Amicus Brief (Final)
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I Have Been Working on a Book, Stand-Ins, on The
Workshop Participants: I have been working on a book, Stand-Ins, on the causes and consequences of temporary leadership in government, business, and religion, which is aimed at a more general audience. Given recent events, I have returned to more traditional scholarship to explore some of the issues involving temporary leadership (and the lack thereof) in federal agencies, among other topics. This paper is brand new, incomplete, and unpolished. Given its length, I would recommend reading the Introduction (pp.1-5), Scope of Actings (pp.13-27), and Statutory Questions (pp.33-42). I look forward to your reactions and suggestions for improvement. AJO Actings Anne Joseph O’Connell Stanford Law School April 1, 2019 Please do not cite or distribute beyond the workshop without permission. I. Introduction Stand-in leaders do not usually command much attention. They step up in moments of need to keep organizations running. The stereotypical interim leader is therefore a caretaker—in place to maintain stability; not to implement major changes. But not all interim leaders are caretakers. Some are auditioning for the permanent job. And a few are there to shake up the organization—so-called “fixers”. The scope of temporary leadership is vast—after all, traditional leaders are transitory, and selection procedures for more permanent leaders take time. On the public side, there are interim leaders in all branches of the federal government. In Congress, there are appointed senators, chosen by their state’s governor to fill in for an elected senator who has died or resigned, perhaps in disgrace or perhaps to take a different job. -
Intelligence Legalism and the National Security Agency's Civil Liberties
112 Harvard National Security Journal / Vol. 6 ARTICLE Intelligence Legalism and the National Security Agency’s Civil Liberties Gap __________________________ Margo Schlanger* * Henry M. Butzel Professor of Law, University of Michigan. I have greatly benefited from conversations with John DeLong, Mort Halperin, Alex Joel, David Kris, Marty Lederman, Nancy Libin, Rick Perlstein, Becky Richards, and several officials who prefer not to be named, all of whom generously spent time with me, discussing the issues in this article, and many of whom also helped again after reading the piece in draft. I would also like to extend thanks to Sam Bagenstos, Rick Lempert, Daphna Renan, Alex Rossmiller, Adrian Vermeule, Steve Vladeck, Marcy Wheeler, Shirin Sinnar and other participants in the 7th Annual National Security Law Workshop, participants at the University of Iowa law faculty workshop, and my colleagues at the University of Michigan Legal Theory Workshop and governance group lunch, who offered me extremely helpful feedback. Jennifer Gitter and Lauren Dayton provided able research assistance. All errors are, of course, my responsibility. Copyright © 2015 by the Presidents and Fellows of Harvard College and Margo Schlanger. 2015 / Intelligence Legalism and the NSA’s Civil Liberties Gaps 113 Abstract Since June 2013, we have seen unprecedented security breaches and disclosures relating to American electronic surveillance. The nearly daily drip, and occasional gush, of once-secret policy and operational information makes it possible to analyze and understand National Security Agency activities, including the organizations and processes inside and outside the NSA that are supposed to safeguard American’s civil liberties as the agency goes about its intelligence gathering business. -
The Virtues and Vices of Advocacy Strategies in the War on Terror
Roger Williams University DOCS@RWU Law Faculty Scholarship Law Faculty Scholarship 4-2009 The etD ainees' Dilemma: The irV tues and Vices of Advocacy Strategies in the War on Terror Peter Margulies Roger Williams University School of Law Follow this and additional works at: http://docs.rwu.edu/law_fac_fs Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Human Rights Law Commons, International Law Commons, Law and Politics Commons, and the Legal Profession Commons Recommended Citation Peter Margulies, The eD tainees' Dilemma: The irV tues and Vices of Advocacy Strategies in the War on Terror, 57 Buff. L. Rev. 347, 432 (2009) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Faculty Scholarship at