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I Should Say, at the Outset of This Function on the Senate Side Of
I should say, at the outset of this function on the Senate side of Parliament House, that my subject today—former Tasmanian premier and Australian prime minister Joseph Lyons—was not all that enamoured with upper houses for much of his political career. As a Labor premier of Tasmania, he stood up to the Tasmanian Legislative Council in the 1920s over its financial powers. On a couple of occasions he even managed to by- pass the Council entirely. (How many prime ministers would like to be able to do that these days?) As well, during Lyons’ first two years as a federal minister in the Scullin Government, he faced strong opposition from the Nationalist Party dominated Senate. But then Joseph Lyons moved to stand with the conservatives in 1931. Thereafter, upper houses became more to his liking. Of course—that’s a long time ago and upper houses today cannot be relied upon so easily to reflect the conservative side of politics. As we know well … I am here to discuss one of Australia’s longest serving and most popular prime ministers. And, yet, it has taken some seventy years to get to a point of acknowledging this in the national record. As I discovered on researching his biography, Lyons has been shoved off to some remote region of forgetfulness— thought of as a prime minister who achieved little and was merely used by stronger forces to win elections. This legacy has stalked the memory of J. A. Lyons—as he was wont to sign on documents. Yet, nothing could be further from the truth. -
Compulsory Voting in Australian National Elections
Parliament of Australia Department of Parliamentary Services Parliamentary Library RESEARCH BRIEF Information analysis and advice for the Parliament 31 October 2005, no. 6, 2005–06, ISSN 1832-2883 Compulsory voting in Australian national elections Compulsory voting has been part of Australia’s national elections since 1924. Renewed Liberal Party interest and a recommendation by the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters that voluntary and compulsory voting be the subject of future investigation, suggest that this may well be an important issue at the next election. This research brief refers to the origins of compulsory voting in Australia, describes its use in Commonwealth elections, outlines the arguments for and against compulsion, discusses the political impact of compulsory voting and refers to suggested reforms. Scott Bennett Politics and Public Administration Section Contents Executive summary ................................................... 3 Introduction ........................................................ 4 The emergence of compulsory voting in Australia ............................. 5 Compulsory voting elsewhere ........................................... 8 Administration of compulsory voting in Australian national elections ............... 8 To retain or reject compulsory voting? ..................................... 9 Opposition to compulsory voting ......................................... 9 Support for compulsory voting .......................................... 11 The political impact of compulsory voting -
Imperial Preference – and Deference: the Economics of Empire, 1920S
IMPERIAL PREFERENCE – AND DEFERENCE: THE ECONOMICS OF EMPIRE, 1920S Prologue: Wembley wood As a show of what the Empire produced – could buy – could sell, the exhibition at Wembley proved a real draw... You could see the Witton Kramer Electric Lifting Magnet the Constantineseo Converter Motor Chassis (for driving standard-gauge engines) wonderful machines that turned a fluid of emulsified wood pulp into paper or packed cigarettes into boxes... The kind of thrill you get once in a life-time .... if you’re lucky. But all this praise for the self-sustaining Empire got a bad crimp on the opening day when the King gave his speech. Reporters noticed that the platform wasn’t English-made. The lumber came from the U.S.!1 Right there was a symbol of something gone askew with the English 1 “Britain’s Empire Packed into One Big Show,” Literary Digest (June 14, 1924): 44. political economy. I. OWE CALCUTTA A. ENGLAND TRIMS ITS SALES World War I wrecked international trade. The 1920s saw a very incomplete recovery. Blame America for a lot of the trouble. It came out of the world war as the great creditor nation. Then it enacted policies that made it impossible for debtors to pay without ruining themselves.... and demanded that they pay. It closed its doors to Europeans with the most pressure of population by severe immigration laws. It closed its shops to Europe’s products, by tariffs. The Hawley-Smoot tariff was the worst of all. Exports Decline: Manufactures Trouble like this England didn’t need. 3 British wealth depended on what it could sell abroad. -
February 2019)
