Changed by the East: Notes on Missionary Communication and Transformation Notto R. Thelle

any of the missionaries who journeyed to to in a broader international context. Reichelt came to China in 1903 Mconvert its people were themselves transformed by as an ordinary missionary evangelist in the newly opened field the encounter and became mediators between the East and the of . Within a few years he became professor of New West. This article describes a characteristic change in the mis- Testament at the Lutheran Union Theological Seminary in She- sionary community in China in the early twentieth century, kow in Province. Then in 1922 he began a unique mission- focusing particularly on one Norwegian missionary, Karl Ludvig ary work among Chinese Buddhists, at first in , and then Reichelt (1877–1952). In many ways he was a classic expression later in , where he served from 1930 until his death of the dual, and sometimes ambivalent, role of Christian mission- in 1952.3 aries: they were important agents in the global transfer of West- Reichelt’s dialogical relationship with the Chinese Buddhist ern and Western values, and at the same time they community in the 1920s and 1930s was a refreshing change for contributed to the transfer of Eastern traditions to the West. both Buddhists and Christians: finally a missionary appeared who broke the pattern of wholesale condemnation of the other. “Converted” Missionaries He not only wanted to respect and write learned books about it, as some missionaries had done before him, but he Reichelt belonged to the generation of missionaries who came to also evidently felt a strong attraction to its piety. Holmes Welch China around 1900, a time when an increasing number of them describes him as “the first successful apologist” for Mahayana were won over by a new appreciation of Chinese culture and among Christian missionaries.4 He was changed by his encoun- wisdom. Feelings of cultural superiority and contempt for the ter with Buddhism and became a messenger to his own home native culture no longer dominated, and the missionaries had to constituency, giving them a new appreciation of the greatness of reorient themselves and find ways to integrate Chinese tradi- Buddhist piety. Even with all his fascination with Buddhism, tions into their understanding of God’s work in the world. Earl however, Reichelt still was driven by an intense Christian mis- Cressy, an American observer, described this new awareness as sionary calling and consistently tried to convert Buddhist monks. “the conversion of the missionary.” The missionaries had come I first give a brief sketch of Reichelt’s work against the to the Far East with a burning passion for preaching the Christian background of the prevailing attitudes in Protestant missionary message, but in the process they discovered that the East had also communities, emphasizing his uniqueness. My main focus, how- spoken its message to them. Abroad in the Far East they repre- ever, will be to interpret him in the context of the dramatic sented a universal religion and wanted to change the society to changes that Christian missions in China underwent in the early which they had committed their service. At home, though, they twentieth century. The impression of his uniqueness will then changed peoples’ attitudes by bringing a new breadth of cultural fade to some extent, but his specific contribution to the process vision, helping them to appreciate more fully the greatness and remains. worth of the civilizations of the Far East. “He had gone out to In an earlier article in the INTERNATIONAL BULLETIN OF MISSION- change the East, and was returning, himself a changed man. . . . ARY RESEARCH, I described Reichelt as a pilgrim missionary.5 His The conversion of the missionary by the Far East results in his life was multifaceted and can even appear to be self-contradic- being not only a missionary but an internationalist, an interme- tory. But the two words “pilgrim” and “missionary” appropri- diary between the two great civilizations that inherit the earth.”1 ately characterize him: he was equally a missionary pilgrim and This article is part of a broader study of the large and a pilgrim missionary. complicated network of international contacts that influenced As a missionary he was convinced that he had a special calling interreligious relations in China in the early twentieth century.2 to preach, with a particular vision of a mission to Buddhists. Knowledge of a number of important elements will be assumed, Whatever he did—as a student of religion, a dialogue partner, including experiences from missionary encounters in earlier and a preacher—he wanted intensely to share his faith with periods; the extraordinary impact of Western economic, politi- others. cal, and military expansion and its implications for the under- As a pilgrim he was on a journey, not only to spread the standing of mission; and the new disciplines of university-based message, but also to search for truth. His pilgrimage brought him sinology, science of religion, and Buddhist studies. into previously