Gubida Illness and Religious Ritual Among the Garifuna of Santa Fe, Honduras: an Ethnopsychiatric Analysis

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Gubida illness and religious ritual among the Garifuna of Santa Fe, Honduras: An ethnopsychiatric analysis

Bianchi, Cynthia Chamberlain, Ph.D.

The Ohio State University, 1988

UMI 300N.ZeebRd. Ann Arbor, MI 48106

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UMI

GUBIDA ILLNESS AND RELIGIOUS RITUAL AMONG

THE GARIFUNA OF SANTA FE, HONDURAS :

AN ETHNOPSYCHIATRIC ANALYSIS

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for

the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate

School of the Ohio State University

Cynthia Chamberlain Bianchi, B.A., M.A.

*****

The Ohio State University

1988

Dissertation Committee: Approved by

E . Bourguignon

J. Messenger Adviser

CYNTHIA CHAMBERLAIN BIANCHI

By Cynthia Chamberlain Bianchi, Ph.D.

The Ohio State University, 1988

Professor Erika Bourguignon, Adviser

The Garifuna of Honduras are an Afro-Amerindian group inhabiting the shorelands of the Bay of Honduras. Their religious and ethnomedical practices reflect syncretism between West African, West-Central African, Island Carib

Amerindian, Caribbean, and Hispanic-American cultural patterns. This study focuses on an emically recognized illness called hasândicfubida. a condition believed to be caused by the spirits of dead relatives. The physical and behavioral symptoms of hasândicmbida are related to similar phenomena in West and West-Central Africa attributed to the vengeance of angry ancestor spirits.

The illness category hasândicrubida cross-cuts biomedical classifications of disorder. Distinctive behavioral symptoms are culturally patterned, especially stereotypical dreams and visions which reflect imagery of dead relatives demanding food and ritual sacrifices, or 2 persecuting the victim. In many cases physical symptoms appear to express somaticized anxiety. Hasândicmbida is associated with anxiety over disease and physical symptoms resistant to previous treatment, and with disruption in social relationships. This condition may be viewed as a culture-bound reactive syndrome.

Although both males and females develop hasândiaubida. young adult females experience this condition most frequently. Males are most likely to manifest hasândicmbida during middle-age. This difference between the sexes reflects periods of increased distress in the lives of Garifuna males and females.

The identities of spirits most frequently blamed for causing hasândiaubida reflect both the matrilateral emphasis of Garifuna social structure and differing expectations for males and females with regard to the fulfillment of familial obligations to various categories of relatives. A larger variety of relatives are named in female cases, whereas maternal spirits are most frequently blamed in cases involving males.

The hasândicmbida complex, including therapeutic placation rituals, may be interpreted as a traditional ethnomedical system for dealing with emotional and physical distress. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I wish to express my gratitude to Mrs. Ellen Toplon for her expert advise and assistance in the preparation of the

final copy of this dissertation. Thanks also go to Dr. and

Mrs. William V. Davidson and Lie. and Sra. Fernando Cruz

Sandoval for their friendship and extensive help while I was conducting fieldwork in Honduras. Gratitude is also expressed to the Doherty Foundation for the grant which made the

fieldwork possible. The members of my dissertation committee

at Ohio State University, Drs. Erika Bourguignon, John

Messenger, and Donald Cooper, have been extremely helpful and

supportive. I offer sincere thanks to my husband Thomas

Bianchi who has continually provided love, encouragement, and

companionship both in Honduras and during the preparation of the dissertation. Finally, I express my deepest thanks and admiration to the people of Santa Fe, Honduras who turned the

fieldwork experience into the most enjoyable year of my life.

1 1 VITA

) June 15, 1954...... Born - Wilmington, Delaware

1977...... B.A., Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge, Louisiana

1979...... M.A., Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge, Louisiana

1979-Present...... Research and coursework related to candidacy for Ph.D.

PUBLICATIONS

1984 La enfermedad de gubida y el sincretismo religiose entre los garifunas: un anâlisis etnosiquiâtrico. America Indiaena 44 (3): 519-542.

FIELDS OF STUDY

Major Field: Anthropology

111 TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...... Ü

VITA...... iii

LIST OF TABLES...... viii

LIST OF FIGURES...... X

CHAPTER

I. INTRODUCTION...... 1

Questions for Research...... 2 Research Strategy and Field Investigation...... 4 Culture-Bound Syndromes and Stress: Some Definitions...... 8 Culture-Bound Syndromes: Emic Considerations and Etic Classifications...... 12

II. SPIRIT ILLNESS, POSSESSION TRANCE, AND THERA PEUTIC RITUALS : THEORETICAL APPROACHES 25

Altered States of Consciousness: Definitions...25 Possession Illness and Psychiatric Classi fications...... 29 Ritual Therapy, Possession Trance and Anxiety Reduction...... 36

III. ANCESTOR SPIRIT ILLNESS AND TRADITIONAL THERAPY IN WEST AND WEST CENTRAL AFRICA...... 48

General Patterns...... 48 Possession Illness and Ritual Therapy in West Central Africa...... 53 West African Perspectives...... 66

IV. CULTURAL CONTACT, SYNCRETISM AND CRYSTAL LIZATION: THE GENESIS OF GARIFUNA SOCIETY AND RELIGION...... 73

Theoretical Considerations...... 73

IV Regions of Supply and the African Slave Trade to the Americas....,...... 82 Religious Syncretism in Africa and the Caribbean...... 85 St. Vincent Island: 1600-1795...... 90 Exile to Central America: The New Inter action Context...... 102 Garifuna Ethnogenesis and the Development of the Gubida Cult...... 108

V. SANTA FE, HONDURAS: PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT, LIVING CONDITIONS, AND HEALTH PROBLEMS...... 117

Climate and Physical Environment...... 120 Settlement Patterns...... 123 Transportation and Communication...... 123 Drinking Water Facilities, Sewage and Garbage Management...... 125 Animal Life in Santa Fe and the Surrounding Environment...... 126 Food and Drink...... 128 Health Problems in Santa Fe...... 130

VI. SOCIAL SUPPORT AND SOCIAL CONTROL IN SANTA FE: THE ORGANIZATIONAL CONTEXT...... 141

Introduction...... 141 Municipal Government...... 142 Informal Community Organization, Social Support, and Social Control...... 146 Support Networks, Kinship Organization, and Migration : Introduction...... 149 Population Characteristics, Resident Status, and Migration...... 152 Migration Patterns...... 155 Mating Relationships and the Provision of Support...... 158 Kinship, Matrifocality, and Household Com position...... 162 Kindreds, Nonunilineal Descent Groups, and Ritual Organization...... 171

VII. ROMAN CATHOLICISM AND THE ANNUAL CYCLE OF RITUAL ACTIVITIES...... 176

Introduction...... 176 Religion in Santa Fe...... 177 The Annual Ritual Cycle: Major Events...... 181 The Annual Ritual Cycle: Analysis...... 201

VIII. OBLIGATIONS TO THE DEAD AND MANDATORY DEATH RITUALS...... 210

Introduction...... 210 Death Rituals and Obligations to the Dead 211 Wakes and Funerals...... 215 Garifuna Wakes and Funerals: Comparisons with Haitian and Spanish Custom...... 224 Novenas...... 226 Garifuna Novenas: Comparisons with Spanish and Haitian Tradition...... 237

IX. GUBIDA ILLNESS : SURVEY DATA AND CASE STUDIES...... 240

Introduction...... 240 Survey Data: Sex and Age of Individuals Who Experience Hasândiaubida...... 242 Survey Data: Identities of Deceased Rela tives Believed to Cause Hasândiaubida....246 Survey Data: Symptoms of Hasândiaubida and Case Studies...... 251 Hasândiaubida and the Making of a Buvei: Illness and Shamanic Initiation...... 256 Hierarchy of Resort and the Efficacy of Therapeutic Rituals...... 259 Gubida Illness: Analysis...... 262

X. RITUALS OF PLACATION AND POSSESSION TRANCE 265

Introduction...... 265 Amüidahani...... 266 Misa...... 268 Chuaù and Dùaù: Introduction...... 271 Chuaü...... 272 Dùaù...... 279 Ritual Possession Trance: Analysis...... 317

XI. COMPARISONS AND CONCLUSIONS...... 320

Dream Imagery, Hasândiaubida and Possession Trance: Comparisons with Previous Research...... 320 Placation Rituals and Symbolism...... 329

VI Functions of Gubida Beliefs, Placation Rituals, and Possession Trance: Sug gestions from Previous Research...... 333 Conclusions...... 337 Directions for Future Research...... 344

APPENDICES......

A. Data Relative to Chapter VI ...... 346

B..... Data Relative to Chapter IX...... 366

LIST OF REFERENCES...... 372

V l l LIST OF TABLES

TABLE PAGE

1. African and Amerindian Parallels to Gubida Cult Traits...... Ill

2. Age and Sex of Deceased and Timing of Seven Novenas in Santa Fe...... 227

3. Ages When Gubida Illness Is Most Frequently Experienced...... 244

4. Deceased Relatives Named Most Frequently As Causes of Gubida Illness...... 247

5 Possible Symptoms of Gubida Illness Described by Nine Individuals...... 252

6. Distribution by Age, Sex and Residence Status in a Sample of 80 Households...... 347

7. Patterns of Migration Experience...... 348

8. Frequency With Which Migration Locations Are Chosen...... 351

9. Marital Status and Presence of Resident Spouse...... 352

10. Spouses' Place of Birth in a Sample of 41 Couples...... 353

11. Key to Household Types...... 354

12. Household Types and Population in Three Honduran Garifuna Villages...... 355

13. Household Types in Santa Fe and Southern Belize...... 356

14. Residents in Consanguineal, Affinal and Solitary Households...... 357

V l l l 15. Residents in Nuclear Family, Extended Family, and Single Person Households...... 358

16. Number of Full-Time and Part-Time Residents in One, Two, Three, and Four Generation Households...... 359

17. Kin Types in 78 Households of Focal Women..... 360

18. Types of Adult Relatives Present Full-Time in the Households of Individual Children...... 362

19. Constellations of Adult Relatives Present Full-Time in All Female Adult Households of Individual Children...... 363

20. Constellations of Adult Relatives Present Full-Time in Households of Individual Children Where Adult Males and Females are Present...... 364

21. Distribution of Ages When Gubida Illness Occurred for 57 Cases...... 367

22. Relatives Named as Causes of Gubida Illness...368

23. Symptoms/Signs Reported in 12 Cases of Gubida Illness...... 370

IX LIST OF FIGURES

FIGURE PAGE

1. The Circvua-Caribbean...... 77

2. Supply Regions and Depots for the African Slave Trade...... 83

3. Honduras, Central America...... 118

4. The Trujillo Region and North Central Colon...119

5. Santa Fe and Surrounding Territory...... 122 CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

In all human societies, survival of the community, the family, and the individual is linked to mutual cooperation.

Among the Garifuna, an Afro-Amerindian group settled along the shores of the Bay of Honduras, survival is viewed as dependent on cooperation among the living, and between the living and the dead. This attitude is strongly reflected in the beliefs and practices of the gubida cult, a syncretic religion blended with Roman Catholicism.

Gubida is a Garifuna term referring to the spirits of dead relatives. They are believed to punish the living with illness, insanity, or death if not properly venerated with funeral and placation rituals, or if their descendants violate traditional expectations for moral behavior.

During dreams, the gubida may communicate anger over the activities of the living, demands for ritual sacrifice, or information helpful to their survivors. They are believed to enter and control the bodies of their descendants during ritual possession trance, and during spontaneous. culturally patterned altered states of consciousness interpreted as possession illness.

Gubida illness fhasândiaubida) is an emically recognized condition. It refers to illness states and periods of abnormal behavior which are attributed by the patient, the family, the community, and a shaman fbuvei) to the supernatural action of gubida.

Numerous researchers in Garifuna studies have mentioned this belief. Hermann Bock (1976), Ruy Coelho

(1955), Milton Cohen (1984), Nancie Gonzalez (1966, 1970),

Kathryn Staiano (1986), and Douglas Taylor (1951) have also provided informant accounts of illness and misfortune attributed to the family dead. In this dissertation an in- depth examination is presented of specific gubida illness cases, the cluster of symptoms/signs associated with the condition, and the sociocultural, medical, and psychological contexts in which it occurs.

Questions for Research

I first became aware of this phenomenon in December

1976 during a two-week group field trip to Trujillo,

Honduras sponsored by the Department of Geography and

Anthropology of Louisiana State University. The trip was directed by Dr. William V. Davidson. I went to Trujillo planning to record informant accounts of ritual possession trance, an altered state of consciousness investigated cross-culturally by Erika Bourguignon (1972, 1973, 1975,

1976) and described among the Garifuna by Taylor (1951).

With the help of Hermann Bock, a researcher affiliated with the Honduran Secretaria de Cultura y Turismo, several informants were selected, including one man who had practiced as a buvei for 40 years. Bock also introduced me to an elderly female buvei residing in Santa Fe, a nearby village west of Trujillo. During the interviews mention was made numerous times of the illness caused by gubida. A few informants provided examples of specific cases and described the symptoms associated with each.

In 1978 I returned to Honduras for three months to conduct thesis research on possession trance and gubida illness (Chamberlain 1979). After consulting in

Tegucigalpa with Bock and several of his Garifuna acquaintances residing in the city, it was determined that two dùgü ceremonies, possession trance placation rituals celebrated in response to gubida illness, were under preparation in the coastal village of Triunfo de la Cruz near Tela. This community was selected as the field site.

During the investigation I attended part of each dügü. witnessed several possession trances, and obtained descriptions of two cases of gubida illness, both involving young women. However, a detailed community study of the phenomenon was not possible due to the time limitations of a three-month visit. The Triunfo field experience raised more questions concerning the nature of oubida illness and the contexts in which it occurs. Of central importance were the following questions. What symptoms in general are associated with this condition by the Garifuna? In specific cases what symptoms are present and which occur most frequently? Do any non-Garlfuna people ever report similar symptoms? Who experiences oubida illness and what kinds of people experience it most frequently? What types of family spirits are blamed for oubida illness? What medical, psychological, and/or sociocultural stressors, if any, are associated with particular cases and which are associated with oubida illness in general? How widespread is experience with oubida illness among the members of any given community? What significance is attached to this state by the patient and by other people? And finally, what is oubida illness in etic terms?

Research Strategy and Field Investigation

After reflection upon the preliminary fieldwork and the relevant transcultural psychiatric and ethnopsychiatric literature, one theory and three hypotheses were devised to guide the investigation. From a theoretical perspective,

Garifuna oubida illness may be viewed as a culture-bound reactive syndrome that develops in response to subjectively perceived distress as a culturally patterned expression of anxiety. Three hypotheses generated by this theory include: 1) if certain psychological, behavioral, and physical signs appear to occur in association, together they are emically recognized as a symptom complex, a syndrome, indicative of oubida illness; 2) anxiety, as indicated by informant reports of feelings of distress, precedes the development of oubida illness; and 3) the experience of upsetting events, particularly with special cultural significance, and/or a self-perception of having inadequately fulfilled traditional role expectations

(feelings of intra-culturally induced role stress) precedes the development of oubida illness.

There were also two predictions: 1) many of the symptoms of oubida illness are similar to the affective and somatic symptoms of anxiety, and 2) oubida illness and intra-culturally induced role stress occur more frequently among females than among males.

It was felt that the most appropriate field site would be a predominantly Garifuna coastal village, an old community with a history of tradition. Santa Fe, Colon was selected, a village I had visited on my first trip to

Honduras. Located approximately five miles west of

Trujillo, Santa Fe is included in a settlement area termed the "Trujillo core" by Davidson (1979: 469), the first region of Garifuna occupation on the Central American mainland. Santa Fe was established during the earliest decades of the 19th century (Davidson 1983, personal communication). Fieldwork was conducted in this community from November 1982 to December 1983.

Several research methods were used during the investigation. Through participant observation of daily life, descriptive context data were collected on social interaction among family and community members ; subsistence, economic, leisure, and ceremonial activities; local systems of government, education, and health care; nutritional patterns; sanitation practices; the physical and disease environments; and the nature of interaction between members of the community and other population centers. Much time was devoted to participant observation of religious ceremonies, especially those to venerate and placate dead relatives and treat oubida illness. Once accepted by the community, I was frequently invited to join in ritual activities. As an active participant, I was expected and encouraged to engage in ritual dancing for long periods of time, partake of sacrificial food and drink when others did so, join females singing abâiamahani

(women's song), and observe rules for proper ritual behavior and performance. When I did not, inadvertently, I was corrected by other participants.

In addition, a survey of 80 households with a total of

429 residents was conducted that included all houses occupied in one neighborhood of the community. Numerous other homes were owned by absentee families who maintained an additional household in another population center, usually a city in Honduras or the United States.