ELECTORAL REGULATION RESEARCH NETWORK/DEMOCRATIC AUDIT OF AUSTRALIA JOINT WORKING PAPER SERIES CAMPAIGNS AND REGULATION: ONE HUNDRED YEARS ON Dr. Stephen Mills (University of Sydney) 1 WORKING PAPER NO. 53 (FEBRUARY 2019) 1 This is an edited version of a paper presented at ‘100 Years of the Commonwealth Electoral Act’, on 19 November 2018 in Parliament House, Canberra. The Act originally received Royal Assent on 21 November 1918. The author expresses his thanks to Mike Maley and the other organisers of the event, to the Electoral Regulation Research Network, and to the ACT Chapter of the Australasian Study of Parliament Group. 1 Abstract This working paper reviews the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918 by considering five particular characteristics of the Act which have influenced campaigning by the political parties (the Act’s racist eligibility requirements; its national and uniform scope; its relatively light regulatory touch; its strongly partisan character; and its failed effort to control campaign finance). **************************** Electoral rules matter. As that pioneering scholar of Australian politics and elections L.F. Crisp observed in 1955, electoral legislation creates “the framework within which the struggle for office and power goes on.” Electoral rules, he further suggested, may influence the outcome of that struggle between the contending parties or groups – and may even contribute in some degree to whether the nation is to have a two-party or a multi-party system (Crisp, 1955, p. 207). The centenary of the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918 provides an opportunity to test the continuing validity of Crisp’s mid-century observation. The electoral framework created by the Australian Parliament was flawed, incomplete, out-dated and profoundly racist. -
Independence and Trade: the Speci C E Ects of French Colonialism
Independence and trade: the specic eects of French colonialism Emmanuelle Lavallée¤ Julie Lochardy June 2012z Very preliminary. Please do note cite. Abstract Empirical evidence suggests that colonial rule and subsequent indepen- dence inuence past and current trade of former colonies. Independence ef- fects could dier substantially across former empires if they are related to the end of dierent preferential trade arrangements. Thanks to an original dataset including new data on pre-independence bilateral trade, this paper explores the impact of independence on former colonies' trade (imports and exports) for dierent empires on the period 1948-2007. We show that independence reduces trade (imports and exports) with the former metropole and that this eect is mainly driven by former French colonies. We also nd that, after independence, trade of all former colonies increase with third countries. A close inspection of the eects over time highlights that independence eects are gradual but tend to be more rapid and more intense in the case of exports. These results oer indirect evidence for the long-lasting inuence of colonial trade policies. Author Keywords: Trade; Decolonization; French Empire. JEL classication codes: F10; F54. ¤Université Paris-Dauphine, LEDa, UMR DIAL. Email: [email protected]. yErudite, University of Paris-Est Créteil. Email: [email protected]. zWe would like to thank participants at the IRD-DIAL Seminar and participants at the Con- ference on International Economics (CIE) 2012 for useful comments and suggestions. 1 1 Introduction Several studies highlight the consequences of colonial rule on bilateral trade. Mitchener and Wei- denmier (2008) assess the contemporaneous eects of empire on trade over the period 1870-1913. -
Sir Earle Christmas Grafton PAGE, PC, GCMG, CH Prime Minister 7 April to 26 April 1939
11 Sir Earle Christmas Grafton PAGE, PC, GCMG, CH Prime Minister 7 April to 26 April 1939 Earle Page became the 11th prime minister following the death of Joseph Lyons. Page was deputy prime minister in the Lyons Government and Australia’s first ‘caretaker’ prime minister. Member of the Farmers and Settlers Association and New State League 1915-25. Member of the Country Party of Australia 1920-61. Member of House of Representatives representing Cowper (NSW) 1920-61; Treasurer 1923-29; Minister for Commerce 1934-39, 1940-41; Health 1937-38, 1949-56. Page ceased to be prime minister when the new United Australia Party leader, Robert Menzies, was elected to replace him. The UAP was the majority party in the coalition. Main achievements (1921-1956) Founder of the Country Party in 1920 and parliamentary leader of the party 1921-39. Entered agreement with ruling Nationalist Party to form Australia’s first coalition government 1923-29, and served as deputy prime minister in that government 1923-29. As Treasurer, Page initiated subsidies for rural exports, abolished Federal land tax and set up a rural credits department within the Commonwealth Bank. With Bruce, he created the Loan Council in 1924, which became statutory in 1929. Also served as deputy prime minister in coalition government with United Australia Party headed by Joseph Lyons in 1934. He founded the Australian Agricultural Council and led two trade delegations to London, 1936 and 1938. Served on Australian War Cabinet 1941 and Advisory War Council 1942-43, 1944-45, and the Pacific War Council in London 1942. -
Locating the British World of Trade