unknown territories and gave him new experi- ences and insights. In his many decades of missionary work The Pilgrim Missionary: Karl Ludvig Reichelt Reichelt traveled to famous Buddhist monasteries and pilgrim centers, from central China to the borders of Tibet and Mongolia, The contribution of Karl Ludvig Reichelt to the early Buddhist- to Taiwan and Japan, to Malaya, Burma, Thailand, Indochina, Christian dialogue in China can be adequately understood only and Ceylon (Sri Lanka). He dialogued with the monks, studied their practices, and participated in their rituals and meditations, always eager to learn. He often was able to address the monks, for Notto R. Thelle, Professor of Ecumenics and Missiology at the University of , served from 1974 to 1985 as associate director of the NCC Center for the the abbot would frequently invite him to lecture to the entire Study of Japanese Religions, Kyoto, Japan. He is the author of numerous books monastic community; other times he engaged in simple dialogue and articles dealing with interfaith dialogue, spirituality, and missions, includ- with interested groups and individuals. He seemed to use every ing Buddhism and Christianity in Japan: From Conflict to Dialogue opportunity to deliver his message, expecting some of the monks (University of Hawaii Press, 1987). to be prepared to grasp the Gospel. But in the process his own

July 2006 115 world changed—at least he saw it differently because of his religious evolution and by his expectations that Mahayana in many pilgrimages—and he was challenged to search for a new particular was a preparatory stage for Christian faith, as de- understanding of his own Christian faith. And his understand- scribed in more detail below. Reichelt’s lifelong spiritual journey ing of Buddhism and Chinese religious traditions also changed. into Buddhism clearly gave him a unique position as a firsthand He was a religious truth seeker. observer and also brought about changes in his own spiritual life. In this article I focus on the “pilgrim” aspect of Reichelt’s No other contemporary missionaries and few, if any, other character, without forgetting that the “missionary” aspect also scholars of religion in the early twentieth century were able to underwent changes. A rough sketch will have to suffice in order establish such a broad network of contacts and friendships with to see some tendencies in his pilgrimage. the Buddhist community in China as Reichelt. Reichelt’s first pilgrimage was a long journey away from The most striking feature of Reichelt’s pilgrimage was un- Norwegian missionary convictions (some would say, preju- doubtedly his ability to transform abstract theories about reli- dices). He came from a traditional pietistic Lutheran background gious evolution into a mission strategy that enabled Buddhists and, from 1897 to 1902 in Stavanger, received his theological and Christians to meet in an atmosphere of friendship and education at the mission school of the Norwegian Missionary respect. His mission, with the somewhat offensive name “Chris- Society, with its conservative evangelical tradition. With this tian Mission to Buddhists,” was known in China as the East Asia background, it was certainly not easy to reach a sympathetic Christian Tao You Hui (i.e., Association of the Friends in the understanding of the former “enemy.” Way/Tao). It was a thoroughly Christian community, with a A closely related pilgrimage involved his breaking away rhythm of worship and meditation, work and study, dialogue from the contempt for Chinese culture and religion that had and teaching. Based upon a generous vision of God’s work permeated Western attitudes toward China in the nineteenth among all people who were seeking truth, it was to a great extent century. In extreme cases, almost all things Chinese were re- inspired by Buddhist models of monastic life.10 jected, including its “barbarian music” and its “perverse” tradi- This brief sketch has featured Reichelt’s unique contribution tion of writing from right to left. While Confucianism had a few to Buddhist-Christian relations in China. It is easy in hindsight to cautious advocates among the missionaries, most notably James find weaknesses in his approach, but he certainly played a Legge (1815–97), the English missionary who became the leading pioneering role in trying to overcome the religious and cultural pioneer of Western sinology,6 Buddhism and Taoism were sub- barriers that separated Buddhists and Christians. jected to almost wholesale condemnation for being supersti- In order to get a more balanced understanding of Reichelt, tious, morally corrupt, and without vitality. Even the missionar- however, we would need to examine in greater detail some of the ies who studied Buddhism most intently and attained a thorough many contexts that shaped his approach. Even with all of his understanding of it had hardly anything positive to say. The originality, he was part of a tightly knit network of both national religion of the Chinese people was, in their evaluation, a “sad and international relationships, which