Baltasar Garzón - El Juez Indomable
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I Have Been Working on a Book, Stand-Ins, on The
Workshop Participants: I have been working on a book, Stand-Ins, on the causes and consequences of temporary leadership in government, business, and religion, which is aimed at a more general audience. Given recent events, I have returned to more traditional scholarship to explore some of the issues involving temporary leadership (and the lack thereof) in federal agencies, among other topics. This paper is brand new, incomplete, and unpolished. Given its length, I would recommend reading the Introduction (pp.1-5), Scope of Actings (pp.13-27), and Statutory Questions (pp.33-42). I look forward to your reactions and suggestions for improvement. AJO Actings Anne Joseph O’Connell Stanford Law School April 1, 2019 Please do not cite or distribute beyond the workshop without permission. I. Introduction Stand-in leaders do not usually command much attention. They step up in moments of need to keep organizations running. The stereotypical interim leader is therefore a caretaker—in place to maintain stability; not to implement major changes. But not all interim leaders are caretakers. Some are auditioning for the permanent job. And a few are there to shake up the organization—so-called “fixers”. The scope of temporary leadership is vast—after all, traditional leaders are transitory, and selection procedures for more permanent leaders take time. On the public side, there are interim leaders in all branches of the federal government. In Congress, there are appointed senators, chosen by their state’s governor to fill in for an elected senator who has died or resigned, perhaps in disgrace or perhaps to take a different job. -
Televisión Y Literatura En La España De La Transición (1973-1982)
Antonio Ansón, Juan Carlos Ara Torralba, José Luis Calvo Carilla, Luis Miguel Fernández, María Ángeles Naval López y Carmen Peña Ardid (Eds.) Televisión y Literatura en la España de la Transición (1973-1982) COLECCIÓN ACTAS f El presente libro recoge los trabajos del Seminario «Televisión y Literatura en la España de la Transición» que, bajo el generoso patrocinio de la Institución ACTAS «Fernando el Católico», tuvo lugar durante los días 13 a 16 de febrero de 2008. En él se incluyen, junto con las aportaciones del Grupo de Investigación sobre «La literatura en los medios de comunicación de masas durante COLECCIÓN la Transición, 1973-1982», formado por varios profesores de las Universidades de Zaragoza y Santiago de Compostela, las ponencias de destacados especialistas invitados a las sesiones, quienes han enriquecido el resultado final con la profundidad y amplitud de horizontes de sus intervenciones. El conjunto de todos estos trabajos representa un importante esfuerzo colectivo al servicio del mejor conocimiento de las relaciones entre el influyente medio televisivo (único en los años que aquí se estudian) y la literatura en sus diversas manifestaciones creativas, institucionales, críticas y didácticas. A ellos, como segunda parte del volumen, se añade una selección crítica de los principales programas de contenido literario emitidos por Televisión Española durante la Transición, con información pormenorizada sobre sus características, periodicidad, fecha de emisión, banda horaria y otros aspectos que ayudan a definir su significación estética y sociológica. Diseño de cubierta: A. Bretón. Motivo de cubierta: Josep Pla entrevistado en «A fondo» (enero de 1977). La versión original y completa de esta obra debe consultarse en: https://ifc.dpz.es/publicaciones/ebooks/id/2957 Esta obra está sujeta a la licencia CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 Internacional de Creative Commons que determina lo siguiente: • BY (Reconocimiento): Debe reconocer adecuadamente la autoría, proporcionar un enlace a la licencia e indicar si se han realizado cambios. -
Revisiting Popular Action
DePaul Journal for Social Justice Volume 10 Issue 2 Summer 2017 Article 8 May 2017 Revisiting Popular Action Raúl Sánchez Gómez Universidad Pablo de Olavide Follow this and additional works at: https://via.library.depaul.edu/jsj Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, Law and Society Commons, Legislation Commons, Public Law and Legal Theory Commons, and the Social Welfare Law Commons Recommended Citation Raúl S. Gómez, Revisiting Popular Action, 10 DePaul J. for Soc. Just. (2017) Available at: https://via.library.depaul.edu/jsj/vol10/iss2/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Law at Via Sapientiae. It has been accepted for inclusion in DePaul Journal for Social Justice by an authorized editor of Via Sapientiae. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Gómez: Revisiting Popular Action DEPAUL JOURNAL FOR SOCIAL JUSTICE 1 REVISITING POPULAR ACTION By Raul Sanchez Gomez* ABSTRACT: The concept of Popular action is the right to promote judicial activity in defense of the general interest. Sometimes it is placed on a slippery slope andbased on spurious interests. Despite broad constitutional recognition of the doctrine, there are limits on popular action through the Botín and Atuxta Doctrines established by the Jurisprudence of the Supreme Court. A comprehensive legislative reform of the institution should be accomplished urgently. I. Introduction to the Criminal Conflict In legal systems where the victim may become a party to the criminal conflict, the performance as plaintiff has been designed from a strictly controversial perspective. The inherent conflict between the victim and the offender must be subject to limitations on content and decorum. -