Introduction- Locating the British World of Trade ‘We seem, as it were, to have conquered and peopled half the world in a fit of absence of mind. While we were doing it….we did not allow it to affect our imaginations or in any degree to change our way of thinking; nor have we even ceased to think of ourselves as simply a race inhabiting an island off the northern coast of the Continent of Europe’, J.R. Seeley, The Expansion of England (London, 1883), p. 11 ‘Here in the United Kingdom, there are some forty millions of us. Outside, there are more than ten millions descended from ancestors who left this country. How long are we going to be four times as many as our kinsfolk abroad?...Do you think it better to cultivate trade with your own people, or let that go in order that you may keep the trade of those who are your competitors and rivals?’, Joseph Chamberlain, Birmingham speech, May 1903.1 In 1871 Europe accounted for a larger share of UK trade than the Empire-Commonwealth. The same was true for 1901, when Queen Victoria died and Britain was embroiled in the Second Anglo-Boer War, and in 1931, the year before a system of tariff preferences between Empire-Commonwealth countries was cemented at the Ottawa economic conference. In 1961, when the UK made its first application to join the European Economic Community (EEC), its trade with western Europe was about equal with that of the Empire- Commonwealth, and Europe had firmly re-established itself as Britain’s key trade partner by 1 Cited in C.W. -
Great Britain, the Dominions and the Paris Peace Conference1
wbhr 02|2014 Great Britain, the Dominions and the Paris Peace Conference1 JAROSLAV VALKOUN Institute of World History, Faculty of Arts, Charles University, Prague Nám. J. Palacha 2, 116 38 Prague, Czech Republic [email protected] Introduction The First World War was the greatest test for the cohesion of the British Empire after the first Dominions came into being.2 The Empire entered the war as one single entity as the Dominions were still formally subordinated to their mother country. The Dominions had the right to decide about the extent of their involvement in the war effort; however, as a result of various pre-war agreements, their fleets and expeditionary forces found themselves under the command of the British Admiralty and the Supreme Military Command.3 Although the Dominions’ military deployment was below the level of their mother country, their help was everything but negligible.4 Losses and victories of these overseas countries, symbolized by the heroism of Australians and New Zealanders during the Gallipoli Operation, of Canadians at Passchendaele and Vimy Ridge, and of South Africans during the conquest of German Southwest and East Africa, deeply entered the collective memory of the Dominions. In addition, they accelerated local 1 This article has been published as a part of the research project PRVOUK „Historie v interdisciplinární perspektivě” (scientific discipline AB – history; coordinator: Prof. PhDr. Ivan Šedivý, CSc.), partial project „Evropa a (versus) svět: Interkontinentální a vnitrokontinentální politické, ekonomické, sociální, kulturní a intelektuální transfery a jejich důsledky” (leading project researcher: Prof. PhDr. Josef Opatrný, CSc.). 2 See H. E. -
Traits and Trends of Australia's Prime Ministers, 1901 to 2015: a Quick Guide
RESEARCH PAPER SERIES, 2015–16 19 JANUARY 2016 Traits and trends of Australia’s prime ministers, 1901 to 2015: a quick guide Dr Joy McCann Politics and Public Administration Section Introduction • This Quick Guide presents information about the backgrounds and service of Australia’s 29 prime ministers, from Edmund Barton to Malcolm Turnbull. It includes information about of their backgrounds (age, place of birth, gender and occupational background), period in office, experience in other parliaments, parties, electorates and military service. • The majority of Australia’s prime ministers have been Australian-born, middle-aged, tertiary-educated men with experience in law or politics, representing electorates in either Victoria or New South Wales. Only one woman has served as Prime Minister since Federation. • Australia’s prime ministers have ranged in age at the time of first taking office from 39 years to 67 years. The average age is 52 years, which reflects the age profile of Australian parliamentarians more generally (51 years). • Three-quarters of Australia’s 29 prime ministers (22) were born in Australia. Of those born overseas, all but one came from the United Kingdom (England, Scotland or Wales). The only non-British overseas-born Prime Minister was Chris Watson, who was born in Chile and raised in New Zealand. Of those born in Australia, the majority were born in either Victoria (nine) or New South Wales (eight). • Thirteen prime ministers have represented electorates in New South Wales, 11 in Victoria, four in Queensland and one each in Western Australia and Tasmania. There have been no prime ministers representing electorates in South Australia, the Northern Territory, or the Australian Capital Territory. -
Earle Page and the Imagining of Australia