suggests that he repre- jumble of inconsistent dogmas.”7 In spite of some positive ele- sents a broad movement that to some extent changed the rela- ments, Buddhism was “a science without inspiration, a religion tionships and attitudes between East and West. Perhaps he was without God, a body without a spirit, unable to regenerate, not so unique after all? cheerless, cold, dead and deplorably barren of results. Can these dry bones live?”8 Other Missionary “Conversions” Reichelt’s attempt to break away from inherited prejudices was to a great extent motivated by his encounter with Buddhism. I referred above to “the conversion of the missionary,” which is His first period of time in China (1903–11) gave him opportuni- discussed in Lian Xi’s study of changes in the American mission- ties for sporadic contact with and study of Buddhism, enhanced ary community in the early twentieth century. Lian’s perspective suggests that Reichelt was part of a broader process of change, and I follow his suggestion by mentioning others who also played a role in the changing relationship between Buddhism Reichelt broke away from and Christianity. the contempt for Chinese culture and religion that Richard and Reid. One of the towering figures in this context is the Welsh Baptist missionary (1845–1919).11 After had permeated Western a few years of traditional preaching, he became increasingly attitudes toward China in involved in social work. He realized that China would not change unless one also addressed the Chinese leadership, that is, the nineteenth century. the religious and political leaders, most notably the Confucian- trained officials. One element in Richard’s approach was to develop language and terminology that could make the Gospel by further studies and lectures in Scandinavia during his home immediately understood at various levels of society. He estab- stay (1911–13). It seems, however, that it was his position as lished a great network of contacts with Chinese leaders, engaged professor of New Testament studies at the Lutheran seminary in in dialogue with them, and studied their scriptures.12 He even Shekow (1913–20) that gave him time and energy for more wrote a catechism for Confucians and planned to write corre- systematic contact with Buddhist communities. The decisive sponding literature for Taoists and Buddhists.13 His work, how- experience that gave concrete form to a special strategy for a ever, was increasingly regarded as controversial, and in 1891 he mission to Buddhists came in 1919 with the conversion of Kuantu had to leave his missionary society. He then involved himself in (Kuandu), a monk from the Pilu Monastery in Nanjing.9 literary work and became active in what was later organized as Reichelt’s understanding of Buddhism was to a great extent the Christian Literature Society. inspired by, and hence also limited by, his understanding of Richard is significant in our context because in many ways

116 INTERNATIONAL BULLETIN OF MISSIONARY RESEARCH, Vol. 30, No. 3 he laid the foundation for Reichelt’s involvement with Bud- the American missionaries Edward H. Hume, Frank J. Rawlin- dhism. Richard’s influence can be observed not only in Reichelt’s son, and Pearl S. Buck. policy of seeking contact with religious leaders and searching for Edward Hume (1876–1957) came to China in 1901 as a terminology suitable for preaching but also in his understanding medical missionary in order to make the Chinese “cleaner and of Mahayana as a preparation for Christian faith, or rather as a happier and more Godlike,” using the hospital as a “battlefield” sort of hidden Christianity. Richard’s translation of central for the victory of Christianity and for conquering the province of Mahayana scriptures, notably The Awakening of Faith in Mahayana Hunan for “Christ and civilization.”21 Finding unexpected val- and The Lotus Sutra, not only presents these as almost Christian ues in Chinese medicine, he became one of the first Westerners to but also introduces renderings of Buddhist terminology that study it systematically. He also became fascinated with Chinese Reichelt later accepted uncritically and used as a foundation for religion, regarding the Chinese classics as a sort of Chinese Old his own work.14 Even though he regarded Buddhism as one of the “noblest attempts” to solve the great problems of humankind,15 Richard’s real concern was to convince the Buddhists that once The missionaries’ wish to they took their own religion seriously, they would be guided toward the Christian faith, which had originally inspired the “sinicize” Christianity development of Mahayana.16 implied a new positive Another original contribution to theological and strategic rethinking came from Gilbert Reid (1857–1927), an American interest in Chinese religion Presbyterian who came to China in 1882. Frustrated both by and culture. traditional missionary work and by difficulties with the political elites, he established the Mission to the Higher Classes in China in 1894. It was reorganized in 1897 as the International Institute Testament. Hume argued that