Indirect Constraints on the Office of Legal Counsel: Examining a Role for the Senate Judiciary Committee
Stanford Law Review Volume 73 June 2021 NOTE Indirect Constraints on the Office of Legal Counsel: Examining a Role for the Senate Judiciary Committee William S. Janover* Abstract. As arbiter of the constitutionality of executive actions, the Department of Justice Office of Legal Counsel (OLC) possesses vast authority over the operation of the federal government and is one of the primary vessels for the articulation of executive power. It therefore is not surprising that the OLC has found itself at the center of controversy across Democratic and Republican administrations. OLC opinions have justified the obstruction of valid congressional investigations, the targeted killing of an American citizen overseas, repeated military incursions without congressional approval, and, most infamously, torture. These episodes have generated a significant body of proposals to reform, constrain, or altogether eliminate the OLC. All of these proposals can be categorized as either direct or indirect constraints on how the OLC operates. Direct constraints target how the OLC actually creates its legal work product. Indirect constraints instead focus on the OLC’s personnel or the public scrutiny the Office’s opinions will face. This Note expands on this existing body of research, focusing on how one institution unstudied in this context, the United States Senate Judiciary Committee, can operationalize meaningful indirect constraints on the OLC. Unlike the other actors that scholars have examined, the Committee’s position outside the executive branch allows it to sidestep the President’s ever-expanding reach within the federal bureaucracy. At the same time, the Committee’s oversight powers and its central role in the nomination of both the OLC’s leader and Article III judges give it important constitutional and statutory authority to constrain the Office. -
The Right to Heal U.S
The Right to Heal U.S. Veterans and Iraqi Organizations Seek Accountability for Human Rights and Health Impacts of Decade of U.S.-led War Preliminary Report Submitted in Support of Request for Thematic Hearing Before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights 149th Period of Sessions Executive Summary Submitted By: The Center for Constitutional Rights On Behalf of Federation of Workers Councils and Unions in Iraq Iraq Veterans Against the War Organization of Women’s Freedom in Iraq Submitting Organizations Federation of Workers Councils and Unions in Iraq (FWCUI) is a national unionist organization for the defense of rights of workers in Iraq, established since 2003, and has representatives in all main cities. FWCUI is known for its continuous positions against the newly introduced neo-liberal economic policies, and the new labor code which the FWCUI describes as “protecting the rights of employers while disempowering workers.” Iraq Veterans Against the War (IVAW) was founded by Iraq war veterans in July 2004 at the annual convention of Veterans for Peace (VFP) in Boston to give a voice to the large number of active duty service people and veterans who are against this war, but are under various pressures to remain silent. From its inception, IVAW has called for: (1) Immediate withdrawal of all occupying forces in Iraq; (2) Reparations for the human and structural damages Iraq has suffered, and stopping the corporate pillaging of Iraq so that their people can control their own lives and future; and (3) Full benefits, adequate healthcare (including mental health), and other supports for returning servicemen and women. -
Three Court Rulings and a Funeral
LAWFARE: THE JUDICIALIZATION OF POLITICS OR THE POLITICIZATION OF JUSTICE Three court rulings and a funeral David Fernàndez The Spanish police trying to get inside the Diputació Primary School in Barcelona during the Catalan referendum on October 1, 2017, in front of several voters' resistance. Picture by Jordi Borràs «Posterity will not be able to believe that, After the light has come on, We would have had to live again In the midst of such dense darkness» Castellio, De arte dubitandi (1562) Compass and rear-view mirror, long road and short pass, it takes retrospective and perspective – and a radical rooting in the present – to end up understanding everything that happens to us from the perspective of accelerated global and local regression against civil, social and political rights. A blatant regression, uneven and arbitrary that has been exacerbated over the last two decades throughout the world and, in the last three years, has been unleashed against Catalan and Spanish society in a very unequal ways – some suffering from it, others legitimising it. Against all odds, this comes from afar and some want it to PÀGINA 1 / 11 last. The regression is rooted in a double international and state process. Alternatively, in a single merged one, if you like, with particular Spanish specificities. The global one is the already unquestionable regression and the disturbing demolition of the so-called post-war social constitutionalism, which is already moving between world un-democratisation, global Weimar and what we call post-democratic authoritarianism. The local-particular one is what we call the 78 regime, mediated by the current democratic involution in Spain and incubated penal reform after penal reform -thirty since 1995. -
