Shipping Network 1 March 2018 Contents
Total Page：16
File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Imperial Preference – and Deference: the Economics of Empire, 1920S
IMPERIAL PREFERENCE – AND DEFERENCE: THE ECONOMICS OF EMPIRE, 1920S Prologue: Wembley wood As a show of what the Empire produced – could buy – could sell, the exhibition at Wembley proved a real draw... You could see the Witton Kramer Electric Lifting Magnet the Constantineseo Converter Motor Chassis (for driving standard-gauge engines) wonderful machines that turned a fluid of emulsified wood pulp into paper or packed cigarettes into boxes... The kind of thrill you get once in a life-time .... if you’re lucky. But all this praise for the self-sustaining Empire got a bad crimp on the opening day when the King gave his speech. Reporters noticed that the platform wasn’t English-made. The lumber came from the U.S.!1 Right there was a symbol of something gone askew with the English 1 “Britain’s Empire Packed into One Big Show,” Literary Digest (June 14, 1924): 44. political economy. I. OWE CALCUTTA A. ENGLAND TRIMS ITS SALES World War I wrecked international trade. The 1920s saw a very incomplete recovery. Blame America for a lot of the trouble. It came out of the world war as the great creditor nation. Then it enacted policies that made it impossible for debtors to pay without ruining themselves.... and demanded that they pay. It closed its doors to Europeans with the most pressure of population by severe immigration laws. It closed its shops to Europe’s products, by tariffs. The Hawley-Smoot tariff was the worst of all. Exports Decline: Manufactures Trouble like this England didn’t need. 3 British wealth depended on what it could sell abroad. -
The Case of Canadian and Indian Bilateral Trade
Études canadiennes / Canadian Studies Revue interdisciplinaire des études canadiennes en France 75 | 2013 Canada and the Commonwealth Enhancing Trade Relations between Commonwealth Members: the Case of Canadian and Indian bilateral trade Claire Heuillard Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/eccs/273 DOI: 10.4000/eccs.273 ISSN: 2429-4667 Publisher Association française des études canadiennes (AFEC) Printed version Date of publication: 1 December 2013 Number of pages: 81-95 ISSN: 0153-1700 Electronic reference Claire Heuillard, « Enhancing Trade Relations between Commonwealth Members: the Case of Canadian and Indian bilateral trade », Études canadiennes / Canadian Studies [Online], 75 | 2013, Online since 01 December 2015, connection on 02 May 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/eccs/273 ; DOI : 10.4000/eccs.273 AFEC ENHANCING TRADE RELATIONS BETWEEN COMMONWEALTH MEMBERS: THE CASE OF CANADIAN AND INDIAN BILATERAL TRADE Claire HEUILLARD Université de Paris 2, Panthéon-Assas Cet article étudie le faible niveau du commerce bilatéral entre le Canada et l’Inde au cours de la seconde moitié du XXème siècle, et analyse la dynamique des relations actuelles. Tandis que le choix de non-alignement de la part de l’Inde engendra des tensions géopolitiques complexes à l’origine de barrières entre ces deux pays durant la Guerre Froide, l’intensification de la mondialisation au XXIème siècle les a conduits à envisager de nouveaux partenariats stratégiques. Cet article met l’accent sur la nécessité d’améliorer la compréhension mutuelle, afin d’éviter de compromettre les efforts considérables qui ont été faits ces dix dernières années pour développer le commerce bilatéral. This article examines the surprisingly low levels of bilateral trade between Canada and India throughout the late 20th century and explores the dynamics of present-day relations. -
Independence and Trade: the Speci C E Ects of French Colonialism
Independence and trade: the specic eects of French colonialism Emmanuelle Lavallée¤ Julie Lochardy June 2012z Very preliminary. Please do note cite. Abstract Empirical evidence suggests that colonial rule and subsequent indepen- dence inuence past and current trade of former colonies. Independence ef- fects could dier substantially across former empires if they are related to the end of dierent preferential trade arrangements. Thanks to an original dataset including new data on pre-independence bilateral trade, this paper explores the impact of independence on former colonies' trade (imports and exports) for dierent empires on the period 1948-2007. We show that independence reduces trade (imports and exports) with the former metropole and that this eect is mainly driven by former French colonies. We also nd that, after independence, trade of all former colonies increase with third countries. A close inspection of the eects over time highlights that independence eects are gradual but tend to be more rapid and more intense in the case of exports. These results oer indirect evidence for the long-lasting inuence of colonial trade policies. Author Keywords: Trade; Decolonization; French Empire. JEL classication codes: F10; F54. ¤Université Paris-Dauphine, LEDa, UMR DIAL. Email: [email protected]. yErudite, University of Paris-Est Créteil. Email: [email protected]. zWe would like to thank participants at the IRD-DIAL Seminar and participants at the Con- ference on International Economics (CIE) 2012 for useful comments and suggestions. 1 1 Introduction Several studies highlight the consequences of colonial rule on bilateral trade. Mitchener and Wei- denmier (2008) assess the contemporaneous eects of empire on trade over the period 1870-1913. -