the time might even be ripe for of China, an “inter-national, inter-racial and inter-religious” messengers from the East “who would enlarge and enrich our institute promoting harmony, goodwill, and universal brother- conceptions of Christianity.” hood.17 Reid is a classic example of a liberal missionary who Frank Rawlinson (1871–1937) came to China in 1902 as a desperately wanted missionaries to come “out of our own ruts” Southern Baptist missionary, heavily encumbered with preju- and to establish contact between the religions, even if it hap- dices against Chinese religions.22 His convictions began to crack, pened at the cost of abandoning traditional evangelization.18 It is at first in questioning the confessional exclusivism of the Bap- difficult to determine whether he had any direct impact on tists, and later through his discovery of the classical culture of Reichelt, but they certainly met and were probably well informed China. Questioning the methods of traditional missionary work, about each other.19 Rawlinson eventually developed a rather romantic enthusiasm Richard, Reid, and a few others anticipated in many ways a for Chinese religion and culture. The spiritual civilization of process of change that became far more noticeable in the next China, as he understood it, had to be absorbed by Protestant generation of missionaries, that is, those who arrived in China thinkers and integrated into a new Christian civilization.23 around the turn of the century, including Reichelt. The changes Pearl Buck (1892–1973) was brought up in China as the appear partly as a broad collective trend in missionary commu- daughter of a conservative missionary, and she returned in nities, and partly as dramatic changes in the attitudes and activi- adulthood as an educational missionary. After few years, how- ties of a few outstanding missionaries. ever, she proclaimed that honest and intelligent missionaries must understand that they no longer had a message to China.24 Conferences and literature. The collective changes are revealed in the ways Chinese religion was presented at the great regional Goddard and Wilhelm. Two other missionaries from the same missionary conferences and in the missions literature. Chinese period who are particularly relevant for Reichelt are Dwight religion and culture had previously been a topic of missionary Goddard and Richard Wilhelm. Both are remembered more as conferences, journals, and publications, where it was generally scholars and communicators of Chinese religion and culture presented as the negative background for missionary work. In than as missionaries, but it was actually their missionary back- 1907 the hundredth anniversary of Protestant mission in China ground that prepared them for their scholarship. was celebrated with a large centenary conference. In many ways Dwight Goddard (1861–1939) came to China around the it represented the first broad manifestation of both the move- turn of the century and had a superficial contact with Buddhism, ment toward ecumenical unity and the wish to “naturalize” or based on his own interest in Christian . Only later, in “sinicize” Christianity. The latter concern also implied a new the early 1920s, did he become more involved with Buddhism, positive interest in Chinese religion and culture. One of the due in part to his contact with Reichelt in Nanjing. At that time resolutions of the conference affirmed that theological education Goddard was hoping to create a meeting place where Buddhists for the Chinese ministry “should be broad and comprehensive in and Christians could together seek “light and reality,” which he its scope, should include the study of other religions, of other envisioned as a hospice in Nanjing or Hangzhou, designed after forms of ethical thought.”20 We note similar changes in the Buddhist models. The ultimate goal was to unite Buddhism and Chinese Recorder, the most representative organ for China mis- Christianity into one common Chinese (native) church.25 sionaries, whose articles and comments increasingly described Goddard regarded Buddhism and Christianity as almost Chinese religion in positive terms and made attempts to relate it identical in their search because historical studies had convinced to Christianity. him of the esoteric roots of Christianity, primarily in Essene traditions, in which he also found strong Buddhist influences. Hume, Rawlinson, and Buck. I exemplify these changes by refer- The great problem was that Christianity had become estranged ring to a few missionaries who in different ways experienced the from its roots and had become exclusive. The only basic differ- transforming power of China. Lian Xi pays special attention to ence between the two religions was the word “only,” expressed