Information obtained included number of full and part-time residents, their ages and sexes, kinship relations between coresidents, locations outside of the community where part- time residents were members of other households, birth place for each resident, population centers where household members had close relatives, dates and sites of migration experience for each resident, the health problems suffered by each resident during the year previous to the interview, the religious affiliation of each household member, and the presence or absence of oubida illness during the lifetime of each resident. For those household members with oubida illness experience, additional information was obtained including the age at which the illness occurred, the kinship relation(s) between the illness sufferer and the spirit(s) blamed for the condition, the type of placation ritual celebrated in response to the illness, the community where the ritual took place, and the year in which it occurred.

After the initial survey was completed, a second set of interviews was conducted with households reporting a resident who was treated for oubida illness with a dügü.

Also included in the sample were households with a member for whom a chuoü was conducted during the fieldwork or for 8 whom this ceremony was planned in the near future. The chuaü is the second most elaborate placation ceremony for the family dead and does not usually involve ritual possession trance. Data were collected at 11 households for 12 oubida illness patients. Information obtained included descriptions of the symptoms in each case; the symptoms/signs associated with oubida illness in general; and the nature of stressful events, conditions, and feelings (if any) experienced by the patient immediately preceding the illness. General descriptions of ritual possession trance behavior, the nature of obligations that the living have to dead relatives, and expectations for compliance with these obligations for males and females were also elicited.

Culture-Bound Syndromes and Stress: Some Definitions

In the present study, the term svndrome is defined as

"the sum of signs of any morbid (unhealthy) state; a symptom complex" (Friel 1977: 645). The Diaonostic and

Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders fDSM-III) (American

Psychiatric Association 1980: 368) views it as a cluster of symptoms occurring together which constitute a recognizable condition. This concept is not as precise as disease which refers to abnormalities in the function and/or structure of organs and organ systems caused by specific pathophysiological processes (DSM-III 1980: 368; Young 1982: 264). According to the DSM-III. most of the

diagnostic classifications presented within are considered

syndromes. Disease must also be distinguished from

illness, defined as "a condition marked by pronounced

deviation from the normal healthy state" (Friel 1977: 344).

According to Arthur Kleinman (1980), illness refers to a person's culturally patterned perception and experience of

certain socially disvalued states, including disease.

Hans Selye (1980: 127-128) views stress as "the nonspecific response of the body to any demand." Thus,

stress occurs in response to a stimulus, the stressor.

There are two kinds of stress, "eustress. pleasant or

curative stress, and distress, unpleasant or disease- producing stress." In the present discussion, the

stressors responsible for creating subjectively perceived distress are considered to include physical diseases; nutritional deficiencies; genetic predispositions to

certain organic problems and psychological disorders; undesirable emotional situations, such as the occurrence of

life events perceived as upsetting or threatening by the

individual— separation from loved ones or rejection by

others; and intra-culturallv induced role stress. "an

individual's self-perceived failure to meet a set of culturally established expectations in a role in which he has been socialized" (O'Neil and Selby 1968: 97). 1 0

Richard Rahe and R. J. Arthur (1978) have suggested that an individual's subjective perception of stress is influenced by past experiences with stressful situations, socialization experiences, and the nature of social supports available to the person during attempts to cope with personal problems. Genetic predisposition and past history of physical disease can have important influences on the body's physiological responses to stress. Stressors may act alone or in complex combinations on individuals with varying abilities to cope. Because of the diversity of factors which can influence the individual's perception of and reaction to stress, the same stressor may affect different people in different ways and some people may adapt more effectively than others (Selye 1980: 136).

According to Erik Erikson (1963: 29-33), disruption of the somatic, ego, and societal processes which organize human experience contribute to the onset of mental disturbances. Pathological developments in a human's physiology can either cause or increase the likelihood of psychiatric disorders. For example, brain damage may decrease a person's tolerance level for tension. The ego process provides the individual with a conscious sense of self-identity. During the recognition and testing of reality, the ego perceives the physical and psychological needs of the self, and the nature of the environment. It evaluates and integrates these perceptions, adjusting 11 internal demands to external requirements (Dornette 1982:

446; Friel 1977: 227). When the ego is attacked, reality testing may be impaired and anxiety experienced. During the societal process of organization the individual learns a set of social roles and the proper manner to fulfill them. Subjectively perceived inadequate role performance or exposure to conflict and panic in the social environment may also encourage feelings of anxiety.

Subjectively perceived distress frequently contributes to the onset of both major and minor psychological disorders. However, Ari Kiev (1972: 415) cautions:

The usual inclination is to view stress as a precursor of illness; indeed if the patient himself relates his history along these lines, no effort is generally made to search further. Stressful experiences are in effect acceptable as rationalizations of most psychiatric illness; to the extent that most disorders go unrecognized in their insidious early phases, and are then intensified by stress, they often do appear first as the result of stress.

These perspectives are incorporated in the related concepts of culture-bound svndrome (CBS) and culture-bound reactive svndrome (CBRS). Raymond Prince (1985: 198) defines the former as:

...a group of signs and symptoms of disease (not including notions of cause...) that is restricted to certain cultures primarily by reason of distinctive psychosocial features of those cultures.

By psychosocial aspects of culture. Prince refers to beliefs, attitudes, and values. Intrinsic to this 12 definition is the view that cultural factors are of major importance in the genesis of symptom clusters. I prefer to replace "of disease" in this definition with "indicative of an unhealthy state," because, as will be discussed later in this chapter, emic diagnostic categories frequently cut across those of biomedicine, grouping together cases which may be differentiated by a psychiatrist or other physician.

According to Pow Meng Yap (1969: 341-347), the culture- bound reactive svndrome fCBRS) is a CBS that develops as a reaction to subjectively perceived distress. The affective and behavioral responses of the individual to such distress are patterned extensively by cultural factors.

Culture-Bound Syndromes: Emic Considerations and Etic Classifications

Much controversy has surrounded the discussion of CBS and CBRS by anthropologists and transcultural psychiatrists. Disagreement focuses on the following questions. To what extent are conditions "culture-bound" if at all? What is the relative importance of cultural, psychodynamic, physiological, and environmental factors in the production and shaping of such phenomena? How are these factors intertwined in the production of specific cases within an emically diagnosed syndrome category? Are abnormal behaviors which are emically labeled culture- specific, or are they biomedically recognized psychiatric syndromes incorporating extensive cultural content in 13 symptom expression and interpretation (Bourguignon 1979;

280)?

According to Robert Hahn (1985; 166-168), three alternative understandings of CBSs are possible. The exclusionist interpretation holds that some conditions are culture-bound while others are not. The etiologies of the former are primarily psychocultural (although physiological factors may precipitate onset in some instances). For the latter, physiological, environmental, and other non- cultural factors are etiologically most significant.

According to the inclusionist nature-culture continuum position, no conditions are exclusively culture-bound or culture-free, although in particular cases cultural, psychodynamic, physiological, or environmental factors may be relatively more important. Thus, the extent to which a condition is culture-bound is a matter of degree. In the inclusionist egalitarian view, all syndromes are equally culture-bound and culture-free. All of the factors mentioned above are equally relevant in their production.

Emically defined symptom complexes (syndromes) and their etiological explanations can be culture-specific.

The complex of organic, emotional, and sociocultural stressors to which the members of a culture group are exposed can be specific to that group, at a given point in time and in a certain environment, although this complex may also include stressors experienced in other societies. 14

Members of a particular group may be vulnerable to certain infectious diseases, nutritional deficiencies, climatic stressors, and stressors in the sociocultural environment such as difficulties in role performance and disruption associated with culture contact, migration, and urbanization. There are also stressors experienced by members of all societies such as the death of a loved one, rejection by significant others, or conflict between spouses. Culturally characteristic behavior patterns may perpetuate environmental factors that encourage infectious agents, or contribute to a reduction in the individual's resistance to them. Culture influences the perception of stress and illness, and can define what responses are considered appropriate (Kiev 1972, Wallace 1972).

Juris Draguns (1980; 122-125) discusses several areas in which relationships between psychopathology and culture seem to be indicated. Culturally characteristic patterns may be present in the behavior of individuals acting in normal and abnormal manners. Deviant behavior may express the wishes, concerns, and illusions common among members of a culture group at a certain point in time. The content of delusions and hallucinations in particular reflects significant cultural patterning. World view may influence the manner in which psychopathological symptoms are expressed. The psychiatric significance of hallucinations must be evaluated with reference to their plausibility in a 15 specific cultural setting and with consideration of the degree of shared acceptance of magical phenomena among members of that culture. Myths and cultural stereotypes may be acted out during abnormal behavior. Finally, psychopathological behavior may vary across cultures according to different conceptualizations of the patient's role. "Acting crazy" is a specialized version of the sick role. A mental blueprint for its enactment is culturally patterned and shared by the members of the patient's culture group.

Etic (biomedical) and emic syndrome categories often do not coincide. Each culture group defines what phenomena constitute symptoms, how and under what circumstances these are clustered to form syndromes, and what data are relevant to understanding the patient's condition. Emic syndrome recognition is often based primarily on complexes of observable symptoms and events, without consideration of many possible etiological factors which can contribute to the development of a particular symptom. For example, certain symptoms characteristic of anxiety and depression which may be emically attributed to guilt or concern over social conflict can occur in association with serious nutritional deficiencies and several tropical diseases

(Lishman 1978). Kathryn Staiano (1981: 327-328) describes the process by which signs are emically recognized and clustered to form syndromes: 16

Illness...involves the production of signs which signify the intrasubjective perception...of changed internal relationships which must come to be regarded...as potentially harmful to the organism....the changed...relationship was evaluated by internal information processing mechanisms which...are culturally influenced; and the signs are eventually symptomatized or described by a patient according to a culturally mediated code...expressed through language, in terms of existing categories, and according to expectations....When these changes... reach the conscious level, the afflicted person or those around him become aware of his altered state and at this point one or more persons become involved in interpreting the signs....Nevertheless, all potential signs are not interpreted....Once the signs are produced...they must be...linked semantically with a referent or assigned to categories known as diseases or syndromes.

Many CBRSs cut across the diagnostic classifications of the DSM-III (Bourguignon 1979: 282, 286-287). The emic recognition of syndromes results in the grouping together of illness cases which share a set of culturally recognized symptoms, and once recognized and labeled, etiological explanations. These cases might be placed in more than one diagnostic category of the DSM-III and have more than one etiological explanation in biomedical terms.

Nevertheless, Charles Hughes (1985:12-21) contends that the DSM-III should be utilized extensively in the investigation of emically recognized syndromes or "folk psychiatric disorders". He provides several convincing reasons to support this view. The reliability of the DSM-

III classificatory scheme has been systematically studied with encouraging results, in his opinion. The presentation 17 of diagnostic criteria for each psychiatric disorder emphasizes an explicitly descriptive approach with respect to symptoms and is theoretically neutral with regard to etiology, except where specific pathophysiological processes are known. Because some symptoms are potentially associated with more than one syndrome, the manual provides a set of interlocking decision tree diagrams to aid in the diagnostic process (DSM-III 1980: 340-349). The DSM-III takes a multi-axial approach to diagnosis. Each person is evaluated on five axes: axis 1, clinical syndromes; axis 2, personality and developmental disorders; axis 3, physical disorders and conditions; axis 4, severity of psychosocial stressors; and axis 5, highest level of adaptive functioning during the past year (DSM-III 1980: 23).

According to Hughes (1985: 16):

Axis 4 and axis 5 probably provide the most important innovation for incorporating the phenomena denoted by the term "culture-bound syndromes" into the body of literature dealing with mental disorders. Axis 4 deals with "psychosocial stressors", clearly an area of prime importance in much discussion of these syndromes. It allows for entry into the total profile of not only particular types of stress, but also a judgement as to their severity....Axis 5 notes the "highest level of adaptive functioning" during the preceding year, once again contextualizing the behavior both longitudinally and situâtionally.

Diagnosis utilizing the multi-axial approach is based upon observable behavior, subjective feelings expressed by the patient, information regarding the time of onset and 18

length of duration of the disturbance, emotional and sociocultural stressors experienced prior to onset, disease stressors evident in the patient's medical history and present condition as indicated by appropriate examinations, and the patient's family history of medical and psychiatric disorders. The usefulness of the DSM-III diagnostic system

for interdisciplinary studies of CBRSs involving teamwork by anthropologists and transculturally oriented psychiatrists is very promising for future research.

Ronald Simons (1985: 25-38) suggests another useful strategy, the taxonomic approach. for investigating the relative influences of culture and biology in the production of culture-bound syndromes. Taking an inclusionist egalitarian position, Simons (1985: 29) contends that biology and experience are of equal importance in producing any particular instance of behavior. However, the differential impact of experiential or biological factors may account for differences between two instances.

A necessary prerequisite for accurate cross-cultural investigation of these phenomena, according to Simons

(1985: 30), is description in extensive "microdetail" of behavior manifested by specific individuals with culture- bound syndromes. Once this is accomplished, for analytical purposes syndromes with similar behavioral and experiential features should be placed together into taxa— groupings 19 based on shared characteristics. A distinction should be made between those factors which account for a syndrome's descriptive features and those which account for its presence among one group of people and absence from another. Simons (1985: 35) suggests:

...the occurrence of similar behavior complexes and experiential states in widely disparate cultural settings necessarily casts doubt on the adequacy of explanatory formulations tied to factors not present in all settings.... it is feasible and useful to sort the syndromes into sets based on gross descriptive resemblances, ignoring culture-specific meanings.

Of importance in the present study is the emic recognition in some culture groups of syndromes characterized by symptoms of anxiety and depression, sometimes accompanied by psychotic features. These symptoms may occur in several psychiatric syndromes, as indicated by the DSM-III decision trees for differential diagnosis (1980: 340-349).

Anxietv refers to tension, apprehension, or uneasiness which develops from the expectation of danger associated with internal or external factors fDSM-III 1980: 354).

Affective symptoms include anxiousness, nervousness, fear, panic, and apprehension. Somatic symptoms include tremors, body aches and pains, easy fatigability, weakness, restlessness, palpitations, nausea and vomiting, sweating, face flushing, insomnia, and nightmares (Zung and Cavenar

1980: 352). Depression is characterized by decrease or 20 increase in appetite, unusual loss or gain of weight, hypersomnia or insomnia, loss of interest in usual activities, decreased sex drive, tiredness and loss of energy, feelings of worthlessness, inappropriate or excessive guilt feelings, difficulty in thinking or concentrating, and preoccupation with thoughts of death and suicide (DSM-III 1980: 214). Psychotic states are indicated by bizarre behavior, hallucinations, delusions, loosening of associations, illogical thinking, and incoherence (DSM-III 1980: 340).

Despite the complex influences which culture can have on the development of psychiatric disorders, there are strong similarities across cultures with regard to what constitutes abnormal behavior, at least in its most severe, bizarre, and disruptive forms. Anthony Wallace (1972: 363) notes that although different cultures encourage different styles of mental illness, the major etically recognized categories of disorder, such as organic psychoses, functional psychoses, neuroses, and situational reactions, appear to occur universally. John Kennedy (1974: 1166) points out that although a direct correspondence between the schizophrenias and many culture-bound syndromes is unlikely, schizophreniform disorders are frequently included in native categories of mental disturbance.

This view is supported by Jane Murphy (1976: 1019,

1027) who challenges the "labeling theory" approach to 21 understanding emic mental illness classifications.

According to labeling theory, the definition of deviance is dependent on culture-specific norms. Emically-recognized deviance is frequently labeled, as are persons who manifest such behavior. Once an individual is labeled a deviant he or she is encouraged to learn the role of someone who is mentally ill, thus perpetuating stigmatizing behavior patterns. Murphy (1976: 1019, 1027) disagrees with this position and notes:

Almost everywhere a pattern composed of hallucinations, delusions, disorientations, and behavioral aberrations appears to identify the idea of "losing one's mind" even though the content of these manifestations is colored by cultural beliefs.

She point out that less serious forms of disturbance, such as neuroses, may not be labeled in different cultures, although neuroses constitute a major part of the behavior that native therapies treat.

In Dragun's opinion (1980: 131-132), sets of core symptoms do exist for schizophrenia and major depression which can be diagnosed in different cultural contexts.

Core symptoms of schizophrenia include social and emotional withdrawal, incoherence, bizarre delusions and hallucinations, and flat affect. Symptoms of depression include despondency, fatigue, loss of weight, and loss of sex drive. According to Draguns, available evidence supports the view that culture shapes the expression of 22 disorders which develop primarily through biological processes (Draguns 1980: 139).