ASIL Insight 7/25/12 1:35 PM
ASIL Insight 7/25/12 1:35 PM July 25, 2012 Volume 16, Issue 24 RELATED ASIL INSIGHTS Pinochet Arrest in Chile The Spanish Civil War, Amnesty, and the Trials of Judge Garzón The Pinochet Arrest and Possible Extradition By Naomi Roht-Arriaza to Spain Request for Extradition of Miguel Cavallo from Mexico to Spain for Alleged Torture in Introduction Argentina Insights Archive>> On February 27, 2012, the Spanish DOCUMENTS OF NOTE Supreme Court exonerated Judge Baltasar Garzón of committing Acquittal - February 27, 2012 and Other Documents “prevaricación”—imperfectly translated as “knowing abuse of authority”—in a case 1977 Amnesty Law involving investigation into Kolk v. Estonia (Eur. Ct. H.R.) disappearances during the Spanish Civil War.[1] Garzón’s exoneration was viewed Dorado v. Spain (Eur. Ct. H.R.) by most media outlets as a personal victory for the judge and a victory for the rule of law. In ASIL EISIL>> fact, the outcome was much more ambiguous; it defused the domestic and international ORGANIZATIONS OF NOTE outcry, but it effectively closed a venue for Civil War era claims. And in a separate and unrelated case, Judge Garzón was removed from the bench for eleven years. The European Court of Human Rights prevaricación decision, as summarized below, contradicts recent trends in national and Audiencia Nacional international jurisprudence on amnesty and international crimes. Moreover, less than a month later, the European Court of Human Rights rejected a challenge to Spain’s failure to Interights investigate the fate of the Civil War missing. Together, these decisions probably end legal Copyright 2012 by The American Society efforts to achieve some accounting for the crimes of the 1936-1939 Civil War and its of International Law ASIL repressive aftermath. -
Wikileaking the Truth About American Unaccountability for Torture Lisa Hajjar University of California—Santa Barbara
Societies Without Borders Volume 7 | Issue 2 Article 3 2012 Wikileaking the Truth about American Unaccountability for Torture Lisa Hajjar University of California—Santa Barbara Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/swb Part of the Human Rights Law Commons, and the Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons Recommended Citation Hajjar, Lisa. 2012. "Wikileaking the Truth about American Unaccountability for Torture." Societies Without Borders 7 (2): 192-225. Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/swb/vol7/iss2/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Cross Disciplinary Publications at Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Societies Without Borders by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Hajjar: Wikileaking the Truth about American Unaccountability for Torture L. Hajjar/Societies Without Borders 7:2 (2012) 192-225 Wikileaking the Truth about American Unaccountability for Torture Lisa Hajjar University of California—Santa Barbara Received September 2011; Accepted March 2012 ______________________________________________________ Abstract. Grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions are international offenses and perpetrators can be prosecuted abroad if accountability is not pursued at home. The US torture policy, instituted by the Bush administration in the context of the “war on terror” presents a contemporary example of liability for gross crimes under international law. For this reason, classification and secrecy have functioned in tandem as a shield to block public knowledge about prosecutable offenses. Keeping such information secret and publicizing deceptive official accounts that contradict the truth are essential to propaganda strategies to sustain American support or apathy about the country’s multiple current wars. -
Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law — Volume 15, 2012 Correspondents' Reports
YEARBOOK OF INTERNATIONAL HUMANITARIAN LAW — VOLUME 15, 2012 CORRESPONDENTS’ REPORTS SPAIN1 Contents Cases — Western Sahara ........................................................................................................... 1 Cases — Guantánamo Bay ......................................................................................................... 1 Cases — Ex-prisoners at Guantánamo under Investigation in Spain ......................................... 3 Cases — The Carmelo Soria Case ............................................................................................. 4 Cases — The El Salvador ‘Jesuit Massacre’ .............................................................................. 5 Cases — Trial of Judge Baltasar Garzón ................................................................................... 6 Treaty Action — Taking of Hostages ........................................................................................ 8 Cases — Extradition to Morocco ............................................................................................... 8 Cases — Extradition to Turkey .................................................................................................. 9 Cases — Extradition to Egypt .................................................................................................... 9 Cases — Extradition to Spain .................................................................................................... 9 Cases — Extradition from France ............................................................................................. -