DOCS@RWU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Law Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of DOCS@RWU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. +(,121/,1( Citation: 57 Buff. L. Rev. 347 2009 Provided by: Roger Williams University School of Law Library Content downloaded/printed from HeinOnline Thu Nov 17 10:09:44 2016 -- Your use of this HeinOnline PDF indicates your acceptance of HeinOnline's Terms and Conditions of the license agreement available at http://heinonline.org/HOL/License -- The search text of this PDF is generated from uncorrected OCR text. -- To obtain permission to use this article beyond the scope of your HeinOnline license, please use: Copyright Information BUFFALO LAW REVIEW VOLUME 57 APRIL 2009 NUMBER 2 The Detainees' Dilemma: The Virtues and Vices of Advocacy Strategies in the War on Terror PETER MARGULIESt INTRODUCTION For detainees in the war on terror, advocacy outside of court is often the main event.' Analysis of advocacy through the prism of Supreme Court decisions 2 resembles surveying t Professor of Law, Roger Williams University School of Law; e-mail: [email protected]. -
Indirect Constraints on the Office of Legal Counsel: Examining a Role for the Senate Judiciary Committee
Stanford Law Review Volume 73 June 2021 NOTE Indirect Constraints on the Office of Legal Counsel: Examining a Role for the Senate Judiciary Committee William S. Janover* Abstract. As arbiter of the constitutionality of executive actions, the Department of Justice Office of Legal Counsel (OLC) possesses vast authority over the operation of the federal government and is one of the primary vessels for the articulation of executive power. It therefore is not surprising that the OLC has found itself at the center of controversy across Democratic and Republican administrations. OLC opinions have justified the obstruction of valid congressional investigations, the targeted killing of an American citizen overseas, repeated military incursions without congressional approval, and, most infamously, torture. These episodes have generated a significant body of proposals to reform, constrain, or altogether eliminate the OLC. All of these proposals can be categorized as either direct or indirect constraints on how the OLC operates. Direct constraints target how the OLC actually creates its legal work product. Indirect constraints instead focus on the OLC’s personnel or the public scrutiny the Office’s opinions will face. This Note expands on this existing body of research, focusing on how one institution unstudied in this context, the United States Senate Judiciary Committee, can operationalize meaningful indirect constraints on the OLC. Unlike the other actors that scholars have examined, the Committee’s position outside the executive branch allows it to sidestep the President’s ever-expanding reach within the federal bureaucracy. At the same time, the Committee’s oversight powers and its central role in the nomination of both the OLC’s leader and Article III judges give it important constitutional and statutory authority to constrain the Office. -
The Right to Heal U.S
The Right to Heal U.S. Veterans and Iraqi Organizations Seek Accountability for Human Rights and Health Impacts of Decade of U.S.-led War Preliminary Report Submitted in Support of Request for Thematic Hearing Before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights 149th Period of Sessions Executive Summary Submitted By: The Center for Constitutional Rights On Behalf of Federation of Workers Councils and Unions in Iraq Iraq Veterans Against the War Organization of Women’s Freedom in Iraq Submitting Organizations Federation of Workers Councils and Unions in Iraq (FWCUI) is a national unionist organization for the defense of rights of workers in Iraq, established since 2003, and has representatives in all main cities. FWCUI is known for its continuous positions against the newly introduced neo-liberal economic policies, and the new labor code which the FWCUI describes as “protecting the rights of employers while disempowering workers.” Iraq Veterans Against the War (IVAW) was founded by Iraq war veterans in July 2004 at the annual convention of Veterans for Peace (VFP) in Boston to give a voice to the large number of active duty service people and veterans who are against this war, but are under various pressures to remain silent. From its inception, IVAW has called for: (1) Immediate withdrawal of all occupying forces in Iraq; (2) Reparations for the human and structural damages Iraq has suffered, and stopping the corporate pillaging of Iraq so that their people can control their own lives and future; and (3) Full benefits, adequate healthcare (including mental health), and other supports for returning servicemen and women. -