July 2006 117 in the Christian claim that Christ was unique, as Goddard ar- for developing indigenous forms of Christianity, with a corre- gued in 1924.26 He was convinced that, if the errors of Christi- sponding interest in inherited culture and religion.33 anity could be abandoned, one might follow the golden middle Along with new attitudes in international ecumenical and way “with entire loyalty to Jesus and his way of Love.”27 missionary communities, there were also remarkable changes Richard Wilhelm (1873–1930) is primarily known as a among Chinese Christian leaders and their attitudes to Chinese sinologist who contributed to Western knowledge of Chinese indigenous religions and culture. Although nineteenth-century classics through translations, and he is celebrated in esoteric Chinese Christians included a few strong personalities, most circles almost as a guru of Chinese wisdom.28 But he actually were rather anonymous and did not occupy important leader- came to China as a missionary in 1898 with the Allgemeiner ship positions until the early twentieth century. The revolution in Evangelisch-Protestantischer Missionsverein (General Evan- 1911, and notably the dramatic wave of anti-Western national- gelical Protestant Mission Society), and he did not leave the ism in the 1920s, created a new generation of self-confident Christian leaders, many of whom began to emphasize the inde- pendence of the church and the need to create an indigenous Christianity. Also important here was the increasing demand for Young Christian leaders dialogue with Chinese traditions in order to develop a uniquely wanted to “de-Westernize” Chinese Christian identity. Christianity in order to An early advocate for an independent Chinese role was Chengting Wang (C. T. Wang), who in 1915 became the first make it indigenous. Chinese general secretary of the YMCA and, later, an influential politician.34 He insisted on the need to make Christianity indig- enous. Christianity was “capable of adaptation,” he argued, and mission until 1921. The mission stood for a moderately liberal the Chinese were “capable of leadership,” accustomed as they and tolerant missionary tradition, with a clear expectation that were to doing things “in their own way.”35 religions might be an expression of God’s preparatory work in Not until the 1920s, however, did this tendency reach its full the world.29 A number of the mission’s representatives in both strength, evident particularly among Christian intellectuals who China and Japan conducted thorough studies of indigenous had studied overseas and returned as culturally aware leaders.36 traditions and represented what currently might be called an Many of them worked as youth leaders or teachers in the YMCA emphasis on dialogue. or at universities and colleges. They regarded the anti-Western Wilhelm wanted to encounter Chinese culture at its highest (and to a great extent anti-Christian) wave—often named the level. His aim was not to plant churches but to influence the en- New Tide, the New Thought, or the Renaissance of China—as a tire society like leaven, through schools and medical work, pre- sign of renewal to be incorporated in their approach. The paring individuals for a personal commitment to the “origin movement’s strongest criticism was directed against Western of personal-spiritual life in Jesus Christ,” as he expressed his imperialism, military pressure, unjust treaties, and oppressive vision.30 Wilhelm wanted to combine Western knowledge and trade and industrial policies. Christian mission was to a great Christian faith in a synthesis with the essence of Chinese culture, extent identified with such injustices, and Chinese Christians and his role was to be a spiritual bridge of mutual communica- were attacked as “lantern bearers” for the missionaries. A para- tion rather than an evangelist.31 doxical aspect of the New Tide was the combination of anti- The experiences of a number of other missionaries could be Western and anti-Christian agitation along with an appeal to added as examples of the transforming power of Chinese culture ideas imported from the West, which to a great extent had been for those who opened themselves to its influence. Lian Xi refers introduced by Christian missionaries. In spite of its anti-Chris- to several such missionaries,32 but we already have sufficient tian elements, however, a number of Christian leaders sympa- material here to see that Reichelt in many ways was part of a thized with the movement and spoke enthusiastically about the broader trend among missionaries to China, whose encounter birth of the New China. They expected that Christianity alone— with indigenous religion and culture stimulated rethinking and though a Chinese Christianity—would be decisive as a liberating new approaches and strategies. force.37 For many of these young Christian leaders, the combina- tion of nationalism with the demand for modernization para- International Trends, National Consciousness doxically stimulated their own interest in the old Chinese tradi- tions, which were threatened by modernization. Nurtured by The change of climate I have described in China not only was Western ideas of democracy and modernization, they wanted to caused by individual missionaries who became attentive to the “de-Westernize” Christianity in order to make it indigenous, and riches of Chinese religion and culture, but it was undoubtedly