A. J. Marsella (1980: 246) feels that it is extremely difficult to draw distinctions between disorders which are culture-specific and those which are not because it is impossible to separate an individual from a cultural context. He notes that concepts of depression are not well-defined among non-Western peoples. Although somatic symptoms appear frequently, psychological symptoms such as feelings of depressed mood, guilt, and self-depreciation are frequently absent. Marsella cautions that guilt in non-Western societies may not be conceptually equivalent with guilt as it is conceived in biomedical psychiatric terms. Some researchers have advocated expanding the meaning of the term from "notions regarding violations of individual conscience" to include "failure to meet social expectations and norms" (Marsella 1980: 242-243, 260-261).

Minor psychopathology and expressions of anxiety are examined cross-culturally by Wen-Shing Tseng and Jing Hsu

(1980: 62-64). Minor disorders involve less disorganization and impairment than psychotic behavior.

They are associated more with sociocultural and psychological factors than with biological causes. Such phenomena occur so frequently and involve so many individuals that they may be considered the "suboptimal reactions to stresses and frustrations" of normal people. 23

The expression of anxiety is particularly subject to cultural patterning in terms of a traditional sick role.

Tseng and Hsu note (1980: 89) :

...the way to express a signal of distress or illness to obtain attention or to be relieved of responsibility varies in different societies....For a person to complain about his feelings of loneliness or anxiety may be regarded as a trivial daily matter and not worthy of attention. However, if he complains about a headache, stomach discomfort, or palpitations, it may be different....somatic illness is an effective and legitimate excuse for requesting rest and care from others, while often psychological strain is not.

Finally, for the present study of aubida illness it is necessary to consider the impact of tropical disease environments in the genesis of organic brain syndromes, some of which are characterized by symptoms of anxiety, depression, and psychosis (DSM-III 1980: 340, 349). Allen

German (1979) notes that in tropical settings psychiatric complications may occur with numerous diseases, such as bacterial or viral meningo-encephalitis, cerebral malaria, syphilis, pulmonary infections, amoebic dysentery, typhoid fever, protein and vitamin deficiency states, and helminthic infections. Furthermore, he points out (1979:

367) :

...many patients show evidence of multiple pathology; thus an infection may be superimposed on chronic anaemia resulting from parasitic infestation and perhaps associated with the use of relatively toxic local herbal medicines. Such varied physical disturbances produce cumulative effects on cortical functioning and whenever an acute brain syndrome appears to have been 24

precipitated by an apparently mild physical illness, a search should always be made for such background factors.

In the next chapter, theoretical approaches to the study of possession illness and possession trance are examined. The question "Does ritual therapy work, and if so, how?" is also addressed. CHAPTER II

SPIRIT ILLNESS, POSSESSION TRANCE, AND THERAPEUTIC RITUALS: THEORETICAL APPROACHES

In this chapter, cross-cultural studies of emic concepts relating to possession illness and ritual possession trance are examined, as are transcultural psychiatric perspectives concerning the range of behaviors emically diagnosed as possession illness. Theories concerning the ways in which therapeutic rituals and culturally patterned altered states of consciousness reorganize subjective perceptions and relieve anxiety are also presented.

Altered States of Consciousness: Definitions

A useful way to begin this discussion is to define the terms altered state of consciousness (ASC), trance (T) , possession. possession trance (PT), dissociation. and ritual possession trance. Arnold Ludwig (1972: 11) defines altered state of consciousness as:

...any mental state induced by various physiolog ical, psychological, or pharmacological maneuvers or agents, which can be recognized subjectively by the individual himself (or by an objective

25 26

observer of the individual) as representing a sufficient deviation in subjective experience or psychological functioning from certain general norms for that individual during alert, waking consciousness.

According to Ludwig (1972; 15-19), ASCs are characterized by alterations in thinking (decrease in reflective awareness; disturbances in memory, concentration, and judgement), disturbed time sense

(feeling of timelessness or of time decreasing or accelerating), loss of control, change in emotional expression reflecting emotional extremes, body image change

(blurring of the boundaries between self and other people or the supernatural; feelings of analgesia; sensations of the body being disconnected, weightless, heavy, distorted, enlarged, or shrunken), perceptual distortions

(hallucinations, illusions, hyperacuteness of perception, increased visual imagery), change in meaning or significance (subjective experiences, ideas, or perceptions have increased meaning for the individual), and hypersuggestibility (an increased tendency of the individual to respond to and accept without questioning specific commands or suggestions from a shaman, leader, etc., or non-specific cues such as cultural expectations for certain behaviors or experiences). ASCs may be induced by the reduction or increase of sensory input; constant exposure to monotonous, repetitive stimulation; sensory 21 overload or bombardment; reduction or increase of motor activity; increased alertness or mental involvement; decreased alertness or relaxation of critical faculties; hypoglycemia due to fasting; hyperglycemia; dehydration; sleep deprivation; hyperventilation; and ingestion of drugs

(Ludwig 1972: 12-15).

ASCs may be placed on a continuum where rapid eye movement (REM) sleep and associated dreams represent one pole— the hypoaroused states, and dissociation, often interpreted as possession trance, represents the other pole— hyperaroused states (Bourguignon 1972: 422). The former occur when lower than normal somatic activity is experienced, while hyperarousal is the manifestation of strong somatic agitation.

Trance (T) and possession trance (PT), both utilized by the Garifuna, are central elements in many religious systems (Bourguignon 1973: 10-18). Trance refers to:

... an altered state of consciousness in which contact with self and others is modified in some particular way, ranging from total unconsciousness to a very shallow modification (Bourguignon 1972: 417).

Frequently trance involves the experience of visions or hallucinations which are emically interpreted as voyages of the soul through supernatural realms, or periods of communication during which messages from the spirits are related. The trancer does not have amnesia for the 28 experience and may relate its contents to others

(Bourguignon 1973; 12).

Bourguignon (1976: 7-8) notes that possession refers to a belief and is not synonymous with possession trance:

...a belief in possession exists, when the people in question hold that a given person is changed in some way through the presence in or on him of a spirit entity or power, other than his own personality, soul, self, or the like. We shall say that possession trance exists in a given society when...there is such a belief in possession that it is used to account for alterations or discontinuity in consciousness, awareness, personality, or other aspects of psychological functioning. In psychological and psychiatric terms, what we are calling possession trance includes a variety of different phenomena. However, they all share alteration of consciousness, of sensory modalities....

Ritual possession trance, a special form of PT, is defined as institutionalized, culturally patterned dissociation occurring within a sacred context, which is emically explained through beliefs in spirit possession.

It is characterized by impersonation involving the acting out of a spirit's speech or behavior. Generally, hallucinations are not experienced (Bourguignon 1973: 12).

Dissociation is an ASC characterized by retention of control over sensory and motor systems and many ego functions. Often it is induced through rapid, repetitive drumming and is preceded by a period of hyperventilation and fasting. Onset begins with a swoon or brief collapse, followed by a period of hyperactivity. Frequently body tremors and convulsive jerks occur. The ASC ends with 29 collapse and a sleep of exhaustion, followed by feelings of mild euphoria and amnesia for the period of dissociation

(Prince 1980: 314, 316).

Bourguignon (1973: 15) notes that possession belief can occur in contexts other than those involving ASCs.

Alterations in a person's state of health, behavior, or ability to function normally may also be interpreted as possession. Vincent Crapanzano (1977: 9-10) concurs with

Bourguignon and cautions against narrow definitions of spirit possession. Although he prefers to define it as

"any altered state of consciousness indigenously interpreted in terms of the influence of an alien spirit", he notes that in some cultures possession may refer to obsessive behavior and intense emotional states such as rage, love, sexual excitement, and severe depression. Emic concepts of spirit possession provide the individual with an idiom for expressing and structuring a range of intense, disturbing experiences in a culturally meaningful way, thus permitting them to be evaluated and dealt with through established cultural patterns.

Possession Illness and Psvchiatric Classifications

The separation of spontaneous, sometimes pathological, states interpreted as possession from intentionally induced ritual possession trance is sometimes difficult,

Bourguignon (1979: 283-284) emphasizes. Societies in which 30 these phenomena occur generally view such behavior in one of three ways; 1) it is positively valued and induced intentionally, 2) it is feared and vigorous attempts at exorcism are made, or 3) spontaneous behavior, often viewed as possession illness, is treated in a ritual setting through the intentional induction of possession trance

(Bourguignon 1976: 9).

Both Crapanzano (1977: 13-14) and Bourguignon (1979:

283-284) caution that several states differentiated by psychiatrists may be grouped together in emic diagnoses of possession illness, even within a single culture.

Crapanzano points out that such a diagnosis is not always immediate and may be just one option in an emic medical system for the interpretation of dramatic illness and unusual behavior. Emic methods of diagnosis focus on physical and behavioral symptoms reported by the patient and observed by others, the context of sociocultural and emotional stressors in which the illness occurs, and its response to various treatments. Traditional healers do not utilize modern testing procedures which on the basis of organic pathology can distinguish between conditions that present with similar ranges of physical and behavioral symptoms.

That emic categories of possession illness often incorporate several conditions distinguished by psychiatrists is demonstrated by M. J. Field's (1960) work 31

in southern Ghana. After examining 23 cases of possession

illness she made the following diagnoses: five were anxiety states reactive to fear, five were fear psychoses precipitated by febrile or toxic illness, three were simple cases of physical illness, two were cases of mental illness resulting from physical illness, two were post-influenzal psychoses, and one case each was attributed to involutional depression, fear psychosis without discoverable predisposition, fear psychosis in a potential schizophrenic, fear psychosis in a hysterical personality, and schizoaffective psychosis.

Various factors in complex combinations may contribute to the development of illness states emically diagnosed as spirit possession. This is especially true if the person's condition is not so severe that it prevents him or her from interpreting subjective experiences in terms of cultural concepts and responding to them in culturally patterned ways, i.e., in ways that indicate possession illness to others. From a biomedical perspective, the stressors to which each "possessed" individual is subject, along with personality type, level of ego integration, and adaptive responses to the environment must be considered in any psychiatric evaluation of possession illness cases

(Crapanzano 1977: 14).

Wallace (1966: 140-141; 1959: 59-60) notes that native theories attributing an illness to split identities tend to 32

be utilized when certain emotional and chronic behavioral

symptoms are present, particularly neurosis, dissociation,

and hallucinations. Several investigators view the most

dramatic, bizarre forms of spontaneous possession as

culturally patterned acute psychoses. Various terms have been used in reference to such conditions including bouffee

delirante (Kiev 1972), transient psychosis (Jilek and

Jilek-Aall 1970), acute psychotic reaction (Bustamante

1971), and hysterical psychosis (Langness 1976). The

appropriate DSM-III (1980: 200-202) term for such states is brief reactive psychosis. In this syndrome, emotional

turmoil and psychotic symptoms appear immediately after

exposure to a recognizable psychosocial stressor and last

from several hours to less than two weeks. No symptoms of

increased psychopathology are apparent prior to onset.

Depressive states, anxiety neuroses, somatoform

disorders (particularly the conversion and psychogenic pain varieties), and dissociative disorders (especially psychogenic amnesia, depersonalization disorder, and

atypical dissociative disorder) are also relevant to an analysis of emically diagnosed possession illness. The

symptoms of depression and anxiety were discussed in

Chapter I.

Somatoform disorders are characterized by physical

symptoms for which no physiological cause can be demonstrated, with onset related to psychological factors 33 or conflicts fDSM-III 1980: 241). Diagnostic criteria for conversion disorder (also called hysterical neurosis, conversion type) include loss of or alteration in physical functioning, most frequently involving paralysis, coordination disturbance, loss of voice, dyskinesia, anesthesia, and paresthesia; symptoms are not under voluntary control; and at least one of three psychological factors is present: there is a temporal relationship between an environmental stimulus related to psychological needs or conflicts and the appearance or intensification of the symptom, the symptom enables the person to avoid some disagreeable activity, or the symptom enables the person to draw more support from the social environment. Onset of conversion disorder is sudden and develops in situations of extreme psychological stress (DSM-III 1980:244-247).

The predominant physical symptom in psvchoaenic pain disorder is severe and prolonged pain. The person's description of the symptom is inconsistent with the structure of the nervous system and no physiological pathology is evident. Psychological factors are similar to those described for conversion disorder (DSM-III 1980: 247-

249) .

Onset of psvchoaenic amnesia is sudden and follows the experience of severe psychosocial stress, such as threats of death, abandonment by a loved person, or the experience of other subjectively intolerable life situations. Most 34 commonly, amnesia lasts for a few hours following a disturbing event , although it may be continuous from the time of the event until the present. During these episodes, purposeless wandering may occur while the person is disoriented and perplexed. Termination of the state is usually abrupt fDSM-III 1980: 253-255) .

Depersonalization disorder is characterized by an alteration in perception of self such that a sense of one's own reality is temporarily lost. Distortions of body image or size, and the experience of seeming to perceive oneself from a distance or of being in a dream are common. Other people may seem dead or mechanical. Associated features of this condition include derealization— a sense of the reality of the external world is temporarily lost, fear of going crazy, dizziness, and a disturbance of time sense.

Onset of depersonalization is rapid. Predisposing factors include anxiety, depression, fatigue, and severe stress fDSM-III 1980: 259-260).

Atvpical dissociative disorder is considered a residual category in the DSM-III (1980: 260). It is applied to the behavior of individuals who appear to experience a dissociative state which does not satisfy the criteria for one of the other dissociative disorders.

Examples include derealization not accompanied by depersonalization, trance-like states, and mental states 35 which develop in people who have experienced intense, prolonged coercive persuasion.

Two organic disorders, delirium and organic affective svndrome fDSM-III 1980: 104-107, 117-118) could also be emically diagnosed as possession illness. Delirium may be caused by systemic infections, metabolic disorders, substance intoxication and withdrawal, hypertension resulting in encephalopathy, and head trauma. It can begin abruptly or be preceded for hours or days by symptoms such as difficulty in thinking or concentrating, insomnia, restlessness, daytime hypersomnolence, and nightmares.

Symptoms characteristic of delirium include clouded state of consciousness; perceptual disturbances resulting in misinterpretations, illusions, and hallucinations; depression; fear; and anxiety. Fear often occurs in response to threatening hallucinations or delusions and, if severe, may frighten the individual into fleeing his or her surroundings. According to the DSM-III. an example of a typical hallucination occurring in this condition is that of an individual who claims to see people hovering over the bed when no one is there. Feelings of depression may be accompanied by vocalizations such as moaning, cursing, crying, and calls for help.

Organic affective syndromes can be depressive or manic in nature. Significant etiological factors in their development include endocrine disorders, carcinoma of the 36 pancreas, and viral illness. Symptoms may be mild to severe and include anxiety, fearfulness, excessive somatic preoccupations, panic attacks, phobias, sadness, irritability, and suspiciousness.

Ritual Therapv. Possession Trance and Anxietv Reduction

ASCs are potentially disrupting to the operations of society. Through cultural patterning, such states may be controlled to limit their potential danger, while permitting their utilization in support of existing social institutions (Bourguignon 1974; 8). An individual may feel estranged from family, community, or the world in general, or may have deviated from cultural norms of belief and behavior, possibly as a result of doubts concerning their validity. If such an individual experiences an ASC in a culturally controlled setting that includes direct and indirect suggestions from leaders and other group members, that person's thoughts and behavior may be modified so that they are brought back within cultural norms.

In threatening circumstances ASCs sometimes appear spontaneously as dreams, dissociation states, and mystical revelations. Under such conditions, the ability to experience ASCs may be viewed as an endogenous healing mechanism which strengthens the individual's coping ability

(Prince 1980: 291-292). Prince argues that many psychotherapeutic systems manipulate the patient's 37 potential to experience ASCs in order to relieve anxiety and encourage a state of mind conducive to problem solving.

Rituals that utilize trance and possession trance represent and elicit acceptance of certain conceptions of the supernatural and human relationships to it. These concepts are cultural constructs which constitute the foundation and provide justification for the actions of believers. The occurrence of possession trance is seen as proof of the existence of the supernatural, and serves to reaffirm and internalize in believers a particular cultural construct.

Ludwig (1972: 21, 24) points out the importance of

ASCs in traditional and contemporary healing practices. He notes:

...during the actual treatment or healing ceremony, the shaman, hunaan. medicine man, priest, preacher, physician, or psychiatrist may view the production of an ASC in the patient as a crucial prerequisite for healing. There are countless instances of healing practices designed to take advantage of the suggestibility, increased meaning, propensity for emotional catharsis, and the feelings of rejuvenation associated with ASCs....