Directions for Britain Outside the Eu Ralph Buckle • Tim Hewish • John C
BREXIT DIRECTIONS FOR BRITAIN OUTSIDE THE EU RALPH BUCKLE • TIM HEWISH • JOHN C. HULSMAN IAIN MANSFIELD • ROBERT OULDS BREXIT: Directions for Britain Outside the EU BREXIT: DIRECTIONS FOR BRITAIN OUTSIDE THE EU RALPH BUCKLE TIM HEWISH JOHN C. HULSMAN IAIN MANSFIELD ROBERT OULDS First published in Great Britain in 2015 by The Institute of Economic Affairs 2 Lord North Street Westminster London SW1P 3LB in association with London Publishing Partnership Ltd www.londonpublishingpartnership.co.uk The mission of the Institute of Economic Affairs is to improve understanding of the fundamental institutions of a free society by analysing and expounding the role of markets in solving economic and social problems. Copyright © The Institute of Economic Affairs 2015 The moral right of the author has been asserted. All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photo- copying, recording or otherwise), without the prior written permission of both the copyright owner and the publisher of this book. A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN 978-0-255-36682-3 (interactive PDF) Many IEA publications are translated into languages other than English or are reprinted. Permission to translate or to reprint should be sought from the Director General at the address above. Typeset in Kepler by T&T Productions Ltd www.tandtproductions.com -
Locating the British World of Trade
Introduction- Locating the British World of Trade ‘We seem, as it were, to have conquered and peopled half the world in a fit of absence of mind. While we were doing it….we did not allow it to affect our imaginations or in any degree to change our way of thinking; nor have we even ceased to think of ourselves as simply a race inhabiting an island off the northern coast of the Continent of Europe’, J.R. Seeley, The Expansion of England (London, 1883), p. 11 ‘Here in the United Kingdom, there are some forty millions of us. Outside, there are more than ten millions descended from ancestors who left this country. How long are we going to be four times as many as our kinsfolk abroad?...Do you think it better to cultivate trade with your own people, or let that go in order that you may keep the trade of those who are your competitors and rivals?’, Joseph Chamberlain, Birmingham speech, May 1903.1 In 1871 Europe accounted for a larger share of UK trade than the Empire-Commonwealth. The same was true for 1901, when Queen Victoria died and Britain was embroiled in the Second Anglo-Boer War, and in 1931, the year before a system of tariff preferences between Empire-Commonwealth countries was cemented at the Ottawa economic conference. In 1961, when the UK made its first application to join the European Economic Community (EEC), its trade with western Europe was about equal with that of the Empire- Commonwealth, and Europe had firmly re-established itself as Britain’s key trade partner by 1 Cited in C.W. -
Great Britain, the Dominions and the Paris Peace Conference1
wbhr 02|2014 Great Britain, the Dominions and the Paris Peace Conference1 JAROSLAV VALKOUN Institute of World History, Faculty of Arts, Charles University, Prague Nám. J. Palacha 2, 116 38 Prague, Czech Republic [email protected] Introduction The First World War was the greatest test for the cohesion of the British Empire after the first Dominions came into being.2 The Empire entered the war as one single entity as the Dominions were still formally subordinated to their mother country. The Dominions had the right to decide about the extent of their involvement in the war effort; however, as a result of various pre-war agreements, their fleets and expeditionary forces found themselves under the command of the British Admiralty and the Supreme Military Command.3 Although the Dominions’ military deployment was below the level of their mother country, their help was everything but negligible.4 Losses and victories of these overseas countries, symbolized by the heroism of Australians and New Zealanders during the Gallipoli Operation, of Canadians at Passchendaele and Vimy Ridge, and of South Africans during the conquest of German Southwest and East Africa, deeply entered the collective memory of the Dominions. In addition, they accelerated local 1 This article has been published as a part of the research project PRVOUK „Historie v interdisciplinární perspektivě” (scientific discipline AB – history; coordinator: Prof. PhDr. Ivan Šedivý, CSc.), partial project „Evropa a (versus) svět: Interkontinentální a vnitrokontinentální politické, ekonomické, sociální, kulturní a intelektuální transfery a jejich důsledky” (leading project researcher: Prof. PhDr. Josef Opatrný, CSc.). 2 See H. E. -
Trade Shocks, Mass Mobilization and Decolonization: Evidence from India’S Independence Struggle