‘NOW IS THE PSYCHOLOGICAL MOMENT’ EARLE PAGE AND THE IMAGINING OF AUSTRALIA ‘NOW IS THE PSYCHOLOGICAL MOMENT’ EARLE PAGE AND THE IMAGINING OF AUSTRALIA STEPHEN WILKS Ah, but a man’s reach should exceed his grasp, Or what’s a heaven for? Robert Browning, ‘Andrea del Sarto’ The man who makes no mistakes does not usually make anything. Edward John Phelps Earle Page as seen by L.F. Reynolds in Table Talk, 21 October 1926. Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] Available to download for free at press.anu.edu.au ISBN (print): 9781760463670 ISBN (online): 9781760463687 WorldCat (print): 1198529303 WorldCat (online): 1198529152 DOI: 10.22459/NPM.2020 This title is published under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0). The full licence terms are available at creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode This publication was awarded a College of Arts and Social Sciences PhD Publication Prize in 2018. The prize contributes to the cost of professional copyediting. Cover design and layout by ANU Press. Cover photograph: Earle Page strikes a pose in early Canberra. Mildenhall Collection, NAA, A3560, 6053, undated. This edition © 2020 ANU Press CONTENTS Illustrations . ix Acknowledgements . xi Abbreviations . xiii Prologue: ‘How Many Germans Did You Kill, Doc?’ . xv Introduction: ‘A Dreamer of Dreams’ . 1 1 . Family, Community and Methodism: The Forging of Page’s World View . .. 17 2 . ‘We Were Determined to Use Our Opportunities to the Full’: Page’s Rise to National Prominence . -
Trade Shocks, Mass Mobilization and Decolonization: Evidence from India’S Independence Struggle
Trade Shocks, Mass Mobilization and Decolonization: Evidence from India's Independence Struggle Rikhil R. Bhavnani and Saumitra Jha∗ May 2011 Abstract A key challenge for development lies in generating broad coalitions in favor of reforms that span economic and ethnic divisions. The mobilization of India's remarkably diverse population in favour of independence|one of the first mass political movements and the first major reversal of colonization by Europeans since the early 19th century| provides an important historical example of a success. Using novel data, we find evidence that districts that were negatively impacted by the Great Depression and Britain's policy shift from free trade to an imperial preference regime favoring British manufactures were more likely to support the Congress, the party of independence, in 1937 and 1946 and more likely to engage in violent insurrection in the Quit India rebellion of 1942. However, positive and extreme negative shocks in this period were associated with less, rather than more, support for Independence. We interpret our results as inconsistent with a \peasant rebellion" interpretation of India's independence and instead as reflecting the role of the Great Depression in aligning the incentives of South Asia's exporters with import substituters in favour of political independence, even while Imperial protectionism forged new pro-Empire constituencies. ∗Preliminary and incomplete. Please do not cite without authors' consent. Bhavnani: Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, Princeton University, [email protected]. Jha: Graduate School of Business, Stanford University, [email protected]. We are particularly grateful to Dennis Appleyard for helpful comments and generously sharing his data. -
Earle Page: an Active Treasurer
Earle Page: an active treasurer John Hawkins1 Earle Christmas Grafton Page brought down six Budgets while serving as Bruce’s treasurer. He was fortunate in when he was treasurer, after the war and before the Depression, which allowed him to ease tax burdens. Bruce and Page established the Loan Council and the National Debt Sinking Fund and introduced ‘tied grants’ to the States. Page moved the Commonwealth Bank further towards being a central bank and gave it responsibility for the note issue. Source: National Library of Australia 1 The author was formerly in Domestic Economy Division, the Australian Treasury. This article has benefited from discussions with Selwyn Cornish and the assistance of the Reserve Bank archivists. The views in this article are those of the author and not necessarily those of the Australian Treasury. 55 Earle Page: an active treasurer Introduction As well as being a long-serving treasurer, Sir Earle Page PC GCMG served as prime minister for 20 days and was often acting prime minister. Only Billy Hughes has served a longer term in the House of Representatives. But as well as possessing longevity, Page was also innovative. His private secretary recalls him as ‘a combination of dreaming idealist and intensely practical man of affairs’.2 Indeed, he was described as ‘energetic, almost incoherent as he poured out ideas faster than words would come in an orderly fashion’, peppered with his trademark ‘you see, you see’.3 He not only had a lot of energy for his ideas and his politics. Physically robust, Page played a daily hard game of tennis until he was over 80, and ‘he played it as he played the political game, with reckless energy, native cunning and a certain contempt for the orthodox rules of the game’.4 His energy was accompanied by an ability to get on well with most of his colleagues.