several of them dreamed of synthesizing Christianity and Chi- also related to new trends in international theology and mission- nese culture.38 ary thinking. The nineteenth-century missionary movement was Of particular interest for Reichelt and the mission to Bud- generally opposed to all forms of relativizing, but in certain dhists were the writings of two Chinese intellectuals who de- missionary circles there was room for a theology of fulfillment voted special attention to Buddhism: Wang Zhishin and Zhang that combined missionary triumphalism with a new openness to Chunyi. In 1924 Wang, professor at the theological seminary at other religions. The major breakthrough for Protestant fulfill- Nanjing University, published a study of Buddhism from a ment theologies took place at the World Missionary Conference Christian perspective.39 His booklet, which describes core Bud- at Edinburgh in 1910, which is also regarded as the beginning of dhist teachings and traditions, was meant to enable Chinese modern church ecumenism. Impulses from Edinburgh not only Christians to relate to Buddhism as their own inherited tradition. made an impact on missionaries’ efforts to achieve unity in their One of his arguments was that Christian preaching would not work through Continuation Committees but also strengthened communicate with the Chinese people unless the preacher had a the demand for independent national leadership and the need grasp of Buddhism. He regretted that Christian literature in

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July 2006 119 Chinese could hardly compare with Buddhist literature, and he Zhang was frustrated, however, by the superficial under- was convinced that a thorough education in Chinese culture was standing of Christians who, on the one hand, failed to grasp the a necessary step in the process of indigenization. Although Wang inexhaustible riches of Christianity and, on the other hand, were was critical of outward “Buddhistification” and superficial ad- ignorant of other religions. If Chinese Christians would use the aptation of external forms of indigenous religions, he neverthe- cultural and religious inheritance of their country to “magnify less formed a community that used incense and Chinese music.40 the radiant life and immeasurable love of Christ,” he argued, Reichelt apparently had close contact with Wang in the early Christianity would spread like mustard seeds or like leaven in 1920s, and he even wrote a foreword to Wang’s book, recom- the meal. In this way the greatness of Christ might be brought mending it for further studies. back to the West. He even envisioned the day when “all truths A far more radical tendency was expressed by Zhang Chunyi, and all religions will be one, without frontiers, beyond national another Christian intellectual. His journey toward Christian and racial divisions.”42 faith had begun in the 1890s, when in his studies of Buddhist Zhang’s frustration with the superficiality of traditional scriptures he found “traces of Christ.” Out of all the Chinese Christianity seemed to strengthen his need to search for his own religions, he argued, only Buddhism was comparable with Chris- Buddhist roots. In his book Fohua jidujiao (Buddhistified Chris- tianity. Buddhism was profound but difficult, while Christianity tianity), from 1933, he expanded on his idea of a Christianity that was so simple that even a child could find the way. The spirit of is transformed by the application of Buddhist concepts.43 Christ had guided him in a way that made it impossible not to become his disciple. But in the New Testament he also found The description of some of Reichelt’s many contexts in China— room for the other religions of China: “I believe that the New local, as well as international—shows that he was part of global Testament gathers all the great truths of Confucianism, Bud- networks that fostered a radical rethinking of the relationships dhism and Taoism, and presents them in a concrete and practical between religions and cultures. He was one of the many mission- way so that all men could receive and live by it. Christianity has aries who went to China in order to change the East, particularly the realism of Confucianism, the mysticism of Taoism, and the Buddhist monks, but who eventually found themselves sharing the essence of Buddhism, excels it in dynamic power. For changed by the encounter. He remained a missionary, but at the this reason I hold fast to Christ and wish to preach him to the same time he became a messenger on behalf of the wisdom of the rising generation.”41 East. Notes 1. Earl H. Cressy, “Converting the Missionary,” Asia: Journal of the misjon 52, no. 4 (1998): 195–216; and “Reichelts misjon og livsverk— American Asiatic Association 19, no. 6 (June 1919): 553, 556. This theme en utfordring til vår tid?” (Reichelt’s mission and life work—a is analyzed in great detail in Lian Xi, “Missionaries Distracted: The challenge to our time?), ibid. 51, no. 1 (1997): 33–52. Rise of Syncretism in American Protestant Missions in China, 1907– 6. E.g., see Lauren F. Pfister, “The Legacy of ,” International 1932” (Ph.D. diss., State Univ. of New York at Albany, 1993). See also Bulletin of Missionary Research 22, no. 2 (1998): 78. Lian’s revised version, The Conversion of Missionaries: Liberalism in 7. See , Chinese Buddhism: A Volume of Sketches, 2d ed. American Protestant Missions in China, 1907–1932 (University Park: (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner, 1893), pp. vii–viii, 395–97, Pennsylvania State Univ., 1997). 