In a cross-cultural analysis, William Sargant (1957:

39-40, 91-93) notes that the physiological induction of

ASCs is an integral part of religious conversion techniques. When the goal of ritual is to replace a person's undesirable thought patterns with positively valued beliefs and attitudes, the conversion is most 38 effectively achieved during an emotionally charged state characterized by nervous tension. This is induced by subjecting the individual to increased or prolonged stress- producing stimuli such as physical discomfort, fear or panic, fasting, drumming, dancing, singing, and use of intoxicants. During the altered state, judgement is impaired and suggestibility increased. The newly implanted patterns remain in the individual's mind after a return to normal consciousness. Sargant emphasizes that all people are not equally susceptible to the effects of different stressors and this is one reason why religious conversion techniques are more effective in some cases than others.

Resistance to various stressors can be reduced by fever, fatigue, glandular changes, or drugs (Sargant 1957; 40).

Wallace (1966: 240) examined the utilization of ASCs in the ritual process of "cognitive and affective restructuring." An understanding of the terms world view and mazewav is important for his discussion. Wallace

(1964: 101) defined world view as:

...the very skeleton of concrete cognitive assumptions on which customary behavior is hung....It constitutes the set of cognitive orientations of the members of society.

These cognitive assumptions are shared extensively, but to varying degrees, by each person in a society. World view constitutes a part of the unique mazewav of each individual: 39

"Mazeway" is to the individual what "culture" is to the group....it refers to the entire set of cognitive maps of positive and negative goals, of self, others, and material objects, and of their possible dynamic interrelationships in process, which an individual maintains at a given time....It is used by its holder as a true and more or less complete representation of the operating characteristics of a "real" world (Wallace 1964: 16-18).

World view is expressed in cosmology, philosophy,

ethics, religious ritual, and scientific belief. It

constitutes a psychological "common ground" between the members of a culture, and guides normal patterns of

interaction between individuals whose mazeways might differ

in other respects. Thought and behavior are not based on

some absolute reality, perceivable to all humans regardless

of culture, but rather, are based on the culturally

relative and, to some extent, individually relative mental

image of the real world.

An ASC's significance for the individual and the group

is defined by culture. Such patterning is particularly

important for what Wallace (1966: 240) termed the prelearning and suggestion phases of ritual, because the concepts utilized in these stages determine the direction, meaning, and outcome of the ASC experience. In Wallace's view, the ritual process of "cognitive and affective

restructuring" has five stages:

1) Prelearning. During socialization the participants

have learned a set of cultural concepts that 40

structure their world view.

2) Separation. An ASC is induced.

3) Suggestion. Once the desired ASC is achieved,

cognitive material is recombined under the

influence of direct suggestion from others and/or

autosuggestion.

4) Execution. The ritual participant acts in

accordance with the new cognitive structure.

5) Maintenance. Maintenance of the cognitive structure

may depend on post-hypnotic suggestion and

subsequent repetition of the ritual.

Belief systems and ritual therapies focusing on possession trance and possession illness provide socially sanctioned frameworks for the acceptance and interpretation of disturbing or threatening phenomena, especially unusual behavior and physical symptoms. Walter and Frances Mischel

(1958: 256) contend that spontaneous possession which is considered indicative of mediumship abilities, a divine gift, is positively rather than negatively valued. They also note that "the belief system which can render behavior

...otherwise considered a malignant symptom into one that is prized and reinforced is itself reinforced by the process."

In Kiev's opinion (1972: 84), possession trance is best explained as "going crazy" in a culturally recognized way during which previously suppressed ego-dystonic 41 thoughts and feelings are given expression. According to

I. M. Lewis (1978: 195), it is an ecstatic state which provides a release from reality and compensation for psychic injuries experienced in everyday life because the individual is allowed to express repressed urges and desires. Mischel and Mischel (1958: 255) note that role reversal frequently is important in possession trance behavior. During this state, a person who is passive and powerless in everyday life may become the focus of attention— a figure of dominance believed to have supernatural power who can control the activities of others. Less frequently, the Mischels note, the possessed person may engage in self-directed violence or humiliating activities, such as self-beatings or rolling on the ground for prolonged periods of time. Such behavior may be interpreted as doing penance by onlooking spectators

(Mischel and Mischel 1958: 255).

Bourguignon (1979: 280) views ritual possession trance as a dissociational state during which an ego-alien part of an individual's personality, a secondary personality system, is temporarily in control of the individual's actions. Sheila Walker (1972: 36, 148) sees it as regression in the service of the ego during an auto hypnotic state in which there is a temporary transfer of control from the ego to an ego-subsystem analogous to the 42 personality of the possessing spirit. According to Walker

(1972: 148):

The hypnotic state is triggered by the altered state of consciousness and change in body ego produced by the neurophysiological effects of the rhythmic drumming. The transference relationship has as its objects the priest, who persuasively and authoritatively directs the devotees, the deities who are responsible for and in control of all the possessed devotees' behavior, and the community of spectators who support and protect the possessed participants. The actual hypnotist is really the subject himself, who, given certain stimuli, recalls and re-enacts more or less automatically a style of behavior impressed upon him during an initiation period and/or which he has observed closely while growing up.

The physiological processes involved in the induction of possession trance, and its therapeutic anxiety-reducing potential, are of primary interest to several researchers.

Sargant (1957: 40, 105-110) views possession trance as a culturally patterned form of transmarainal inhibition during which the trancer's nervous system is stimulated beyond its capacity to respond normally. During religious ritual, this state is induced by prolonged rhythmic stimulation of the brain:

...electrical recordings of the human brain show that it is particularly sensitive to rhythmic stimulation by percussion...and certain rates of rhythm can build up recordable abnormalities of brain function and explosive states of tension sufficient even to produce convulsive fits in predisposed subjects. Some people can be persuaded to dance in time with such rhythms until they collapse in exhaustion.... it is easier to disorganize the normal function of the brain by attacking it simultaneously with several strong rhythms played in different tempos....Alcohol and other drugs are often used 43

to heighten the excitement of religious dancers, and this too hastens the breakdown (Sargant 1957; 105-106).

Sargant's perspective is supported by the work of

Andrew Neher (1962: 151-160) who investigated the effects

of rhythmic drumming on the central nervous system. After

reviewing research on photic and sonic driving, and

anthropological reports of possession trance behavior in

rituals characterized by prolonged drumming, Neher tried to

induce similar behavior in a laboratory setting. Because

the ear can withstand higher sound amplitudes at lower

frequencies, it is possible to transmit a great deal of

energy to the brain using low frequency drum beats. The

frequencies most effective for sonic driving, Neher found,

are 8 to 13 cycles per second. Drum music from possession

trance ceremonies in Haiti, West and West Central Africa was analyzed and found to have frequencies between 7 and 9

cycles per second (Neher 1962: 154).

Sonic driving in the laboratory and, Neher believes

(1962: 154-159), during possession trance rituals can produce kinesthetic sensations including vertigo and

altered depth perception; feelings of anesthesia; disturbed time sense; dissociative states; and alterations in

feelings such as confusion, fear, anger, and pleasure.

Neher (1962: 156) notes:

...stress in general increases susceptibility to rhythm...low blood glucose and production of adrenaline, which result from overexertion and 44

fatigue, also increase susceptibility....a compound called adrenochrome has been isolated from adrenaline...[which is] related chemically to every hallucinogen whose chemical composition has been determined.

More recently. Prince (1982B: 415-420) suggests a biochemical explanation, the mock hvoerstress theory. to account for the therapeutic anxiety reducing effects of ritual possession trance. He suggests that an individual on the threshold of this state faces a potentially frightening experience, an artificial threat situation created by cultural expectations. During the ASC the individual's reality testing ability becomes impaired so that the ego becomes convinced of the validity of the threat situation. According to Prince (1982B: 416);

The mock hyperstress theory...holds that this alteration of reality testing is a positive measure employed by the ego to generate protective hormones....The endocrine system reacts to these scenarios as though they were real.

During a situation of artificially induced hyperstress the individual's body may respond with what Prince terms the omnipotence maneuver, a swing from terror to euphoria and profound tranquility often interpreted through a belief in supernatural intervention. When a state of excessive hyperarousal occurs, the body is flooded with endorphins, endogenous opiate and valium-like substances, which cause the individual to experience:

...an unprecedented feeling of cosmic peace....Under such conditions, the omnipotence 45

maneuver generates transitory feelings of omnipotence and heightened self-esteem which often result in a stabilization of sense of ego potency (Prince 1982A: 305-306; 1982B: 416, 420) .

Numerous investigators have noted the central role of anxiety reduction in therapeutic rituals. Sacrifices to placate powerful supernatural entities usually have a prominent part in these ceremonies. Such propitiation increases the patient's hope that threatening supernatural forces will cease their attacks. Expressions of concern and active support from other ritual participants reassure the patient that he or she can seek and receive help from a social support network composed of family, friends, community members, and/or cult group participants.

Confession of upsetting personal problems or experiences, repressed feelings of hostility towards others, or past thoughts or activities for which the patient feels guilty, frequently is important in therapeutic rituals. The act of confession is cathartic and anxiety-reducing in its effect. Lewis (1978: 197) emphasizes the importance of confession in treatments for possession illness that occur in the context of a main morality cult, the focal religious system of a culture group in which the traditional cosmology, social structure, and value system are reinforced. Bourguignon (1979: 288) notes that whenever rituals are conducted to treat conditions believed to result from supernatural punishment 46 for violations of social rules, confession is part of the therapy.

After cross-cultural analysis, Bourguignon (1973; 20) concluded that the presence of institutionalized trance and possession trance is associated with certain degrees of societal complexity. Of those societies examined with one or both of these phenomena, those with possession trance only were the most complex, those with trance only the least complex, while societies with both usually were intermediate in complexity. Societies with possession trance tend to place a greater emphasis on the values of obedience, responsibility, and nurturance for females than for males (Bourguignon 1979: 257-258). Bourguignon also notes:

Numerous ethnographers...report that a maj ority of those going into possession trance are women....Moreover, possession trance typically occurs in group rituals and is supported by cult groups. This fact...raises a question about the possible relation between the group nature of the PT behavior and the greater field dependence of women— the lesser differentiation of women as separate individuals.

The preceding discussion indicates the complex ways in which healing ceremonies and ritual possession trance can reduce anxiety. Lewis (1978: 196-197) suggests that these methods are only successful in the treatment of "normally" neurotic people who are not severely psychiatrically impaired. To benefit from such therapy an individual must be able to "play the game," i.e., respond in culturally 47 patterned ways to cultural cues and expectations. The emic recognition, interpretation, and treatment of possession

illness in West and West Central Africa are the subjects of the next chapter. CHAPTER III

ANCESTOR SPIRIT ILLNESS AND TRADITIONAL THERAPY IN WEST AND WEST CENTRAL AFRICA

Historical evidence suggests that West Central Africa

(northern Angola, northwestern Zambia, southwestern Zaire) and, to a lesser extent, the Gold Coast and Bight of Benin were important sources of African patterns contributing to the development of Garifuna culture (see next chapter).

The following discussion reviews studies from these regions concerning ancestor spirit illness, its conceptualization within native diagnostic systems, and ritual therapies used to treat the condition. Also examined are reports of possession trance behavior attributed to spirits of dead relatives.

General Patterns

Peoples of West and West Central Africa traditionally believe in a supreme god viewed as aloof from the world of the living. Humans contact the supernatural through lesser entities, spirits of the family dead and deities symbolizing natural forces. Ancestor spirits are generally divided into two groups, the recently dead of up to five

48 49

generations whose names and activities are known and those who died in the distant past (Parrinder 1976; 57-66, Mbiti

1970: 109). John Mbiti calls the recently deceased the

"living dead," spirits whose process of dying is not yet

complete. These entities are viewed as the closest links between humans and the supernatural world. The process is

not complete until the last person who knew the deceased is

also dead.

In some cultures, the distant spirits of a chief's or king's family have great significance for the entire population and may be merged with deities representing

forces of nature. In other groups, particularly those of

West Central Africa, the spirits of personal relatives are most important, especially grandparents, parents, aunts, uncles, and siblings. According to Angelina Pollak-Eltz

(1977: 85), West Central African systems generally lack the well defined deities, complex mythologies, and priestly hierarchies characteristic of many Gold Coast and Bight of

Benin religions. Roger Bastide (1978: 59) makes a similar distinction, noting the Angolan emphasis on ancestor worship and possession trance believed to be caused by dead

relatives. The Garifuna oubida cult is structurally most

similar to the religions of West Central Africa.

Ancestor spirits represent familial obligation and traditional systems of authority (Beattie and Middleton

1969: xix-xxi). Their veneration provides the foundation 50 for all kinship-based social institutions (Herskovits 1972:

197-198). The strong belief in punitive ancestors who attack the living and intervene in their affairs is a key element in the maintenance of social order (Parrinder 1976:

57-66). If not given proper funeral rituals and periodic sacrifices of food and drink, or if their descendants violate traditional rules of behavior, it is believed that dead relatives become vengeful ghosts who punish the living with misfortune, illness insanity, or death (Herskovits

1972, Parrinder 1976, Beattie and Middleton 1969).

Dreams of the dead are viewed as supernatural communication. When the nature of a dream is unclear, a medium is consulted to determine its meaning. Ancestors can be punitive or benevolent. During dreams they may threaten their descendants, expressing anger and demanding propitiation through ritual sacrifice, or may reveal useful knowledge, giving instructions for new medicines and curing techniques. In times of conflict, mediums invoke the spirits of warrior ancestors to obtain supernatural help in battle (Parrinder 1976: 57-66). The ancestors are also believed to watch over the fertility of their descendants.

Melville Herskovits (1972: 215-217) notes that ritual possession trance is the:

...outstanding manifestation of West African religion....Under possession the worshipper.. .merges his identity in that of the god, losing control of his conscious faculties and knowing nothing of what he does until he 51

comes to himself....This phenomenon...is, for all its hysterical quality, by no means undisciplined. On the contrary,...definite rules govern the situations under which it is to be experienced, the behavior of the possessed person,...the manner in which he is controlled by those in authority while possessed, and how he is to be cared for as he comes out of his seizure....

Geoffrey Parrinder (1976; 177-178) regards possession trance as hysterical dissociation induced by auto-hypnosis.

The person who enters this state is emically viewed as an

oracle of the spirits. Ritual possession trance occurs during public ceremonies that usually involve extensive dmimming and dancing. Parrinder suggests that the

emotionally charged atmosphere and the sight of other participants in possession trance may contribute to

inducing this state in others. Spontaneous possession,

often viewed as spirit illness, may occur in the bush, at work, or at home. Parrinder notes:

The subject may resist the attack, and will then live in misery and mental conflict until some release is found; dumbness or madness is said to result if a man or woman refuses the divine call.

Mbiti (1970: 106-109) reports that possession trances occurring outside of a ritual context can be dangerous.

The person who experiences it may harm himself or others:

...the spirit may drive him away from his home so that he lives in the forests; it may cause him to jump into the fire and get himself burnt, to torture his body with sharp instruments, or even to harm other people....The possessed person becomes restless, may fail to sleep properly, and if the possession lasts a long period it results in damage to health. 52

In order to placate the offended spirit, it must be permitted to express its anger and demands through mediumship and possession trance. A sacrifice or the fulfillment of some neglected obligation may be requested.

Possession trance cults may be viewed as traditional systems for coping with illness and misfortune.

Furthermore, John Beattie and John Middleton (1969; xix- xxiii) emphasize:

...they often form...the established religion of the communities which have them, and far from being socially disapproved, participation in the cults is obligatory....Whether or not actual dissociation takes place, mediumship in such contexts is in no sense an aberrant activity, but rather a moral obligation.

Before moving to an examination of ancestor spirit illness and therapeutic rituals in specific culture groups, it is useful to consider Ellen Corin and H. B. M. Murphy's

(1979: 160-165) observations regarding somatization in West

African expressions of psychic distress, and the pertinence for psychiatry of communalism in West African societies.

Many African peoples tend to express both psychological and social tensions in terms of body language, using aches and pains as symbols of distress. In some instances anxiety and negative expectations concerning the course of illness are part of a psychosomatic interplay that can convert a usually non-fatal illness into a condition causing death. 53

Corin and Murphy (1979: 163-164) discuss the emphasis placed by West African societies on the fusion of the individual with the group:

One result of this communalism is that the individual person is very susceptible to mental disturbance, most often a reactive psychosis, when he becomes involved in a group conflict. Another is that as an individual, separated from his group, he has very few ego defenses....There are two further aspects of African communalism which seem to be general and which are also of psychiatric relevance. One is that individual problems, including illness, are perceived and reacted to by others in the group as if they were communal problems. The other relevant point is that culture change and acculturation, which nearly always mean a temporary conflict of values, are going to bear more heavily on members of such societies than on persons whose individualism has been more strongly encouraged.