Trade Shocks, Mass Mobilization and Decolonization: Evidence from India's Independence Struggle Rikhil R. Bhavnani and Saumitra Jha∗ May 2011 Abstract A key challenge for development lies in generating broad coalitions in favor of reforms that span economic and ethnic divisions. The mobilization of India's remarkably diverse population in favour of independence|one of the first mass political movements and the first major reversal of colonization by Europeans since the early 19th century| provides an important historical example of a success. Using novel data, we find evidence that districts that were negatively impacted by the Great Depression and Britain's policy shift from free trade to an imperial preference regime favoring British manufactures were more likely to support the Congress, the party of independence, in 1937 and 1946 and more likely to engage in violent insurrection in the Quit India rebellion of 1942. However, positive and extreme negative shocks in this period were associated with less, rather than more, support for Independence. We interpret our results as inconsistent with a \peasant rebellion" interpretation of India's independence and instead as reflecting the role of the Great Depression in aligning the incentives of South Asia's exporters with import substituters in favour of political independence, even while Imperial protectionism forged new pro-Empire constituencies. ∗Preliminary and incomplete. Please do not cite without authors' consent. Bhavnani: Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, Princeton University, [email protected]. Jha: Graduate School of Business, Stanford University, [email protected]. We are particularly grateful to Dennis Appleyard for helpful comments and generously sharing his data. -
Divided Sovereignty: Empire and Nation in the Making of Modern Britain
DIVIDED SOVEREIGNTY: EMPIRE AND NATION IN THE MAKING OF MODERN BRITAIN APRIL 2009 By Andrew Baker Lecturer in History University of Hertfordshire ABSTRACT Great Britain is regarded as a classic example of the Weberian state, and thus as a model of a developed state that might be contrasted with developing states. However, this comfortable fiction conceals the role of empire in the evolution of the British state. Rather than take the distinction between a ‘metropolis’ and a ‘periphery’ as given, this essay explores the mutual constitution of state and empire. What it finds is that the political identity of the British state changed drastically over the first half of the twentieth century, as British intellectuals and policymakers attempted to develop a new political community through the British Commonwealth. The British state of the interwar years decentralised its decision-making and embedded itself firmly in new multilateral networks. A rationalised, centralised British state only emerged after the Second World War, and that in the context of other (Atlantic and European) political identities. The modern British state, it is concluded, is as much a post-colonial invention as the states of the ‘developing’ world. 2 INTRODUCTION Britain occupies an important place in theories of the state and sovereignty. From the perspective of historical sociology, Britain exemplifies the development of the fiscal- military state, where clerks and administrators made possible the exploits of British military heroes, Marlborough to Wellington, Vernon to Nelson (Brewer, 1989). From the perspective of historical materialism, Britain exemplifies capitalist development, an essentially ‘universalising’ world market concealed behind a bureaucratic, centralising nation-state (Rosenberg, 1994). -
Papers of Joseph Chamberlain
http://gdc.gale.com/archivesunbound/ PAPERS OF JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN Winston Churchill once wrote that Joseph Chamberlain "made the weather" in British politics. Through his radical ideals he split both the main British parties, the Liberals by opposing Home Rule for Ireland, and the Conservatives over tariff reform. The Papers of Joseph Chamberlain highlight his political career as Mayor of Birmingham to Secretary of State for the Colonies and the fight over tariff reforms with which he ended his career. This collection demonstrates the rapid change in politics, particularly the constant change in allegiances between politicians and Chamberlain’s own development as a politician. Newspaper clippings of his early speeches, the only record still existing of them, can also be found in this collection, recording his political career from start to finish. Date Range: 1836-1914 Content: 141,316 images Source Library: University of Birmingham Library Detailed Description: Joseph Chamberlain established a model that politicians and pundits still use to classify and judge the performance of Britain’s political leaders. He commonly heads the list for most outstanding statesman who never became Prime Minister. By the time he took charge of the British empire at its height at the turn of the century, he had already distinguished himself as a civic reformer. He set about posing the most serious challenge to the free-trading economic orthodoxy that had been dominant in Britain since the mid-nineteenth century. His first step into politics was as the Mayor of Birmingham, where he had built a company that manufactured screws. In his early adulthood he was a radical Liberal Party member and a campaigner for educational reform, standing up to Gladstone over elementary education. -
2. Working with Bruce