The Commander-In-Chief and the Necessities of War: a Conceptual Framework
Loyola University Chicago, School of Law LAW eCommons Faculty Publications & Other Works 2011 The ommC ander-in-Chief and the Necessities of War: A Conceptual Framework John C. Dehn Loyola University Chicago, School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://lawecommons.luc.edu/facpubs Part of the Military, War, and Peace Commons Recommended Citation John C. Dehn, The ommC ander-in-Chief and the Necessities of War: A Conceptual Framework, 83 Temp. L. Rev. 599 (2011). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by LAW eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications & Other Works by an authorized administrator of LAW eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. TEMPLE LAW REVIEW © 2011 TEMPLE UNIVERSITY OF THE COMMONWEALTH SYSTEM OF HIGHER EDUCATION VOL. 83 NO. 3 SPRING 2011 ARTICLES THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF AND THE NECESSITIES OF WAR: A CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK * John C. Dehn While the current Administration has largely abandoned claims of plenary presidential authority to fight the nation’s wars, courts, scholars, and policy makers continue to debate the nature and scope of the powers conferred by the September 18, 2001 Authorization for Use of Military Force. This Article examines primarily Supreme Court precedent to distill the general scope and limits of the President’s powers to fight the nation’s international and non-international armed conflicts. It concludes that the Supreme Court has expressly endorsed and consistently observed (although inconsistently applied) two concepts of necessity attributable to the Commander-in- Chief power. The first is military necessity: the power to employ all military measures not prohibited by applicable law and reasonably calculated to defeat a national enemy. -
Baltasar Garzón - El Juez Indomable
BALTASAR GARZÓN - EL JUEZ INDOMABLE by George Venturini * Judge Baltasar Garzón, of the Spanish Audiencia National, Fifth Chamber of the Central Criminal Court, was indicted in April 2010 for knowingly and willfully exceeding his competence when investigating crimes committed by the Franco regime which were said to be covered by an amnesty. He had - as charged in March 2010 - twisted the limits of his jurisdiction to by-pass the amnesty law enacted by the Spanish Parliament in 1977, two years after the death of the Caudillo, and thus to be able to engineer a case when there was none. The specific charge against Judge Garzón is: delito de prevaricación. Accepting that charge, the Supreme Court declared admissible three criminal accusations against Judge Garzón. Prevaricación means in the case the use by a judge of his authority intentionally to subvert the course of justice. This is a very serious criminal offence, punishable by suspension from any judicial activity for up to twenty years. The contested delito consists in the Judge having knowingly overstepped his judicial competence by opening a probe into the disappearances of 114,266 people - part of the crimes committed by Franco between 17 July 1936 and 31 December 1951, the bloodiest period of Franco’s dictatorship. Judge Garzón was suspended on 14 May 2010, pending trial. He was given permission to work at the International Criminal Court in The Hague for seven months from May 2010. It is not known why the judicial authorities did not previously institute any internal inquiry or disciplinary proceedings - for example: following the public debate after the Judge had ordered to open suspected Francoist era mass graves two years earlier, in September 2008 - but instead preferred to rely on criminal accusations, brought by two neo-Francoist organisations: a fictitious trade union called Manos Limpias (Clean hands) and another 2 seedy Libertad y Identitad (Liberty and Identity), and the resurrected Falange, and declared admissible on 26 May 2009. -
Heritage Foundation