Possession Illness and Ritual Theraov in West Central Africa

Although contemporary studies of African peoples are relevant to the present analysis, it is especially useful to examine reports concerning ancestor cults and therapeutic rituals during the slave trade era, particularly the early 17th century. These were the first sources of African patterns incorporated into the developing oubida cult. Early accounts of the Kongo,

Mbundu, and related peoples of northern Angola are of special interest.

Georges Balandier (1968: 181-185) described the Kongo descent system as strongly matrilineal. The clan, or kanda. consisting of the descendants of a common line was 54

the most powerful social unit. Every clan was composed of

several lineages, each founded by a female ancestor. The

Kongo word for lineage and for its foundress was ngudi.

The general term for person was muntu (Balandier 1968; 188-

190) . Within the clan, the descendants of the oldest

daughter of the founding grandmother formed an elder and

superior lineage.

The most important spiritual entities for the Kongo were the bankita (nkita. singular)— "creatures of the

beginning, original ancestors, heroes who had died violent

deaths," and the bakula. deceased clan members who were

believed to communicate with the living through dreams and

to intervene in their affairs (Balandier 1968: 246).

Disease, death, and other misfortunes were often attributed

to their anger. Missionary accounts of Kongo life note the

natives' often excessive fear that spirits of the dead

could harm the living if their wishes were not obeyed.

Kongo ancestors were propitiated with elaborate and

expensive ceremonies when discord and death struck a

community.

Various nature spirits were also venerated in Kongo

religion. (Balandier 1968: 248-249). A female moon goddess

and male sun god were important supernatural entities.

Certain animals were considered sacred such as the leopard,

the lion, and the snake. 55

The Kongo recognized a remote, supreme deity called

Nzambi. According to Balandier (1968: 245-246, 254-255),

syncretism of traditional beliefs with Roman Catholicism

introduced by Portuguese missionaries, was already

occurring during the early 16th century. The term Nzambi

referred to the Kongo supreme deity and the Christian God.

Catholic concepts and symbols were incorporated into the

native religious system. In particular, the crucifix, the

rosary, and statutes of saints became identified with nkisi. magical objects believed to trap spiritual forces.

The cross was very important and was used to ward off

attacks from wandering spirits. Balandier also notes:

Despite the efforts of the missionaries...Christianity affected only a slim minority. For the majority of the people of the Kongo, its ceremonies, its symbolism, its churches and its clergy were less pretexts for belief than occasions for imitation....

John Thorton (1983: 61) points out the importance of a therapeutic placation ritual called kimpasi in the 17th

century Kongo ancestor cult. According to contemporary

accounts, the kimpasi symbolically destroyed and rebuilt

society in an attempt to rid it of tensions and jealousies.

During the ceremonies some participants were possessed by bankita.

There were two major types of ritual specialists in

17th century Kongo religion. The kitomi directed public,

communal ceremonies, particularly those associated with 56 agriculture, fertility, and rainfall. Although they sometimes acted as oracles for political leaders, generally they did not perform services for individual clients. In contrast, the naanaa engaged in religious and magical activities primarily on behalf of paying customers. He was consulted to cure illness, bring rain, prevent misfortune, and predict the future. He also conducted the kimpasi ritual (Thorton 1983: 59-61). Thorton also notes religious syncretism among the 17th century Kongo. Catholic priests were viewed as a type of naanaa who used Christian nkisi. Missionaries encouraged the Africanization of Christianity through the deliberate use of the terms naanaa for priest, nkisi for holy, and

Nzambi for God (Thorton 1983: 62-63). European priests were in short supply, and often had only superficial contact with the general population. Traveling from village to village, they baptized thousands of people every year, administering other sacraments on occasion. Because of the shortage of priests, Kongo noblemen were trained as interpreters and school teachers, and eventually became an unofficial clergy (bush priests, essentially). They were primarily responsible for religious instruction and the establishment of rural churches anc chapels (Thorton 1983 :

66) . The Mbundu and Imbangala peoples of the 17th century

lived south of the Kongo in northwestern Angola and were 57 culturally similar to their neighbors in several ways, including their emphasis on ancestor cults and matrilineal social structure (Miller 1976; 43-50). The Mbundu word for lineage and healer/diviner were ncmnda and nuança respectively, almost identical to those of the Kongo.

These groups placed great importance on dream communication between the living and the dead. Among the Mbundu and

Imbangala, ritual possession trance occurred only during ceremonies where deceased relatives, the iinzumbi (nzumbi, singular), possessed surviving members of the same lineage.

These spirits were believed to cause illness or death if not properly placated. Joseph Miller states (1976: 253-

255) :

....the naanaa...arranged a spirit possession ceremony in which a medium attempted to communicate with the nzumbi to discover the cause of his displeasure. The entire living membership of the afflicted person's lineage witnessed the rituals....Under the guidance of a naanaa...and other officials of the lineage, the assemblage consumed intoxicants and performed dances and chants calculated to bring on the trancelike state necessary to contact the dead. Eventually, some member of the lineage...felt himself possessed....

According to Gladwyn Childs (1949: 43-60), the 20th century Mbundu have a bilineal descent system in which the patrilineage (pluse) and matrilineage (oluina) have different social and religious functions. The oluse celebrates annual calendrical rituals such as agricultural festivals. The oluina conducts mortuary rituals, and 58 ceremonies to placate the ancestors in cases of illness, misfortune, or death.

Several ethnomedical studies of West Central African curing systems provide valuable insights for the present discussion. Negotiation during the diagnostic process, anxiety reduction, confession, possession trance, and easing of social tensions within the patient's kin group are focal elements of the therapies examined.

Victor Turner's work (1981) concerns the Ndembu, a culture group living in the region where Angola, Zambia, and Zaire come together. The Ndembu are matrilineal but virilocal (Turner 1981: 10) . Their term for person is muntu. the same word used by the Kongo (Turner 1981: 48) .

They believe in a supreme deity called Nzambi and ancestor spirits who can be benevolent or hostile. When angered they are thought to punish their descendants with various illnesses, misfortune, or death. Turner (1981: 298) states:

... it is widely presumed that death is caused by the ill will or grudge-bearing of close kin....All shades...therefore, are assumed to harbor wrath against the kin-group, most frequently the matrilineal kin group....By the principle of corporate responsibility, which also operates in blood-vengeance cases, any member of the kin group may be smitten with troubles by a vengeful shade.

The angry ancestor is usually related to the victim through direct matrilineal descent. In cults concerned with female 59 reproductive problems the afflicting spirit is most often a mother or grandmother (Turner 1981: 79).

The Ndembu have several types of curing cults, some of which were introduced from neighboring groups such as the

Kongo, Mbundu, and Chokwe (Turner 1981: 300-302). Some cults deal with only one illness while others treat a variety of problems. The choice of therapy depends on the nature of the illness and its symbolic expression which is culturally patterned and emically recognized. Ancestor spirits appear in several kinds of culturally stereotyped dreams. Analysis of their content is believed necessary to determine which placation ritual is required to resolve a problem. When a patient with wasting illness or reproductive troubles dreams of an ancestor dressed in white engaged in ritual dancing, a tulemba ceremony is indicated. If a sick person dreams of a deceased diviner relative, a kavoncru is needed.

Turner (1981: 46-51) views the divination of the causes of illness as a type of social analysis. Relatives of the person affected decide, through formal or informal discussion, to consult a diviner. During a seance attended by members of the victim's kin group the diviner identifies a constellation of symbolic symptoms in order to make a diagnosis. Frequently the illness is attributed to punishment from angry ancestors for unacceptable tensions within the group. Turner (1981: 46) states: 60

Diviners try to elicit from their clients responses which give them clues to the current tensions in their groups of origin. Divination, therefore, becomes a form of social analysis, in the course of which hidden conflicts are revealed so that they may be dealt with by traditional and institutionalized procedures.

Diviners uphold tribal morality and help to rectify conflicts within the group. They fill a vital role in a society lacking centralized political institutions (Turner

1981: 50-51).

Kinship groupings in Ndembu society tend to be transient. The general principle of matriliny is emphasized rather than a stable system of matrilineages. A set of relatives may come together only for divination and placation rituals. Who attends depends primarily on the identity of the afflicting spirit.

Ndembu placation ceremonies are directed by an ad hoc group of cult adepts who are either former victims of the same affliction or relatives who have previously participated in cult ceremonies (Turner 1981: 15, 78).

Extensive drumming, possession trance, animal sacrifice, and communal meals are characteristic of Ndembu curing rituals.

Another important study relevant for the present discussion is John Janzen and William Arkinstall's work

(1978) with the contemporary Kongo. The minimal kinship unit in modern Kongo society is the matrilineage. In most illness cases investigated, members of the matrilineage 61 form the core of the therapy managing group. defined as those individuasls who "rally for the purpose of sifting information, lending moral support, making decisions, and arranging details of therapeutic consultation" (Janzen and

Arkinstall 1978: 4). Paternal kinsmen, friends, and associates also share information concerning the circumstances of the patient. The therapy managing group acts as a broker between the victim and healing specialists, whether they are traditional practitioners or biomedically trained physicians and nurses.

Among the Kongo there are two broad categories of illness, "illnesses of God" believed to have natural causes and "illnesses of man" associated with conflicts in interpersonal relations. When an illness occurs, the members of the therapy managing group place it in one of these categories before consulting a specialist (Janzen and

Arkinstall 1978: 8-9). If an illness or wound originally viewed as natural is slow to heal, and if tension in the patient's social environment is apparent, the therapy managing group comes to view it as an "illness of man" and begins operating with a different set of therapeutic alternatives. This process of etiological shifting affects the logic of decisions made to utilize various options in the hierarchy of resort (Janzen and Arkinstall 1978: 128).

The Kongo health environment is complicated by various tropical diseases such as sleeping sickness, malaria. 62

viruses, intestinal parasites, tuberculosis, anemias, and

malnutrition (Janzen and Arkinstall 1978: 25-31). Alone or

in combination these diseases can have complex effects on

the human body. A poor state of health can be a serious

source of anxiety. Some tropical diseases also have

psychiatric complications.

According to Janzen and Arkinstall (1978: 9):

Tension is known by Bakongo to cause illness....Illness can be caused or exacerbated by social stress. Disputes over land, property, marriage, and death, and the role conflicts inherent in customary social structure, are sources of anxiety....A neurotic concern about heart trouble, impotence, weak legs, and abdominal pain were common symptoms of anxiety in the cases we analyzed.

The Kongo "medical cosmology" views the heart as the

focus of the person (muntu) . If disorders of the body

organs do not respond well to treatment it is believed they

will affect the heart, causing palpitations, "fear in the

heart," or madness. When a person's heart is disturbed,

the condition is attributed to ancestral anger, the

patient's violation of the traditional moral code, or witchcraft (Janzen and Arkinstall 1978: 158).

When members of the therapy managing group begin their

search for treatment, they frequently consult a

diviner/healer known as naanaa naombo who determines during

a seance the nature of a patient's problem (Janzen

Arkinstall 1978: 45, 193). After a diagnosis is made, the

naanaa naombo may direct his clients to a particular 63 healing cult or naanaa who specializes in certain illnesses.

Different types of problems require different therapeutic actions (Janzen and Arkinstall 1978: 210-211).

Treatment of "madness" includes examination of maternal kinship, dream analysis, confession of relatives to sufferer and sufferer to relatives, and referral to a religious specialist. Incurable headaches are treated by an examination of maternal and paternal kinship. If an individual's entire family is sick, therapeutic responses include prayer, examination of maternal kinship, laying on of hands, anointing with oil, a ritual bath, the singing of sacred songs, confession, and a religious retreat. When therapy necessitates a meeting of the matrilineal clan the problem is considered very serious (Janzen and Arkinstall

1978: 203, 205). Often such a meeting is delayed until several cases of illness or misfortune within the group can be dealt with simultaneously. If an individual is believed to have Nkita sickness, a condition attributed to ancestor spirits, initiation into the Nkita cult is recommended.

To conclude the discussion of ancestor illness and therapeutic rituals in West Central Africa two additional studies are now considered. These concern the Cokwe people of the northeast Angola-southwest Zaire region (Yoder 1981) and the Mongo of west central Zaire and the city of

Kinshasa (Corin 1979). 64

Stanley Yoder (1981: 237) emphasizes that the Cokwe therapeutic system developed in an ongoing context of culture contact with neighboring peoples and Europeans, a situation contributing to the development of religious syncretism. Matrilineal descent and virilocal residence structure kinship and residential groups.

The Cokwe recognize three etiological categories: natural illnesses caused by God fyikola va Zambi), those resulting from sorcery fvikola va cilowa), and illnesses sent by angry ancestors (vikola va mahamba) (Yoder 1981:

241). The term mahamba refers specifically to maternal kin.

When an illness becomes chronic or displays dramatic symptoms, the therapy managing group consults a diviner

(tahi), who may also be a healer (mbuki). After diagnosis the diviner recommends an appropriate ritual cure.

Although ancestors are believed to cause a variety of misfortunes, two types of illness are especially attributed to them. These include severe, chronic headaches (yanga), and yikola va afu. a condition characterized by dizziness, troubled dreams, listlessness, and weakness (Yoder 1981:

240-241) . The term afu refers to visitations by the spirits of deceased kinsmen. In Cokwe diagnosis, observable symptoms and subjective statements by the patient and family are considered. Thus, physical and 65 psychosocial indicators of a person's condition are included in the diviner's analysis (Yoder 1981: 243).

Gorin's work (1979) concerns Zebola possession trance therapy among the Mongo people. Zebola illness is viewed as punishment by angry ancestors for violations of the traditional moral code, or conflicts between the victim and close relatives or associates (Gorin 1979: 331).

Occasionally a spirit may send illness to someone simply because it desires ritual attention.

Gorin's study was conducted in the cities of Kinshasa and Mbandaka and in several rural Mongo villages. She examined rule transgressions and interpersonal conflicts believed to have resulted in Zebola illness. Differences were noted between rural and urban responses.

In cases involving transgressions of social rules, problems of sharing money or goods were prominent in 43% of the urban and 30% of the rural cases, followed by problems linked to bride wealth (30% urban, 11% rural), and problems with a relationship to a dead person, such as non accomplishment of mourning rituals (4% urban, 30% rural).

In cases associated with interpersonal conflicts, jealousy

(for various reasons) was the most frequent source of trouble involving 51% of cases in Kinshasa, 76% in

Mbandaka, and 65% in rural areas. Spitefulness and misunderstandings were linked to 19% of cases in Kinshasa,

12% in Mbandaka, and 12% in rural areas. 66

Regarding symptoms of Zebola illness Corin (1979; 335) notes that:

...in the rural milieu...a higher frequency is found of general malaise of the patient made up of dizziness, weakness, and loss of weight....This symptomatology remains frequent in Kinshasa, but to a lesser degree....headaches are equally frequent in both environments....the psychological symptoms in the rural milieu are more definite and are moulded in a cultural form which immediately suggests the intervention of the Zebola spirit....Possession appears...by the patient fleeing and disappearing into the forest, where she is found two or three days later....At other times, possession appears when the patient begins to speak at random, most often in an incomprehensible language.

As will be shown later, these symptoms are very similar to those emically associated with Garifuna aubida illness.

West African Perspectives

Although most cultures in the Gold Coast-Bight of

Benin region emphasize tribal deities and nature spirits more than West Central African societies, ancestor spirits still have great importance. Among the Ashanti and related peoples of southern Ghana, ancestor cults are especially prominent.

Although the Ashanti recognize a patrilineal principle, more emphasis is placed upon matrilineal descent

(Rattray 1969: 77). The exogamous matrilineal clan

(abusua) decides succession to positions of leadership and inheritance of property. 67

Numerous non-human deities are recognized by the

Ashanti including a remote supreme sky god (Nyame), an earth goddess (Asase), and lesser spirits known as obosom

(Rattray 1969: 86; Lystad 1958: 165). The world of the ancestor spirits is believed to be structured in the same manner as Ashanti society (Lystad 1958: 160-161).

Ancestors retain many human characteristics. They are the true heads of the family and the ultimate source of family authority.

Among the Ashanti, illness may be blamed on angry ancestors, wrathful gods, or the sorcery of human enemies

(Lystad 1958: 87-95). Ancestors send illness or misfortune as retribution for breaches of traditional morality or noncompliance with ritual obligations to the dead. Often such illness is viewed as punishment for antisocial behavior by the victim or a close relative. Robert Lystad notes (1958:

95) :

Diagnosis of the illness...is largely diagnosis of a social offense, and the curing of the illness requires the righting of a social wrong....The threat of suffering becomes a powerful incentive for moral behavior, and the cure of suffering becomes a sign that the gods and ancestors are pleased once more, that immorality has been excised, and the whole society restored to moral good health.

Utilizing ethnopsychiatric and transcultural perspectives. Field (1960) examines the religious therapeutic system of the Ashanti-Akan. Of particular interest are her diagnoses of cases treated by native 68 diviners. A description of the medical, psychological, and sociocultural stressors associated with each case is also provided.