2. Working with Bruce Summary The Australian Dried Fruits Association took the campaign for tariff preference, summed up in a memorandum by McDougall, to the Premiers’ Conference late in 1921. The Federal Government was persuaded to raise the issue of increasing preference with the British Government, which refused to consider a measure increasing the cost of food. A delegation to help clear stocks of Australian tinned fruits in London included McDougall, who gained the approval of Stanley Melbourne Bruce, a young and very new Federal Treasurer in 1922, for his continuing to campaign for tariff preference while in London. By the time McDougall reached London, Bruce had replaced W. M. Hughes as Prime Minister. McDougall reported regularly to Bruce on the progress of his lobbying, and was asked to assist him prepare for the 1923 Imperial Conference. He helped write Bruce’s major speech to the Imperial Economic Conference, calling for imperial economic cooperation through the provision of ‘men, money and markets’. Soon after the conference, British Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin sought endorsement of further tariffs at a general election. McDougall assisted Bruce in his support for Baldwin’s case and also urged Bruce to ensure that Australia’s rural industries were organised for efficient marketing. With the election lost and an anti-tariff minority Labour Government in power in London, Bruce summoned McDougall to Australia in 1924 to help prepare legislation for organisation schemes for industries including dried fruits. It was agreed between the two that McDougall should return to London, paid partly by the Federal Government for lobbying work and partly by the new Dried Fruits Export Control Board, of which he would be the London Secretary. -
Tracing Churchill's Rhetoric on Imperial Trade
H-Empire Tracing Churchill's Rhetoric on Imperial Trade Blog Post published by Marc-William Palen on Wednesday, January 1, 2014 Richard Toye Professor of History, University of Exeter Cross-posted from The Imperial & Global Forum. Churchill’s Rhetoric and the Culture of Imperial Political Economy Winston Churchill is not famed for his views on economics. Yet they formed an important aspect of his outlook. Even though he never claimed any great expertise, he understood trade better than he did finance, and probably cared about it more, too. His career spanned the era of the Edwardian Tariff Reform controversy to that of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). After leaving the Conservative Party in 1904 as it shifted towards protection, he proved a vigorous and effective campaigner on behalf of free trade Liberalism. Returning to the Tories as Chancellor of the Exchequer in 1924, he was seen by many of his protectionist colleagues as an obstacle to their preferred policies. During the political and economic crisis of 1931, however, he committed himself to support a tariff. And during World War II he did his best to defend Britain’s imperial preference system against the efforts of the Roosevelt administration to ensure its demise. His final premiership of the 1950s saw a further twist: after some struggles with party dissidents, his government accepted GATT as a permanent fixture, committing itself to freer (if not completely free) trade. Examination of the rhetorical techniques that Churchill used to justify the varying positions he adopted casts light not merely on his personal political trajectory but on the culture of political economy within which he was operating.Consider, for example, how Churchill used the theme of ‘science’ in relation to trade. -
The Role and Future of the Commonwealth
House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee The role and future of the Commonwealth Fourth Report of Session 2012–13 Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed 1 November 2012 HC 114 [Incorporating HC 1810-i, -ii and -iii, Session 2010-12] Published on 15 November 2012 by authority of the House of Commons London: The Stationery Office Limited £23.00 The Foreign Affairs Committee The Foreign Affairs Committee is appointed by the House of Commons to examine the expenditure, administration, and policy of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and its associated agencies. Current membership Richard Ottaway (Conservative, Croydon South) (Chair) Rt Hon Bob Ainsworth (Labour, Coventry North East) Mr John Baron (Conservative, Basildon and Billericay) Rt Hon Sir Menzies Campbell (Liberal Democrat, North East Fife) Rt Hon Ann Clwyd (Labour, Cynon Valley) Mike Gapes (Labour/Co-op, Ilford South) Mark Hendrick (Labour/Co-op, Preston) Andrew Rosindell (Conservative, Romford) Mr Frank Roy (Labour, Motherwell and Wishaw) Rt Hon Sir John Stanley (Conservative, Tonbridge and Malling) Rory Stewart (Conservative, Penrith and The Border) The following Members were also members of the Committee during the parliament: Emma Reynolds (Labour, Wolverhampton North East) Mr Dave Watts (Labour, St Helens North) Powers The Committee is one of the departmental select committees, the powers of which are set out in House of Commons Standing Orders, principally in SO No 152. These are available on the Internet via www.parliament.uk. Publication The Reports and evidence of the Committee are published by The Stationery Office by Order of the House. All publications of the Committee (including news items) are on the internet at www.parliament.uk/facom.