………………………………………… modern? …………………………………………………

53. Do you like modernity? ฅ a. Yes (explain answer) ฅ b. No Explain…………………………………… ………………………………………………..…

54. ເ Do you like wearing pants/dress/skirts? ฅ a. No ฅ b. Yes If yes, where to?………………………………… …………………….……………………………… ……………………….……………………………

55. Before coming to Vientiane did you ever ฅ a. Yes where pants/dress/skirts before? ฅ b. No

56. Do you like wearing sinh? ฅ a. No ฅ b. Yes If yes, where to?……………………………… ……………………….……………………………

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57. When you go to visit home do you wear ฅ a. Yes pants/dress/skirts? ฅ b. No If no, why? …………………….……………………………… ……………………….……………………………

58. How is living in Vientiane different to living in your hometown? ………………………………………………… ………………………………………………… ………………………………………………..…

59. Do you like living in Vientiane? ฅ a. Yes (ask reason) ฅ b. No Explain…………………………………………… ………………………….…………………………

60. Food that you like to eat? ………………………………………………… ………………………………………………… …………………………………………………

61. Music you like to listen to? ฅ a. Lao folk song (do not read out the answers but you ฅ b. Lao modern can mark more than one answer) ฅ c. Thai folk song ฅ d. Thai string ฅ e. Chinese, Japanese, Korean ฅ f. Western music ฅ g. Other (specify) …………………………….. …………………………………………………….

62. What soap opera/movie do you like ฅ a. Thai watching? ฅ b. Chinese, Korean, Japanese (do not read out the answers but you ฅ c. Western can mark more than one answer) ฅ d. Other (specify)………………………………. …………………………………………………

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63. What do you like best about Vientiane? ………………………………………………… ………………………………………………… …………………………………………………

64. What makes you most happy in Vientiane? ………………………………………………… ………………………………………………… …………………………………………………

65. What makes you most sad in Vientiane? ………………………………………………… ………………………………………………… …………………………………………………

66. What is your current aspiration? ………………………………………………… ………………………………………………… …………………………………………………

67. What are your future plans? ฅ a. Return home and open small shop/business ฅ b. Open small shop in Vientiane or anywhere else except home ฅ c. further study ฅ d. Look for other kind of work ฅ e. Have not thought about it yet ฅ f. Other (specify) …………………………….. …………………………………………………….

The interview is finished thank you very much for sacrificing your time to answer all these questions.

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APPENDIX 2 QUESTIONS FOR FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSION

Background of migrant workers Name, age, education, ethnicity, status of family Number of family members Family members working in Vientiane

Theme 1: Decision to migrate

- Why did you want to come to Vientiane? Who encouraged you? Did you the make decision yourself?

- How did you find out about the work in garment factory

- What was your expectation about work in Vientiane?

Theme 2: modernity through modern work: experiences about new mode of work, skill, training, knowledge, right, discipline etc

- What is life in a factory like?

- How is work in factory different to work you were doing in their hometown?

- How has your life changed since coming to work in Vientiane?

- What new skills have you learnt in Vientiane?

- What do they think you have gained from coming to work in Vientiane?

- If this factory moved to your home town, would you go and work there?

Theme 3: modernity through culture: consumption, new value of life (e.g., independent, career, etc)

- What is life in the city like?

- What are some of the changes you see in yourself after you have come to work in Vientiane?

- What do you do with the money you earn?

- What are some of the things you like about working in Vientiane?

- What are some of the things you don’t like about working in Vientiane?

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Theme 4: modernity through new social life: new circle of friends, urban experiences, etc

1. Where do you go after work?

2. Where do you like to go on Saturday or Sunday?

3. Who do you go with?

4. Where do you usually eat your dinner?

5. In Vientiane where have you visited?Have you ever been in a bar/discoteque/karaoke?

Theme 5: Perceptions on modernity

1. In your opinion what is the characteristic of someone modern? Do you think of yourself as modern?

2. Does your parent/villagers think that you are modern? Why?

3. What do you think about living in modern style?

4. In Vientiane do you have the opportunity to follow your traditional activities?

5. Do you have a chance to participate in traditional activities?

6. What is your aspiration or dream?

7. Do you have any plans for the future?

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