Social organization among the Ashanti-Akan is based on the exogamous matrilineal clan. There is an absence of highly rigid social structure, and emphasis is placed upon status achieved through individual merit (Field 1960: 26).

In Ashanti-Akan belief the individual has two souls, the immortal spirit double (kra) and the mind or spirit

( sunsum) . When a person dies the kra becomes an ancestor spirit. If not given proper funeral rituals, an angry ancestor will send illness, death, or misfortune to surviving relatives (Field 1960: 48-49). The obosum are believed to punish the living in a similar manner for transgressions of the traditional moral code.

Field (1960: 105-106) determined that advice and treatment was sought from diviners for a wide variety of problems. In 1,129 cases examined the distribution of complaints was as follows: lack of prosperity 397, unspecified illness 151, sick children 123, childlessness

100, marital discord 59, urgent need for money 55, children always die 51, theft of money or valuables 44, impotence

28, past or threatened miscarriages 28, upsetting dreams

26, venereal disease 19, eye problems 15, "the pregnancy doesn't grow" 14, unexplainable insomnia 5, and amenorrhea

5. 69

Most people who consulted the diviner for unspecified

illness or lack of prosperity also reported symptoms

indicative of anxiety. Most frequently these included

palpitations, headache, pains all over, giddiness,

trembling, and darkness in front of the eyes (Field 1960:

107-113). Diviners recognize that these symptoms can be

caused by guilt feelings and upsetting interpersonal

strife. When anxiety appears related to kinship conflicts

or the neglect of traditional obligations, the patient and

close relatives are frequently advised to ritually placate

ancestors and family deities (Field 1960; 115).

Commenting on insomnia and sleep disorders. Field

notes (1960: 131-132) that the occurrence of vivid,

frightening, or confused dreams can stimulate considerable

anxiety because of their potentially ominous significance.

Field discovered that different people in similar anxiety- producing situations often have identical culturally

patterned dreams. For example, persons fearing retribution

for unacceptable behavior frequently dream of being chased

and knocked down by an angry spirit with a club.

When treatment is sought for infertility, miscarriages, or a child's illness the diviner most often

blames the condition on quarreling between the parents or

their neglect of ritual duties to ancestors and family gods

(Field I960: 119-121). Organic illness may also be viewed 70 as supernatural punishment for unacceptable behavior, but is sometimes attributed to an enemy's sorcery.

In Field's opinion, numerous cases presented to diviners could be diagnosed in biomedical psychiatric terms, of particular interest is her recognition of severe depression and acute reactive fear psychoses (Field 1960;

149-150, 201-203). When a depressed individual becomes restless, agitated, sleepless, and unable to perform accustomed work he or she may believe that a spirit is responsible. Depressed people sometimes accuse themselves of witchcraft and believe they must be punished.

Field (1960: 201-202) suggests that acute reactive fear psychoses result from extreme anxiety, frequently associated with fear of supernatural retribution. She describes a typical case:

Usually the patient is outwardly normal...when he retires to sleep....very often, he has a dream...[of] avenging obosom coming for him with a club. He wakes in a fright which.. .becomes a panic....Before morning he is in a frenzy, inaccessible and talking "basa-basa" (in a crazy manner).... if not restrained, he rushes in terror... into the bush. If...quickly brought in this frantic state to the shrine...he calms down...and within a few days is well. But if there are several days of delay...he arrives usually much more mad— indistinguishable, in fact, from a classic schizophrenic— inappropriately laughing, smiling, posturing, singing, dancing, replying to hallucinatory voices....in an unbelievably short time he is restored to normal.

In Field's opinion, those people who are most predisposed to transient acute fear psychosis are potential 71 schizophrenics with a schizotypal personality (see DSM-III

1980: 312-313). Often they have a family history of schizophrenia. In many cases an important precipitating cause is febrile or toxic illness.

The behavioral pattern of running into the bush in a frenzied manner may be interpreted as possession illness.

This can only be cured by becoming a diviner, or an initiate of the cult which serves the molesting spirit

(Field 1960: 61). During therapeutic initiation the patient is taught how to experience ritually patterned possession trance. Field states that many ordinary people become mildly dissociated at religious dances. Strong emotions such as wonder, fear, or grief may precipitate dissociation in someone who has not previously experienced it.

Beliefs and expectations concerning possession trance are instilled in the individual during the socialization process. This conditions the participant to be receptive to dissociation, given the proper ritual setting.

According to Field, fasting resulting in hypoglycaemia is an important way to encourage possession trance.

Unintentional fasting may precipitate this state in a secular context. Sonic driving achieved through drumming, clapping, and singing is often vital to the induction of dissociation. Alcohol ingestion may also be a contributing factor. 72

The preceding discussion describes key aspects of the ritual therapeutic patterns brought by Africans to the

Americas. Garifuna concepts regarding aubida illness and possession trance have extensive roots in this heritage.

However, not all African groups contributed equally to the formation of syncretic Afro-American cultures in general, and Garifuna culture in particular. Garifuna ethnogenesis and the syncretic processes through which the aubida cult developed are the subjects of the next chapter. CHAPTER IV

CULTURE CONTACT, SYNCRETISM AND CRYSTALLIZATION: THE GENESIS OF GARIFUNA SOCIETY AND RELIGION

Theoretical Considerations

Garifuna ethnogenesis occurred in a context of complex, sequential intercultural contact which took place

in West and West Central Africa, the Circum-Caribbean, and

Central America during the past four centuries.

Participating in these encounters were members of

indigenous African and Amerindian cultures, Europeans from

Portugal, Spain, France, and England, and the descendants of these peoples.

For Africans brought against their will to a hostile environment, traditional methods for coping with stressful circumstances, especially the cultural patterning and utilization of ASCs, ritual therapy, and placation of supernatural forces, had continuing survival value for the reduction of anxiety, the mobilization of social support, and the reaffirmation of a shared world view. When

Africans of different cultural origins came together in New

73 74

World settings, those patterns of thought and behavior which were similar were emphasized, including many beliefs

and ritual practices concerning personal ancestors. In this chapter, Garifuna ethnogenesis and the emergence of the aubida cult are examined with reference to several key

concepts. These include acculturation. contact culture.

conquest culture. nativism. svncretism. pidainization.

creolization. and cultural crystallization.

Acculturation was defined by Robert Redfield, Ralph

Linton, and Melville Herskovits (1936) as;

...those phenomena which result when groups of individuals having different cultures come into continuous first-hand contact, with subsequent changes in the original cultural patterns of either or both groups.

This concept was expanded by George Foster (1960: 7) to

include the sociocultural and psychological processes through which changes are achieved.

An analysis of the complex factors relevant to acculturation studies was presented by the Social Science

Research Council (1954: 975-992). Types of boundary maintaining mechanisms used by cultures in contact to reaffirm group identity and restrict participation by outsiders is one consideration. Garifuna examples include high evaluation of the group's language and customs, religious rituals devoted to the ancestors which reaffirm traditional values and pride in group origins, and the defense of territory against outsiders. The flexibility of 75 social structures and their ability to adapt to change are also important.

Demographic factors can have considerable impact on acculturative encounters. Particularly relevant are the relative sizes of the populations in contact, and the degree to which adoption, recruitment, or enslavement of outsiders, and the selective removal or addition of individuals in certain age-sex categories influences population composition.

Finally, the contact situation must be examined with respect to intercultural role networks and intercultural communication. The former refers to the structuring of relationships between representatives of the cultures in contact and related constellations of reciprocal behaviors.

The latter concerns selective communication of information, the range of presented fact, and cross-cultural interpretation of it.

The processes which screen elements communicated during acculturative encounters are focal to Foster's

(1960: 10-12) concepts of contact and conquest cultures.

Contact culture refers to the totality of patterns selected from a donor culture to which are added ideas developed as a result of the contact situation itself. It is this new cultural configuration, rather than the entire donor culture, that becomes the acculturative force on a recipient people. Conquest culture refers to the contact 76 culture of a dominant, conquering group which uses political and military power to bring about planned and/or forced changes in the culture of a subordinate people.

Contact cultures are produced through formal processes, involving the planned transmission of selected cultural elements directed by individuals and groups in authority

(government administrators, church officials, trading companies, etc.), and informal processes through which the personal habits and ideas of donor culture representatives are selectively transmitted in an unplanned manner to members of the recipient culture.

In the context of Garifuna ethnogenesis, multiple contact cultures are involved. While imprisoned at slave shipment ports in West and West-Central Africa, captured

Africans were exposed to the contact cultures of Europeans and other African groups. On the southeastern Caribbean island of St. Vincent (see Figure 1), contact cultures of the Island Carib Amerindians (who the Garifuna later dominated and absorbed), and of French and English colonists were major acculturative forces on the escaped

Africans whose descendants became Garifuna. After exile to

Central America, the Garifuna encountered Spanish colonial culture. In both New World locations, the Garifuna were exposed to the cultural patterns of other emerging Afro-

American groups, such as those of exiled Haitians in

Trujillo, Honduras. BJB* ' W 72" 6B* 04' or «0**4 *8* LESSER ANTILLES ATLANTIC OCEAN GULF .OF MEXICO ®r

'Aniiguo

10*

[Domlnlco ■*V WlANO* Z ^ " ‘“ Hmlll

t> USSEK A N IIIltS CARIBBEAN SEA

PACIFIC Colombia -4* 12» OCEAN 300 400

300

Figure 1 The Circum-Caribbean

•vj 78

Roman Catholic missionaries were important conquest culture representatives of the Portuguese in West Central

Africa, the French in the Windward Islands, and the Spanish in Honduras. The blending of Roman Catholicism with

African and Amerindian religious patterns was important in the early development of Garifuna religion.

Two acculturation processes, nativism and svncretism were analyzed by Munro Edmonson (1960: 183-293). Nativism is defined as "the attempt to revive or perpetuate cultural traditions which a given group of people choose to call

'their own'— with which they choose to identify themselves." Syncretism refers to "the integration and consequent secondary elaboration of selected aspects of two or more historically distinct traditions. The production of some acculturative phenomena, such as religious revitalization movements, may involve both processes.

Syncretism results in the systematization of elements from several sources into a new integrated pattern. There are two levels of syncretism, 1) micro-svncretism in which patterns are combined in an obvious manner through a relationship of logical implication, and 2) macro- svncretism. which develops through processes of analogy rather than strict logic. Analogy refers to recognizing a partial correspondence between things otherwise dissimilar and inferring that if they are alike in some ways they must be alike in others. Edmunson (1960: 195) emphasizes that 79

all studies of syncretism must recognize the historical

complexes and sequences in which such phenomena develop.

Foster (1960: 227-234) describes the cultures of

Spanish America as the products of cultural

crystallization. a concept relevant to the syncretic

development of the aubida cult. He states:

The basic outlines of the new colonial cultures took shape at a rapid rate. Once they became comparatively well integrated and offered preliminary answers to the most pressing problems, their forms became more rigid— they may be said to have crystallized....These stabilizing cultures were less receptive to change and less prone to accept new elements from the parent culture which had been left behind or rejected in the initial movement....When increasing numbers of emigrants...reached the New World they encountered a going concern to which they had to adapt themselves. The culture they brought with them...was now less important, simply because it came later in the time sequence.

Foster also quotes Herskovits in support of the

cultural crystallization concept. Herskovits (1972: 52),

referring to the syncretic development of Afro-American

cultures points out "it is not difficult to see that the

slaves who came late to the New World had to accommodate

themselves to patterns of Negro behavior established

earlier,..." The core beliefs and practices of the aubida

cult crystallized on St. Vincent island during an early

phase of Garifuna ethnogenesis. Although subsequent

contacts with Africans, Afro-Americans, Europeans, and

Amerindians occurred, they were less likely to have 80

influenced the basic structure of the cmbida cult than

earlier acculturative encounters.

Finally, it is useful for the present discussion to

examine the concepts of pidainization and creolization.

Pidainization is a process of sociolinguistic change

occurring in a culture contact situation which results in

the formation of an auxiliary vernacular (pidgin) which is

not the native language of any of the participants. This

process involves reduction in the grammatical structure and

vocabulary used by each group and convergence of competing

linguistic forms such that mutual adaptation between them

occurs, resulting in new forms utilized by all parties

(Decamp 1974: 15, Hall 1966: xii, Hymes 1974: 84).

Creolization is a sociolinguistic process in which forms

developed during pidginization are elaborated and expanded,

becoming the basis for a new language (creole) that is the

primary language of its speakers (DeCamp 1974: 16, Hall

1966: xii-xiii, Hymes 1974: 84). Pidgins and creoles are

linguistic manifestations of cultural syncretism.

In this discussion, the emergence of Garifuna culture

is viewed as resulting from the interrelated processes of

creative innovation, acculturation, nativism, syncretism,

and cultural crystallization. The concepts of pidginization and creolization are important for an

analysis of the linguistic acculturation through which the

Garifuna language developed. 81

The syncretic development of the cmbida cult cannot be understood apart from the unique sequence of acculturative encounters in West and West-Central Africa and the Circum-

Caribbean that led to the crystallization of Garifuna culture. Previous to European contact in these regions, the belief systems of indigenous peoples were influenced by local sequences of intercultural contact and acculturation.

According to native tradition. Island Carib

Amerindians conquered and then incorporated a large part of the adjacent Arawak population in the Windward Islands by killing the males and kidnapping the females. Ceramic evidence from archaeological sites in the southeastern

Caribbean supports this legend, indicating that the Island

Caribs absorbed the previous Arawak inhabitants and established themselves in the region by 1200 A.D. (Sullen and Sullen 1975: 7-8).

The peoples of West and West-Central Africa had a history of trade and warfare with surrounding culture groups. Sidney Mintz and Richard Price (1976: 23) note that adoption and experimentation with the practices of neighboring peoples was characteristic of cultures in these regions. Most West African religions were receptive to foreign influences and tended to be additive, rather than exclusive, with regard to them. This attitude influenced

African responses to contacts with Europeans, and eventually, Amerindians. 82

Regions of Supply and the African Slave Trade to the Americas

With the development of the Atlantic slave trade in the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries, commercial enclaves formed along the western coast of Africa (see Figure 2) .

These trading centers served as gathering points for recently enslaved Africans from surrounding regions.

During the 16th century the major slave depot areas included the mouths of the Senegal and Gambia Rivers, the settlement of Elmina on the Gold Coast, the Bight of Benin region, the island of Sao Tomé, and the depots of Mpinda and Luanda on the northwestern Angola coast (Lovejoy 1983:

35-39).

From 1551 to 1640 the Atlantic slave trade was controlled primarily by the Spanish government, an arrangement related to the union of the Spanish and

Portuguese crowns from 1580 to 1640. Philip Curtin (1969) analyzes government records of licenses issued to slave ships bound for Spanish America during this period. These were usually foreign and most were Portuguese.

The documents specify the region of supply where each ship was loaded. "Canaries" and "Cape Verde" designate an area now including Gambia, Senegal, and Guinea Bissau, while "Guinea" refers to the coast from the Sierra Leone

River to the Bight of Benin. "Sao Tomé" includes Sao Tomé and the Bight of Biafra, while "Angola" at first indicated Ilake IChid

-0 GOLD COAST SLAVE COAST SBo , Tom#

ATLANTIC OCEAN

M oUbo Pool

- 10'

.300 600 413.7 963.4

10"

Figure 2 00 Supply Regions and Depots for the African Slave Trade w 84 the hinterland of Luanda, and later, the entire coast from

Cape Lopez to Benguela. According to Curtin (1969: 103-

110), from 1551 to 1640, primary regional emphasis moved from Cape Verde and the Canaries (92.6% of licensed ships were supplied by this region from 1551 to 1580), to Guinea

(40.4% of licensed ships from 1586 to 1610), and then sharply shifted to Angola (76.3% of licensed ships from

1616-1640).

The main source of slaves for the American trade during the 17th century, according to Paul Lovejoy's (1983:

48, 52) historical analysis, was West-Central Africa, particularly Mbundu territory south of the Kongo, and the area surrounding Malebo Pool on the Zaire River. As demand increased, supplies were obtained further inland. The

Mbundu in the south, and the Vili north of the Zaire River, also assumed a major role in transferring enslaved Africans to European merchants on the coast (Lovejoy 1983: 53). The depots of West-Central Africa— Cabinda, Loango, Mpinda, and

Luanda, contributed a substantial portion of slave exports for the remaining years of the trade.

During the late 17th century, the Slave Coast-Bight of

Benin region became the second largest source of supply, an importance it maintained through the next two centuries.

Wars initiated by the Yoruba kingdom of Oyo resulted in the enslavement of many people from interior territories.