LEADING THE FIGHT FOR FREEDOM & OPPORTUNITY ANNUAL REPORT 2012 LEADING THE FIGHT FOR FREEDOM & OPPORTUNITY ANNUAL REPORT 2012 The Heritage Foundation Leading the Fight for Freedom & Opportunity OUR MISSION: To formulate and promote conservative public policies based on the principles of free enterprise, limited government, individual freedom, traditional American values and a strong national defense. BOARD OF TRUSTEES PATRON OF THE HERITAGE FOUNDATION Thomas A. Saunders III, Chairman The Right Honourable The Baroness Thatcher, LG, PC, OM, FRS Richard M. Scaife, Vice Chairman J. Frederic Rench, Secretary SENIOR MANAGEMENT Meg Allen Edwin J. Feulner, Ph.D., President Douglas F. Allison Jim DeMint, President-elect Larry P. Arnn, Ph.D. Phillip N. Truluck, Executive Vice President The Hon. Belden Bell David Addington, Senior Vice President Midge Decter Edwin J. Feulner, Ph.D. Stuart M. Butler, Ph.D., Distinguished Fellow Steve Forbes James Jay Carafano, Ph.D., Vice President Todd W. Herrick Becky Norton Dunlop, Vice President Jerry Hume John Fogarty, Vice President Kay Coles James Michael G. Franc, Vice President The Hon. J. William Middendorf II Michael M. Gonzalez, Vice President Abby Moffat Kim R. Holmes, Ph.D., Distinguished Fellow Nersi Nazari, Ph.D. Geoffrey Lysaught, Vice President Robert Pennington Edwin Meese III, Reagan Distinguished Fellow Emeritus Anthony J. Saliba Derrick Morgan, Vice President William E. Simon, Jr. Matthew Spalding, Ph.D., Vice President Brian Tracy Michael Spiller, Vice President Phillip N. Truluck John Von Kannon, Vice President and Senior Counselor Barb Van Andel-Gaby Genevieve Wood, Vice President Marion G. Wells Robert E. Russell, Jr., Counselor HONORARY CHAIRMAN AND TRUSTEE EMERITUS David R. -
Wikileaking the Truth About American Unaccountability for Torture Lisa Hajjar University of California—Santa Barbara
Societies Without Borders Volume 7 | Issue 2 Article 3 2012 Wikileaking the Truth about American Unaccountability for Torture Lisa Hajjar University of California—Santa Barbara Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/swb Part of the Human Rights Law Commons, and the Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons Recommended Citation Hajjar, Lisa. 2012. "Wikileaking the Truth about American Unaccountability for Torture." Societies Without Borders 7 (2): 192-225. Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/swb/vol7/iss2/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Cross Disciplinary Publications at Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Societies Without Borders by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Hajjar: Wikileaking the Truth about American Unaccountability for Torture L. Hajjar/Societies Without Borders 7:2 (2012) 192-225 Wikileaking the Truth about American Unaccountability for Torture Lisa Hajjar University of California—Santa Barbara Received September 2011; Accepted March 2012 ______________________________________________________ Abstract. Grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions are international offenses and perpetrators can be prosecuted abroad if accountability is not pursued at home. The US torture policy, instituted by the Bush administration in the context of the “war on terror” presents a contemporary example of liability for gross crimes under international law. For this reason, classification and secrecy have functioned in tandem as a shield to block public knowledge about prosecutable offenses. Keeping such information secret and publicizing deceptive official accounts that contradict the truth are essential to propaganda strategies to sustain American support or apathy about the country’s multiple current wars. -
A Kafkaesque Experience Before Spanish 'Justice'
CORRUPTION IN SPAIN AND THE JUDICIAL ‘FRAMING’ OF JUDGE BALTASAR GARZÓN REAL (Part two) by George Venturini * A Kafkaesque experience before Spanish ‘justice’ During half of January and the whole month of February 2012, Judge Garzón sat in his judicial robe next to his lawyer Francisco Javier Baena Bocanegra before the judges of the Second Chamber of the Criminal Division of the Supreme Court, defending himself from the charges brought against him by private individuals and organisations rather than the State. In fact, during investigations and at the trials, public prosecutors had recommended Judge Garzón’s acquittal. What was happening to Judge Garzón had undoubtedly a bad political odour. The three private prosecutions had been brought by a curious outfit, a