A Kafkaesque Experience Before Spanish 'Justice'
CORRUPTION IN SPAIN AND THE JUDICIAL ‘FRAMING’ OF JUDGE BALTASAR GARZÓN REAL (Part two) by George Venturini * A Kafkaesque experience before Spanish ‘justice’ During half of January and the whole month of February 2012, Judge Garzón sat in his judicial robe next to his lawyer Francisco Javier Baena Bocanegra before the judges of the Second Chamber of the Criminal Division of the Supreme Court, defending himself from the charges brought against him by private individuals and organisations rather than the State. In fact, during investigations and at the trials, public prosecutors had recommended Judge Garzón’s acquittal. What was happening to Judge Garzón had undoubtedly a bad political odour. The three private prosecutions had been brought by a curious outfit, a fictitious trade union called Manos Limpias, Clean Hands, directed by Miguel Bernad Remón, an official of the far-Right party Fuerza Nueva, another seedy organisation called Libertad e Identitad, Liberty and Identity and the Falange de la JONS, which is an acronym for Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista, Phalanx of the Assemblies of the National Syndicalist Offensive - a Neo-Francoist set-up, and by lawyers connected with gaoled persons who had been involved in wide-spread corruption mainly for the advantage of people in the Popular Party, and by other lawyers who were accusing Judge Garzón of corruption. The specific charge against Judge Garzón is: delito de prevaricacion - which means the use by a judge of his authority intentionally to subvert the course of justice, and that in violation of art. 446.3 of the Criminal Code. This is a very serious criminal offence punishable by suspension from any judicial activity for up to twenty years. -
Cryptome Messages 1
Cryptome 27 February Timothy Felix Miltz (BillCaseyHoneyPot) A sends: Re: http://cryptome.org/2015/02/wapo-BillCaseyHoneyPot.htm The commenter "BillCaseyHoneyPot" has made other postings dating back to 2010. I saved them as text files. Publish them if you're interested. FYI, a commenter on this blog post - http://cannonfire.blogspot.com/2015/02/the-billcaseyhoneypot- mystery.html - claims that "BillCaseyHoneyPot" is Timothy Felix Miltz, "a software engineer who first started working for CIA in the 'Bush Sr era', which would've been 1975-1976. He says he left the Agency before 'Homeland (Security)' was created, i.e. before 2002." Messages 1 http://business.time.com/2013/01/14/mit-orders-review-of-aaron-swartz-suicide- as-soul-searching-begins/ [article omitted] paindeer Jan 14, 2013 I wonder what US DoD projects at MIT are pretty much a waste bin now. This Prosecutor needs to step down before this evolves into some serious repercussions. Ollie North ? gets off - Aaron gets 35 years. Wow - really ? DOJ is LIKELY going to be getting some very angry calls from the DoD on this one - I suspect it's HIGHLY LIKELY - YOU NEVER CAN TELL. Little surprises here and there PROBABLY- ALL EXPLICITLY TAGGING BACK TO Aaron. Hey- maybe those hypothetical people will get FIFTY YEARS ! Actually, it's probably a GOOD IDEA to reveal just what kind of KILLING IS GOING ON - and who built what and and who Say- southern tribal region in Waziristan ? REAL SMART MOVE ON THIS ONE DOJ - 35 years for abusing a LIBRARY'S NETWORK SERVICES - wow - I signed the petition to get this clown out of office, I'm making some calls and going to see if the heat can be turned up on Ortiz. -
Palestinian Manipulation of the International Community
PALESTINIAN MANIPULATION OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY Ambassador Alan Baker (ed.) Palestinian Manipulation of the International Community Edited by Amb. Alan Baker ISBN: 978-965-218-117-6 © 2014 Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs 13 Tel Hai Street, Jerusalem, Israel Tel. 972-2-561-9281 Fax. 972-2-561-9112 Contents Overview: Palestinian Manipulation of the International Community Amb. Alan Baker................................................................................................. 5 Manipulating International Law as Part of Anti-Israel “Lawfare” Prof. Robbie Sabel...............................................................................................13 Universal Jurisdiction: Learning the Costs of Political Manipulation the Hard Way Dr. Rephael Ben-Ari...........................................................................................23 The Demonization of Israel at the United Nations in Europe Mr. Hillel Neuer.................................................................................................47 The Role of NGOs in the Palestinian Political War Against Israel Prof. Gerald M. Steinberg...................................................................................65 Politicizing the International Criminal Court Prof. Eugene Kontorovich....................................................................................79 Degrading International Institutions: The United Nations Goldstone Report Amb. Dore Gold .................................................................................................91