412, 420. 2. The research project “Religion in a Globalized Age” (RIGA), at the 8. See Ernest J. Eitel, Buddhism: Its Historical, Theoretical, and Popular University of Oslo, deals with various aspects of globalization. My Aspects, 2d ed. (London: Trübner, 1873), pp. 1–2, 74, 122. Details own research is related to various aspects of interreligious changes about early missionaries studying Buddhism will be available in my in China in the 1920s and 1930s, with Karl Ludvig Reichelt as a focus. article, “Crossing Religious Frontiers: Christian Missions and Global 3. Major studies of Reichelt include Håkan Eilert, Boundlessness (Århus: Transformations,” in the forthcoming RIGA book, Religion in a Aros, 1974); Filip Riisager, Forventning og opfyldelse (Expectation and Globalized Age: Transfers and Transformations, Integration and Resistance, fulfillment) (Århus: Aros, 1973), and Lotusblomsten og korset (The ed. Sturla Staalsett (see n. 2). lotus and the cross) (Copenhagen: Gad, 1998); Eric J. Sharpe, Karl 9. This event is described in detail in Reichelt’s Kinas buddhister for Ludvig Reichelt: Missionary, Scholar, and Pilgrim (Hong Kong: Tao Kristus (China’s Buddhists for Christ) (Stavanger: Det Norske Fong Shan Ecumenical Centre, 1984); and Notto N. Thelle, Karl Misjonsselskap, 1920). See also the Chinese Recorder (hereafter CR), Ludvig Reichelt—en kristen banebryter i Øst-Asia (Karl Ludvig Reichelt— 1920, pp. 491–97. a Christian pioneer in East Asia) (Oslo: Buddhistmisjonen, 1954). 10. See references in n. 5. My detailed analysis of Reichelt’s institutions 4. Holmes Welch, The Buddhist Revival in China (Cambridge, Mass.: in Nanjing and Hong Kong will be published in two forthcoming Harvard Univ. Press, 1968), p. 240. Mahayana is the northeastern articles, “A Christian Monastery for Buddhist Monks 1: Karl Ludvig branch of Buddhism which at Reichelt’s time was often regarded Reichelt’s Sacred Mountains,” and “A Christian Monastery for negatively as a deviation from original Buddhism. It was thought to Buddhist Monks 2: Buddhist Rhetoric in Christian Liturgies,” to be be mixed with non-Buddhist elements from local cultures and published in Ching Feng. characterized by superstitious practices, innumerable gods and 11. Richard’s work is documented in his autobiographical Forty-five saviors, and moral decay. Years in China (New York: Frederick A. Stokes, 1916). One of the 5. Notto R. Thelle, “The Legacy of Karl Ludvig Reichelt,” International classic biographies of Richard is by William E. Soothill, Timothy Bulletin of Missionary Research 11, no. 2 (1981), later published as Richard of China (London: Seeley, Service, 1926); see also Brian “Karl Ludvig Reichelt, 1877–1952: Christian Pilgrim of Tao Fong Stanley, “Richard, Timothy,” in Biographical Dictionary of Christian Shan,” in Mission Legacies: Biographical Studies of Leaders of the Modern Missions, ed. Gerald H. Anderson (New York: Macmillan, 1998), pp. Missionary Movement, ed. Gerald H. Anderson et al. (Maryknoll, 567–68. N.Y.: Orbis Books, 1994), pp. 216–24; “‘The Conversion of the 12. Richard’s Forty-five Years in China describes numerous such contacts. Missionary’: Changes in Buddhist-Christian Relations in the Early 13. Ibid., p. 204. Twentieth Century,” Ching Feng, n.s., 4, no. 2 (2003): 131–56; “Karl 14. Richard’s translation of the two scriptures is published in The New Ludvig Reichelt—pionéren som kom inn fra kulden. Behov for en ny Testament of Higher Buddhism (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1910). kritisk vurdering” (Karl Ludvig Reichelt—the pioneer who came in 15. From CR, quoted in Donald Pittman, “Will a New Buddhism from the cold: Need for a new critical evaluation), Norsk tidsskrift for Survive?” Ching Feng 41, no. 2 (1998): 132–33.

120 INTERNATIONAL BULLETIN OF MISSIONARY RESEARCH, Vol. 30, No. 3 16. This conviction is most clearly expressed in Timothy Richard, An 30. “. . . zum freien persönlichen Anschluss an den Ursprung persönlich- Epistle to All Buddhists Throughout the World (: Christian geistigen Lebens in Jesus Christus,” quoted from Spuren, p. 73. Literature Society, 1916). 31. Ibid., pp. 74–75. See also the chapter “Die Mission in China” in 17. China Mission Year Book 1912 (Shanghai: Christian Literature Society, Richard Wilhelm’s Die Seele Chinas (The soul of China) (Berlin: 1912), pp. 363–64; see also Lian, “Missionaries Distracted,” p. 228; Reimar Hobbing, 1926). It is told that he boasted to Carl Gustav Jung Tsou Minteh, “Christian Missionary as Confucian Intellectual: Gilbert that during his entire stay in China, he never baptized a single Reid (1857–1927) and the Reform Movement in the Late Qing,” in Chinese. , ed. Daniel H. Bays (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford 32. See Lian, “Missionaries Distracted,” pp. 215–16. Univ. Press, 1996), pp. 73–90. 