fictitious trade union called Manos Limpias, Clean Hands, directed by Miguel Bernad Remón, an official of the far-Right party Fuerza Nueva, another seedy organisation called Libertad e Identitad, Liberty and Identity and the Falange de la JONS, which is an acronym for Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista, Phalanx of the Assemblies of the National Syndicalist Offensive - a Neo-Francoist set-up, and by lawyers connected with gaoled persons who had been involved in wide-spread corruption mainly for the advantage of people in the Popular Party, and by other lawyers who were accusing Judge Garzón of corruption. The specific charge against Judge Garzón is: delito de prevaricacion - which means the use by a judge of his authority intentionally to subvert the course of justice, and that in violation of art. 446.3 of the Criminal Code. This is a very serious criminal offence punishable by suspension from any judicial activity for up to twenty years. -
108Th Congress*
108th Congress* THE VICE PRESIDENT RICHARD B. CHENEY, Republican, of Wyoming, born on January 30, 1941, in Lin- coln, NE; education: B.A., and M.A., degrees from the University of Wyoming; public service: served on the Cost of Living Council and Office of Economic Opportunity in the Nixon Administration; served as Assistant to the President and White House Chief of Staff for President Gerald R. Ford; elected to the U.S. House of Representatives in 1978, and reelected 5 times, through 1988; in the House he served as Chairman of the House Re- publican Conference and House Minority Whip; in 1989 he was nominated to be Secretary of Defense by President George H.W. Bush, and was confirmed by the U.S. Senate; he served from 1989 to 1993; on July 3, 1991, President Bush awarded Secretary Cheney the Presidential Medal of Freedom; after leaving the Department of Defense, he joined the Halliburton Company serving as Chairman of the Board and Chief Executive Officer; religion: Methodist; family: married to Lynne Cheney, 1964; two daughters; elected Vice President of the United States on November 7, 2000; took the oath of office on January 20, 2001. The Ceremonial Office of the Vice President is S–212 in the Capitol. The Vice President has offices in the Dirksen Senate Office Building, the Eisenhower Executive Office Building (EEOB) and the White House (West Wing). Chief of Staff.—Lewis Libby, EEOB, Room 276, 456–9000. Deputy Chief of Staff.—Dean McGrath, EEOB, Room 276, 456–9000. Counsel to the Vice President.—David Addington, EEOB, Room 268, 456–9089. -
Important Figures in the NSC
Important Figures in the NSC Nixon Administration (1969-1973) National Security Council: President: Richard Nixon Vice President: Spiro Agnew Secretary of State: William Rogers Secretary of Defense: Melvin Laird Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs (APNSA): Henry Kissinger Director of CIA: Richard Helms Chairman of Joint Chiefs: General Earle Wheeler / Admiral Thomas H. Moorer Director of USIA: Frank Shakespeare Director of Office of Emergency Preparedness: Brig. Gen. George Lincoln National Security Council Review Group (established with NSDM 2) APNSA: Henry A. Kissinger Rep. of Secretary of State: John N. Irwin, II Rep. of Secretary of Defense: David Packard, Bill Clements Rep. of Chairman of Joint Chiefs: Adm. Thomas H. Moorer Rep. of Director of CIA: Richard Helms, James R. Schlesinger, William E. Colby National Security Council Senior Review Group (NSDM 85—replaces NSCRG/ NSDM 2) APNSA: Henry A. Kissinger Under Secretary of State: Elliott L. Richardson / John N. Irwin, II Deputy Secretary of Defense: David Packard / Bill Clements Director of Central Intelligence: Richard Helms Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff: General Earle Wheeler / Admiral Thomas H. Moorer Under Secretary’s Committee: Under Secretary of State: Elliott L. Richardson / John N. Irwin, II APNSA: Henry Kissinger Deputy Secretary of Defense: David Packard / Bill Clements Chairman of Joint Chiefs: Gen. Earle G. Wheeler / Adm. Thomas H. Moorer Director of CIA: Richard M. Helms Nixon/Ford Administration (1973-1977) National Security Council: President: Richard Nixon (1973-1974) Gerald Ford (1974-1977) Vice President: Gerald Ford (1973-1974) Secretary of State: Henry Kissinger Secretary of Defense: James Schlesinger / Donald Rumsfeld APNSA: Henry Kissinger / Brent Scowcroft Director of CIA: Richard Helms / James R.