Competition among the coastal towns of Ardah, Whydah, Porto 85

Novo, Badagry, and Lagos to control Oyo's trade with the

Europeans frequently led to the capture of slaves. Through

intervention in coastal politics and raids on neighboring

peoples to the north, the kingdom of Dahomey also added to the volume of slave exports (Lovejoy 1983; 54-55).

Exports from the Gold Coast, the third major area,

expanded during the late 17th and early 18th centuries.

The Ashanti and Akan peoples were particularly affected by this expansion. Lovejoy (1983: 56) states that the growth

in slave exports from the Gold Coast was associated with

indigenous political struggles for control over interior territories. During the 1740's, the Bight of Biafra became a major exporter and remained so for a century (Lovejoy

1983: 48, 52). Lovejoy points out that on the same trip

European ships stopped at ports in the Gold Coast and the

Slave Coast-Bight of Benin region, loading slave for the

American market.

Religious Syncretism in Africa and the Caribbean

In the slave depots of West and West-Central Africa, syncretism developed where Africans of various cultural backgrounds made contact with each other and with representatives of European and Muslim cultures.

Pidginization occurred in many of the coastal trading communities. David DeCamp (1974: 22) refers to "the

Portuguese pidgin used as a trade jargon in West Africa 86

during the slave trade," and Harold Fehderau (1969: xxv)

describes the development of a creole language called

Kikonao Ya Leta which appeared among "western Congo tribal

Kikongo-speaking Africans who were participating in early

slave and commercial trade contacts.” Ian Hancock (1974:

510-511, 516-518) mentions nine languages, pidgins and

creoles, which evolved from contact situations on the West

African coast: Senegal Creole Portuguese, Gambian Creole

English, Guine Creole Portuguese, Krio Creole English,

Liberian English, Pitinegue Pidgin French, Fernando Po

Creole English, Gulf of Guinea Portuguese Creoles, and

Cameroons Pidgin English.

Both Lovejoy (1983: 37) and Curtin (1969: 102) note

the early introduction of Catholicism by the Portuguese to

Angola, the largest region of supply for the Atlantic slave

trade. During the 16th century. King Afonso I of the Kongo

accepted Christianity and agreed to its promotion within

his kingdom after making an alliance with the Portuguese

(Lovejoy 1983: 37). In the 17th century, syncretism

between Kongo religious practices and Catholicism was

reported (Balandier 1968: 245-246, 254-255).

Sidney Mintz and Richard Price (1976: 22) make several

suggestions concerning how Africans of culturally diverse

backgrounds developed new social bonds and behavior

patterns, eventually contributing to the emergence of Afro-

American religions. They note that most West African 87 religious systems shared fundamental assumptions concerning the active role of the dead in the lives of the living, the close relationship between social conflict and illness or misfortune, and the ability of divination to reveal specific causes. They (Mintz and Price 1976: 22) speculate:

We can probably date the beginnings of one new Afro-American religion from the moment that one person in need received ritual assistance from another who belonged to a different cultural group.... exchanges of ritual information among persons who shared certain underlying assumptions would have contributed importantly to the formation of integrated cultural sub systems ....The initial cultural heterogeneity of the enslaved doubtless had the effect of forcing them at the outset to shift their primary cultural and social commitment from the Old World to the New....Even in those special situations in which members of a particular.. .group could remain in close contact, tribal orientation must have remained a secondary focus of commitment, with the new Afro-American culture ...being primary.

Syncretic Afro-American cultures apparently crystallized during the earliest decades of the slave trade to the New World (Mintz and Price 1976: 26). The behavior of Africans imported after this period did not significantly affect the structure of new cultural forms but did contribute to secondary elaborations.

Price (1979: 1-30) points out that violent resistance to enslavement occurred in the factories of West Africa, in mutinies during the Atlantic passage, and in organized rebellions that swept through many colonies within several 88 years after the arrival of the earliest slave ships. Rebel maroon communities of escaped Africans formed throughout the Circum-Caribbean in isolated, inhospitable areas.

Religion became a focus of group organization, in general, and was extremely important to guerilla warriors who underwent complex rituals and wore magical amulets to prepare them for battle (Price 1979; 9-10).

Discussing the tenacity of African religious beliefs in maroon communities, Herskovits (1972: 107) comments:

What could have more effectively aided in this than the presence of a considerable number of specialists who could interpret the universe in terms of aboriginal belief? What...could have more adequately sanctioned resistance to slavery than the presence of priests who, able to assure supernatural support to leaders and followers...helped them to fight by giving the conviction that the powers of their ancestors were aiding them in their struggle for freedom?

Maroon Africans frequently came into contact with

Amerindians of various cultural groups (Price 1979: 15-19).

The latter were often reluctant neighbors, and relations ranged from violent conflict to successful cooperation. In some cases, maroons and Amerindians fused genetically and culturally. This process was stimulated by the severe imbalance of male to female Africans, a problem which maroons tried to remedy by capturing Amerindian mates.

Despite the emphasis placed by some researchers on the imbalanced sex ratio, Lovejoy (1983; 64) estimates that between 1600 and 1800 slightly more than half of the 89 enslaved African women between the ages of 14 and 30 were exported to the Americas, as were most male captives in that age range. Although African women were scarce in maroon communities, they were present nonetheless. Because of their vital role in the socialization of children, and their prominence in many traditional religious activities, such as possession trance ceremonies, the ritual knowledge and behaviors of African women were particularly important in the early development of syncretic religions.

Syncretism between African and Amerindian religious practices occurred throughout the Circum-Caribbean, including the island of St. Vincent where Garifuna ethnogenesis occurred, the island of Hispaniola, and coastal Central America. For this to have happened, members of one group must have observed and participated in rituals conducted by the other. Occasions on which such intercultural exchanges of ritual knowledge would have been most likely include joint preparations for warfare, the curing of illness, and ceremonies associated with kinship, birth, and death, particularly in groups where intermarriage and the birth of Afro-Amerindian offspring had occurred.

Garifuna ethnogenesis took place within a context of complex, sequential intercultural contact. The history of this process, as it unfolded in the southeastern Caribbean and the Bay of Honduras is examined next. 90

St. Vincent Island: 1600-1795

The earliest known account of the Island Carib Indians

was written by Jacques Bouton (1958 [1640]), a French

Catholic missionary who made a three-month trip to the

Windward Islands in 1637. He reports that the Caribs moved

back and forth between Martinique, Dominica, and other

islands, making war against the French in Guadeloupe and

the English in St. Lucia, Antigua, and Montserrat. They

also attacked native inhabitants on the northeastern coast

of South America. Bouton mentions that the Caribs used a

jargon composed of French, Spanish, English, and Dutch words during trading activities with the Europeans.

The most extensive early account of the Island Caribs was prepared by another French Catholic missionary, Raymond

Breton (1968 [1665]) who spend 19 years among them,

especially in Dominica. He notes that according to native

legend, the Island Caribs split off from a group of mainland South American Caribs and branched out to conquer the eastern Caribbean (a migration supported by

archaeological evidence, see Bullen and Bullen 1975). They

subdued the Arawak inhabitants by killing the men and

incorporating the women as wives and slaves. Breton

(Breton and La Paix 1958 [1635-1656]: 4) reports a complex

linguistic situation in Carib communities, involving the use of men's and women's languages, ceremonial speech that 91 was difficult for the young people to understand, and a trade jargon composed of Spanish, French, and Carib.

The presence of African men and women, and Carib-Negro offspring, in the Amerindian communities is also noted by

Breton (1968 [1665]: 26). Children with Carib fathers and

Negro mothers were called chibarali. cachionna. or vabouloupou. The significance of the presence of African women and their children at this early time in Island Carib communities must be emphasized. Gonzalez (1988: 25) notes that by the time the earliest European accounts of the

Island Caribs were written, their culture had probably undergone syncretism with African behavior patterns.

Where did the blacks come from who were mentioned by

Breton? Some were captured from the Spanish during early raids on their settlements in Puerto Rico (Breton and La

Paix 1958 [1635-1656]: 22-23). Others escaped from two slave ships bound for the Spanish colonies which wrecked near St. Vincent in 1635 (Great Britain 1661-1668). One

British official. Colonel Stapleton, estimates that the number of hostile warriors in St. Vincent, St. Lucia, and

Dominica included 1500 Indians and 600 Negroes, blacks who had escaped from the plantations of Barbados and surrounding islands. In 1676, Philip Warner reports the presence of about 3,000 Negroes and a large number of

Indians on St. Vincent (see Taylor 1951: 18; Great Britain

1661-1668, 1669-1674, 1675-1676). 92

Almost 120 years later in 1795 an English colonial official. Sir William Young (1971 [1795]: 6-8) mentions another shipwreck as the source of many maroon Africans on

St. Vincent:

The Negroes, or Black Charaibs...are descendants from the cargo of an African slave ship, bound from the Bite of Benin to Barbados, and wrecked, about the year 1675....The Charaibs...made slaves of them....These Negroes were of a warlike Moco tribe from Africa....The Charaibs... apprehending danger should their numbers increase, came to a resolution of putting to death all their male children...reserving the females. This cruel policy occasioned a sudden insurrection of the Blacks, who massacred such of the Charaibs as they could take by surprise, and then fled, accompanied ...by their wives and children, to...the high mountains in the northeast of St. Vincent's. In these almost inaccessible fortresses they found many other Negroes from the neighboring islands....

From what African culture groups were the earliest blacks on St. Vincent derived? What was the cultural background of Africans who arrived later? The most likely possibilities are suggested by historical data concerning the origins of West and West-Central Africans shipped to and through the southeastern Caribbean.

Although Africans were introduced to Hispaniola by the

Spanish before 1500, the institution of African slavery was not established in the Lesser Antilles before the 1600's.

Barbados, St. Kitts, Antigua, and Martinique were colonized in the early 17th century by the French and English.

Although the Spanish made little effort to settle in the

Windward Islands, many of the slave ships licensed by their 93 government traveled from Angola through the southeastern

Caribbean and on to Panama and Cartagena, major transshipment points for the mainland trade (Curtin 1969:

108-112).

Curtin (1969: 122-123) emphasizes that although the predominant region of supply for the Spanish colonies during the first half of the 17th century was the Angola coast, a sharply different picture prevailed in the English territories. Until 1663, the slave trade to Barbados was essentially under Dutch control. Afterwards, the primary suppliers were English monopoly holders (Curtin 1969: 55,

122) . From 1673 to 1689 the Windward and Gold Coasts exported more slaves to the English colonies than did other regions, providing 27.3% and 20.9% respectively. Of approximately 68,200 Africans imported to the English

Caribbean, 38.4% were bound for Barbados, 33.6% went to

Jamaica, and 28% were sent to other colonies, such as the developing settlements in the Windward Islands. The relatively large number of Africans in Barbados at this early time is particularly important for the present discussion because many blacks escaping from that island fled to St. Vincent (see Great Britain 1661-1668, 1669-

1674, 1675-1676).

Curtin (1969: 129) also examines the records available for the slave trade to the English colonies during the 18th century and from these estimates the contributions of 94 different African regions. In 1713 approximately 39.6% of the Africans brought to the English colonies were shipped from the Bight of Benin while 31.2% came from the Gold

Coast. In 1724 approximately 38% were from the Gold Coast while 21.3% came from the Bight of Benin. The most important suppliers in 1771 were the Bight of Biafra and the Windward Coast, respectively providing 44.2% and 31%.

In 1788 the most important source regions were West-Central

Africa and the Bight of Biafra, each supplying 29%.

During the 17th and 18th centuries, the spirit of insurrection was strong in Barbados, a colony noted for its harsh treatment of slaves (Bennett 1958: 22-31). Michael

Craton (1982: 105-176) discusses the history of black revolt in Barbados from 1645 to 1701. By 1648 hundreds of

Africans had escaped to the island forests. The first unsuccessful rebellion occurred in 1649. A major revolt was attempted in 1675 led by Gold Coast Africans of

Ashanti-Fanti origin, often referred to as Kromanti or

Coromantee (Craton 1982: 108-109; Herskovits 1972: 94).

Slave conspiracies plotting rebellion were uncovered in

1683 and 1701. J. Bennett notes (1958: 26-28) that from

1710 to 1816 the most serious disciplinary problem on the plantations of Barbados was desertion, and that Africans who escaped sometimes fled the island. Referring to early slave revolts and marronage in the English Caribbean,

Craton (1982: 99-101) emphasizes the key leadership role of 95

Ashanti-Akan warriors. Considering the historical evidence, it is probable that many Ashanti-Akan maroons escaped from English plantations to the emerging Garifuna stronghold on St. Vincent.

Meanwhile, in the French islands of Martinique and

Guadeloupe, the earliest references to marronage date from the 1660's (Debien 1979; 108-110). In 1668 more than 30 maroons were reported in Grande-Terre by the governor of

Guadeloupe. By 1726 the maroon population was almost 600.

Escaped slaves were noted in the forests of Martinique in

1671, their numbers eventually approaching 400. Throughout the 18th century, the French sent expeditions against maroons in the Lesser Antilles (McCloy 1966: 38, 42).

French plantations in the southeastern Caribbean acquired slaves from the same regions of Africa which supplied the colony of Saint-Domingue (Haiti). Jean

Fouchard's historical analysis (1981) of slavery and marronage in Saint-Domingue has important implications for the probable ethnic origins of Africans from French settlements on St. Vincent and nearby islands who eventually joined the Garifuna.

Regarding the sequence in which Africans from different supply regions were imported to Saint-Domingue,

Fouchard (1981: 115-116) notes that slaves from the

Senegambia area were brought first, followed by those from the Guinea and Gold Coasts. However, newspaper 96 announcements concerning Africans for sale and slaves accused of marronage from 1764 to 1791 indicate that

Angola, and to a lesser extent the Gold Coast, were the most important supply regions during that time period

(Fouchard 1981: 123-139).

During the 18th century the Garifuna maroons on St.

Vincent grew rapidly in number because the natural increase of their population was augmented by fugitive slaves from

Barbados, Guadeloupe, and Martinique. The Garifuna also kidnapped Island Carib females and incorporated them into the maroon group as wives and concubines. After visiting

St. Vincent in the 1700's Labat (1931: 166-167, cited by

Taylor 1951: 22-23) described the conflict between the

Island Caribs and the Garifuna as follows:

This island is also inhabited by...fugitive Negroes, for the most part from Barbados.... The Caribs formerly took them back to their masters...or...sold them to the French or Spanish. I don't know...what has induced them to receive these Negroes amongst themselves and to regard them as belonging to one and the same nation....the number of Negroes has increased to such an extent, either by those born in the country or by those who came from Barbados ... that it much surpasses that of the Caribs.... But it is not even that which mortifies the savages most, but the frequent kidnapping of their wives and daughters, whom the Negroes seize whenever they want....

During the late 1600's and throughout much of the 18th century the English and French fought for control over the southeastern Caribbean. In the early 1700's French planters were invited by the Island Caribs to settle in St. 97

Vincent, expecting help from the colonists in conflicts with the Garifuna (Young 1971 [1795]: 11, Gullick 1979:

451). In 1719 a French naval force tried to invade

Garifuna territory in the northeastern part of St. Vincent but was defeated. Such incidents induced the French of

Martinique to try other persuasive methods to gain

influence among the maroons. Leaders were given presents and weapons, and Catholic missionaries were sent to

"convert" the Garifuna to Christianity (Young 1971 [1795]:

16-18).

Virginia Kerns (1983: 30-31) speculates that syncretism characterized Garifuna religion by the mid-

1700's. She points out:

Little is known about the religious beliefs and practices of the Black Carib in St. Vincent, but they presumably incorporated some elements of Roman Catholicism...When the British took formal possession of St. Vincent in 1763, they found that the Black Carib had asked a priest...to act as their "public agent" in negotiations with the British (Young 1795: 43)....Despite this allegiance, the Black Caribs were not orthodox Roman Catholics. They probably shared some of the beliefs of the Red Carib [Island Carib]: very likely, the belief that their departed relations were secret spectators of their conduct— that they sympathized in their sufferings, and participated in their welfare (Edwards 1794 I: 49) .

It is not clear from the historical evidence if any of the blacks who arrived in St. Vincent had previous experience with Catholicism. However, considering Portuguese Catholic

influence in the Angola region, it is probable that many of 98 the newly imported Africans who joined the Garifuna had previously incorporated Catholic elements into their religious practices.

In 1740 many Island Caribs gave up their struggle against the Garifuna and fled to Trinidad or Tobago

(Davidson 1787: 8; Young 1801: 292; Gullick 1979: 451;

Kerns 1983: 23). By a treaty with France signed in 1763,

St. Vincent was annexed by the English. For many years the

Garifuna did not recognize English sovereignty and continued to shelter escaped blacks from neighboring plantations. Armed clashes occurred between the Garifuna and the English in 1768 and in 1772 (Gullick 1979: 451).