33. See notably the report of Commission 4, World Missionary Conference 18. This position is formulated sharply in an article in CR, 1913, p. 755; 1910: The Missionary Message in Relation to Non-Christian Religions see also Lian, “Missionaries Distracted,” p. 202, and Ralph R. Covell, (Edinburgh: Oliphant, Anderson & Ferrier, 1910). “Reid, Gilbert,” in Biographical Dictionary of Christian Missions, p. 564. 34. Lucius Chapin Porter, China’s Challenge to Christianity (New York: 19. In 1926 Reid described the mission to Buddhists positively as an Missionary Education Movement, 1924), pp. 189, 194. expression of “mutual toleration, sympathy and respect” between 35. Chengting T. Wang, “The Importance of Making Christianity Buddhists and Christians; see China Christian Year Book (Shanghai: Indigenous,” International Review of Missions, 1916, pp. 78–79. His Christian Literature Society, 1926), p. 76. writings were also frequently published in CR. 20. See Lian, “Missionaries Distracted,” p. 198. 36. For a detailed analysis of the developments in the 1920s, see Jonathan 21. Ibid., pp. 25–71. See also James A. Scherer, “Hume, Edward H(icks),” T’ien-en Chao, “The Chinese Indigenous Church Movement, 1919– in Biographical Dictionary of Christian Missions, p. 309, and Hume’s 1927: A Protestant Response to the Anti-Christian Movements in autobiography, Doctors East, Doctors West: An American Physician’s Modern China” (Ph.D. diss., Univ. of Pennsylvania, 1986). I have Life in China (New York: W. W. Norton, 1946). described similar dynamics in the demand for a Japanized theology 22. Lian, “Missionaries Distracted,” pp. 73–124; see also Donald E. during the wave of anti-Western nationalism in Japan in the 1890s in MacInnis, “Rawlinson, Frank Joseph,” in Biographical Dictionary of my book Buddhism and Christianity in Japan: From Conflict to Dialogue Christian Missions, p. 561. (Honolulu: Univ. of Hawaii Press, 1987), pp. 163–93. 23. Rawlinson’s views are expressed in numerous articles in CR and in 37. See Chao, “Chinese Indigenous Church Movement,” pp. 196–202. books and pamphlets, e.g., Naturalization of Christianity in China: A 38. Many of these views were expressed in English in books with such Study of the Relation of Christian and Chinese Idealism and Life (Shang- assertive titles as China Her Own Interpreter: Chapters by a Group of hai: Presbyterian Mission Press, 1927) and Chinese Ideas of the Su- Nationals Interpreting the Christian Movement (New York: Student preme Being (Shanghai: Presbyterian Mission Press, 1927). Volunteer Movement for Christian Missions, 1927); T. T. Lew et al., 24. See Lian, “Missionaries Distracted,” pp. 125–71. China Today Through Chinese Eyes (London: Student Christian 25. Goddard’s visions are described in a small pamphlet entitled A Movement, 1922); and a second series with the same title and Vision of Christian and Buddhist Fellowship in the Search for Light and publisher, by T. C. Chao et al., published in 1926. The most prominent Reality (Los Gatos, Calif., 1924). See also James Bissett Pratt, The of these leaders was T. C. Chao, who was a prolific writer. See also Pilgrimage of Buddhism and a Buddhist Pilgrimage (London: McMillan, , A History of Christian Missions in China 1928), pp. 747–48; and Lian, “Missionaries Distracted,” pp. 224–27. (London: SPCK, 1929), pp. 690–99. 26. Lian, “Missionaries Distracted,” p. 226. 39. Wang Zhishin, Jidutu zhi foxue yanjiu (A Christian’s study of 27. Dwight Goddard, Was Jesus Influenced by Buddhism? A Comparative Buddhism) (Shanghai: Christian Literature Society, 1924). Study of the Lives and Thoughts of Gautama and Jesus (Thetford, Vt., 40. See F. R. Millican, “Chen Ju,” CR, 1924, pp. 115–19; J. T. Chao, 1927), p. 248. Later contact with Japanese Buddhists, including with “Chinese Indigenous Church Movement,” p. 202; Lai Pan-chiu, D. T. Suzuki, strengthened his Buddhist commitment. “Influence of Chinese Buddhism on the Indigenization of Christianity 28. Richard Wilhelm is presently known primarily because of his in Modern China,” Ching Feng, n.s., 1, no. 2 (2000): 143–59. translations of I Ching: The Book of Changes and The Secret of the 41. The quotation and my report of Zhang is based on an article by Y. Y. Golden Flower, which have given him a position in esoteric circles Tsu in China Her Own Interpreter, pp. 64–67. as “the Marco Polo of the inner world in China.” See 42. Ibid., p. 66; see also China Today Through Chinese Eyes (1926), pp. www.schoolofwisdom.com/wilhelm.html. 42–44. 29. For a review of the history and strategies of the mission, see Spuren. 43. See He Jianming, “Buddhist-Christian Encounter in Modern China: Hundert Jahre Ostasien-Mission, ed. Ferdinand Hahn (Stuttgart: Quell A Case Study of Ren Jian Jue Banyuekan,” Ching Feng, n.s., 1, no. 2 Verlag, 1984). (2000): 121–42.

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