After making a temporary peace in 1773, relations between the two groups were relatively tranquil during the next five years. From 1758 until 1793 a few Protestant missionaries worked among the Garifuna without success due to the force of Catholicism among them (Southey 1827: 38).

In 1778 France declared war on England and the

Garifuna made an alliance with the French. Although the

French invaded St. Vincent in 1779, the island was returned to the English by the 1783 Treaty of Paris. For several years thereafter, the Garifuna prospered in agricultural and commercial activities (Young 1971 [1795]: 105-107,

Taylor 1951: 24). Many Garifuna, especially the men, spoke

French and English in addition to their own language. 99

The fragile peace exploded in violence during the

1790's as the residents of St. Vincent were caught up in

the aftermath of the French Revolution. In 1789 civil war

broke out in France and was followed by revolutionary

activity among rebellious slaves in the French Caribbean

(Marshall 1982: 38-41). This greatly alarmed the English

in neighboring islands who viewed the ideals of "liberty,

equality, and fraternity" as subversive ideas that

threatened the foundations of colonial plantation society.

In 1794 the French government freed the slaves in its

Caribbean territories. During the same year, Guadeloupe was recaptured from the English by the French revolutionary

agent Victor Hugue, with the help of slaves on that island.

Despite the planters' attempts to suppress revolt,

revolutionary ideals rapidly gained support among blacks in

the English Windward Islands, including St. Vincent.

According to Bernard Marshall (1982: 39-40):

In March 1795, Grenada and St. Vincent were experiencing revolutionary disturbances....In St. Vincent, [they] were spearheaded by the [Black] Caribs, in Grenada, the revolt was led by a mulatto from Guadeloupe....Shortly after the outbreak of revolt in Grenada, St. Vincent went up in flames, as the Caribs led an assault against the whites....By the middle of March, the Caribs under their leaders— Chatoyer, and Duvallee whom Victor Hugue described as "an officer of the armies of the republic" had almost devastated the entire island with the aid of runaway slaves whom they sheltered and protected.... It was not until the end of 1795 that the Carib War was brought to a close.... 100

Charles Gullick (1979: 451-456) describes in detail the sequence of military conflicts associated with the St.

Vincent revolt and notes that the Garifuna received reinforcements from the French, possibly French-speaking blacks from nearby islands.

Because of their superior military position on St.

Vincent and the arrival of 4,000 reinforcements, English troops finally overwhelmed the Garifuna and their French allies (Gonzalez 1988: 20-21). The Garifuna were required to surrender unconditionally. Those who did not were hunted down and their settlements destroyed. Many of the rebels and their families became victims of starvation and disease during this period.

Gonzalez (1983: 145; 1988: 20) emphasizes that the war of 1795 has to be examined within the larger context of conflict between French Republicans and the English occurring throughout the Lesser Antilles. She notes four reasons why the English sought to drive the Garifuna from their lands: 1) the Garifuna occupied the most fertile lands on the island, 2) they wished to end the marronage of their own slaves who joined the Garifuna, 3) they feared attacks on English settlements since the Garifuna were skilled in guerilla warfare, and 4) they believed that the

Garifuna would help the French Republicans expand their control in the Windward Islands (Gonzalez 1983: 145). 1 0 1

Although in 1772 English authorities first discussed removing the Garifuna (Gonzalez 1988: 19-20), it was not until the war of 1795 that the Legislative Council of St.

Vincent and the planters which it represented agreed that they were far too dangerous to remain on the island (Young

1971 [1795]: 125). Several weeks later, the council decided that when the rebels were defeated they would be temporarily confined at the nearby island of Balliceaux until a permanent place of exile was selected (Conzemius

1928: 189; Gullick 1979: 456; Davidson 1983: 90).

Numerous sites were considered for the relocation of the Garifuna, including Africa, the Bahamas, and the Samana peninsula on the island of Hispaniola (Gonzalez 1988: 23) .

However, in October 1796 the English parliament notified

General Abercrombie that the rebels confined at Balliceaux should be transported to an area claimed by both England and Spain but controlled by the Spanish, the Bay Islands off the Caribbean coast of Honduras, Central America.

Thus, it was hoped that the Garifuna would become a

"Spanish problem" and would be thrust into the territorial conflict between England and Spain occurring in that region

(Davidson 1983: 90).

Both Davidson (1983) and Gonzalez (1988: 21) have grappled with the problem of exactly how many Garifuna and other individuals, if any, were captured on St. Vincent,

incarcerated on Balliceaux, transported to the Bay Islands, 102 and landed there. According to Davidson (1983: 96-97), the

Garifuna population on St. Vincent as of June 22, 1796 was approximately 5,000. As of October 1796, approximately

4,633 Garifuna and 725 of their allies had surrendered or been captured. On January 18, 1797 the incarcerated population on Balliceaux was about 2,500. The number of

Garifuna who actually embarked for the Bay Islands in early

March 1797 was estimated by the British War Office at

2,300.

According to Gonzalez (1983; 1988: 21), between July

1796 and February 1797 there were 4,338 Garifuna (1,004 men; 1,779 women; 1,555 children), 102 Island Caribs, and

44 black slaves who were taken to Balliceaux by the

English. Of the Garifuna originally confined at the island only 2,248 (722 men, 806 women, 720 children) survived to board ships for the Bay Islands. Gonzalez (1983: 147-148;

1984: 33; 1988: 21-22) states that their numbers had been greatly decimated while on Balliceaux by disease, a poor food supply, and a shortage of fresh water.

Exile to Central America: The New Interaction Context

On March 3, 1797 the Garifuna on Balliceaux were loaded into English ships. Their journey to the Bay

Islands and then to Trujillo, Honduras has been described by Davidson (1983) and Gonzalez (1988: 39-42). Citing the diary of Captain John Barret, the naval officer placed in 1 0 3 charge of the expedition, Davidson traces the Garifuna from

Balliceaux to the nearby island of Beguia, and then to the island of Grenada in mid-March. From there the ships sailed to Jamaica where additional supplies for the exiles were loaded. In early April 1797 the English flotilla consisting of ten ships sailed for Roatan, the largest of the Bay Islands, a journey which took less than one week.

When the flotilla was slightly northeast of the Bay

Island of Guanaja, one of the transports with 289 Garifuna aboard was captured by Spanish ships proceeding from

Havana, Cuba to Trujillo, Honduras. The commander of the

Spanish vessels, Pedro Saenz, escorted the ship to Trujillo

(Davidson 1983: 92, citing Saenz 1797).

The main body of the English flotilla continued to

Roatan where it arrived on April 11, 1797. At that time a small contingent of Spanish soldiers was stationed on the island. These guards were ordered to surrender by the

English who outnumbered them. Meanwhile, the Garifuna disembarked. According to Davidson (1983: 97) between

1,600 and 2,000 Garifuna landed, while Gonzalez (1983: 147;

1988: 21) states that 2,026 landed (664 men; 1,362 women and children).

After the Garifuna were transferred to Roatan, the

English commander sought to retrieve the captured English vessel (Davidson 1983: 95-96; Gonzalez 1988: 40-41).

Barrett ordered three of his ships to attack Trujillo where 1 0 4

a battle of two days occurred. Although the English

subdued the town on April 27, the following day French-

speaking blacks, recently arrived from Santo Domingo, led a

successful Spanish counter attack. After exchanging

prisoners, the English returned to Roatan where they left

the remaining Garifuna before setting sail for Nova Scotia.

Fearing that the new arrivals were a hostile invasion

force, Spanish officials in Honduras and Guatemala

immediately sought to determine the nature of the situation

on Roatan. Don Jose Rossi y Rubi and a detachment of

soldiers were sent by the colonial government from Trujillo

to the island to investigate. According to Rossi's diary

(Rossi y Rubi 1797, cited by Davidson 1983; 95, 99), he and his men were met on Roatan by approximately 200 French-

speaking blacks from St. Vincent and Martinique who

sympathized with the French Revolution. After a discussion

in French, they accepted the sovereignty of the Spanish

king. Rossi then crossed the island to talk with the

Garifuna in order to convince them to accept Spanish

sovereignty. He was able to gain their allegiance and permission was extended to all of the exiles to relocate on the mainland near Trujillo.

On the north coast of Honduras the Garifuna once again

entered a complex setting of culture contact. In 1801 the governor of Honduras estimated that the population of

Trujillo included 4,000 Black Caribs, 2,980 persons of 1 0 5

Spanish descent, 300 English blacks, and 200 French blacks

(Anguiano 1801). Many Garifuna also spoke English or

French in addition to their own language.

The French-speaking blacks who participated in the counter attack against the English in 1797 were actually a group of recently exiled Haitian maroons with extensive guerilla warfare experience who were led by the renowned slave leaders Jean-François and Georges Biassou, also known as Juan Francisco and Bias (Fouchard 1981: 98, 294-299;

Geggus 1982: 43-182; Houdaille 1954; Ott 1973: 41-85;

Perusse 1977: 8, 39). These maroon leaders and their

followers had been recruited in Haiti by the Spanish to

fight French colonial control on the island of Hispaniola during the 1790's. When Spain and France signed the Treaty of Basle in 1795, Spain ceded to France the eastern part of

Hispaniola. The Spanish government allowed Jean-François,

Biassou, and approximately 780 of their followers,

including entire families, to settle in Cuba (Fouchard

1981: 299; Geggus 1982: 182; Houdaille 1954: 65). Jean-

François and Biassou were soon unwelcome in Cuba because they provoked slave uprisings in the Oriente region and around Havana (Fouchard 1981: 299). Later in 1795 about

300 of these Haitians were relocated to Trujillo, Honduras

(Houdaille 1954: 65).

Some of the English-speaking blacks in Trujillo mentioned in the 1801 report could have been former slaves 1 0 6 who had escaped from the nearby English settlement at Black

River to the east. Their desertion was a practice

encouraged by the Spanish authorities who viewed the Black

River settlement as illegal (Dawson 1983: 696). There were

frequent contacts between the English at Black River,

including their slaves, and their counterparts in Belize,

Jamaica, and the Cayman Islands. Gonzalez (1988: 53)

suggests that some of the English-speaking blacks in the

area were "free coloreds" from the island of Grenada.

It is not clear from Anguiano^s estimate if any other black people were living around Trujillo when the Garifuna

arrived in 1797. However, Leslie Rout (1976: 108-109)

notes that slaves held by Spanish colonists elsewhere in

Honduras periodically escaped to the Caribbean coast. By the 17th century, recently arrived Africans had acquired a

reputation in Honduras for marronage and establishing camps

in that region.

In 1743 Luis Diez Navarro reported to the Captaincy

General of Guatemala that 20 leagues from Trujillo the town

of Sonaguera was peopled by mulattos and Negroes who were

smugglers and very disobedient of the law (Cavero 1975:

97). In 1774 it was reported that high winds and heavy

rains had caused extensive damage in Trujillo and that "the neighborhood of the Mondongo Negroes was all flooded..."

(Cavero 1975: 104). According to Herskovits (1972: 44), the term "Mondongo" frequently was used during the time of 1 0 7 slavery to refer to Negroes from the Congo Basin region of

West-Central Africa.

That the Garifuna have incorporated blacks from other groups, even though they are relatively endogamous (Kerns

1984: 108), is indicated by the genealogical data collected by Gonzalez (1959; 1988: 61-63). She notes that some

Garifuna families reported ancestors from Haiti, Jamaica, and Belize beginning at least three generations ago.

Miscegenation has also occurred with local Amerindians, the

Miskito in eastern Honduras and the Maya in Guatemala and

Belize. Ethnohistorical and genealogical data indicate that since their arrival in Central America, the Garifuna have repeatedly absorbed smaller groups of blacks living in the region (Gonzalez 1988: 62)

Davidson (1979; 1984A: 16-19) traces the dispersal of

Garifuna settlements from the Trujillo "core" region (1797-

1810) east to Honduran Mosquitia (1803-1814), west to southern Belize (1802-1832), and to western Honduras and

Guatemala (1821-1836). However, Gonzalez (1988: 59) contends that the Garifuna expanded into western Honduras between Omoa and Trujillo after 1850, and had earlier settled and subsequently abandoned many other locations along the north coast. 10 8

Garifuna Ethnogenesis and the Development of the Gubida Cult

Although a detailed description of the contemporary cmbida cult will be presented later in this dissertation, at this point several tentative statements can be made concerning the nature of African, Amerindian, European, and

Afro-Caribbean contributions to the crystallization of

Garifuna culture and religion.

The significance of the early presence of West and

West-Central African females among the Island Caribs, and later among the maroons, deserves emphasis. As the guardians of ritual knowledge, particularly that relating to healing, possession illness, and the placation of ancestors, these women must have exerted considerable influence on emerging patterns of religious expression and ritual therapy. Accustomed to possession illness and possession trance in Africa, culturally patterned experiences for which they were socialized, it is probable that these women continued to manifest such behavior, particularly under stressful circumstances.

Taylor (1951) emphasizes the contribution of abducted

Island Carib women during the earliest phase of ethnogenesis on St. Vincent, especially to the development of Garifuna language. Amerindian females must have also taught the African women about local edible and medicinal plants, and probably shared ritual knowledge, thus 1 0 9

encouraging the development of religious syncretism. It is

likely that women from both groups shared responsibilities

for the early socialization of children, exposing them to

Amerindian and African behavior patterns.

The maroons apparently adopted the Island Carib-Arawak

language as a lingua franca to converse with Amerindians

and with blacks of various African origins who escaped to

the island. Although Taylor (1951) examines French,

Spanish, and English influences on the Garifuna language,

he does not present any evidence concerning the possibility

of loan words from Portuguese or various African languages.

In this regard it is important to note that the Garifuna

word for "person" is mutu (Hadel and Stochl 1975: 450;

Taylor 1951: 102) which is almost identical to the African

word muntu. a fact noted by Bock (1976: 49-50):

The term "person" is mutu in Garifuna, a word that is derived from the Bantu linguistic family. In Bantu muntu is "person"....Following West African philosophical concepts this word muntu not only refers to the living person but also to the disencarnate spirit of a deceased person. Linguistic traces of this association of ideas still exist in Garifuna....[my translation]

Henry Craven and John Barfield (1971: 154) state that

muntu means "man" or "person" in the Congo language spoken

on the south side of the lower Congo River. Harold

Fehderau (1969: xxv, 189) notes that in the Kikongo Ya Leta

language, a lingua franca that first developed in the western Congo-Kinshasa and southern Congo Brazzaville 1 1 0 regions among Kikongo-speaking Africans participating in the slave trade, the word muntu means "person". Balandier

(1968: 188-190) renders the Kongo word muntu as "person" and Turner (1981: 48) also reports the same word and translation among the Ndembu.

Other Garifuna words that are similar to those in

West-Central African languages include naautu meaning "my grandmother" (Kerns 1977: 342; Hadel and Stochl 1975: 298) and cfubida (sometimes pronounced cupita in Honduras) meaning "ancestor spirit or family dead." In the Congo language noudi signifies "lineage or founding grandmother"

(Balandier 1968: 181-185) and "mother" (Craven and Barfield

1971: 59) . The same word is used similarly in Kikongo Ya

Leta (Fehderau 1969: 216). Balandier (1968: 246) also reports that in the Kongo language nkita means "original ancestor." Taylor (1951: 84), however, contends that the

Garifuna word naautu (nagotg) is derived from the Arawak- influenced language used by Island Carib women.

It is likely that during the genesis of Garifuna culture convergences occurred between similar elements of

Amerindian and African origin. This is certainly the case in the development of the aubida cult in which some traits have counterparts both in Island Carib and African religious systems (see Table 1). Ill

Table 1

AFRICAN AND AMERINDIAN PARALLELS

TO GUBIDA CULT TRAITS

Afri Amer Garifuna can indian Both

Ritual possession trance * Shaman trance * Dream-spirit illiness-possession trance complex * Ancestor spirits and rituals * Appearance of spirits in dreams * Stereotyped spirit dream demands satisfied through ritual * Spirit illness * Spirit illness as a supernatural sanction for deviant social behavior * Plural concept of soul * Wandering dream spirit as one aspect of soul * Wandering dream spirit that becomes ancestor spirit after death * Divine spirit as one aspect of soul * Shadow as one aspect of soul * Shaman spirit-helpers * Adaptation of foreign spirits * Divination trance to discern cause of illness * 112

Table 1, continued

Offerings to spirits before special meals * Anniversary ceremony after death * Group possession trance ritual * Group possession trance ritual involving ancestor spirits * Group possession ritual as a curing rite * Prolonged dancing, chanting, drumming rattling, and ingestion of substances to induce trance * Ingestion of tobacco to induce trance * Blowing of tobacco smoke on head of possessed person *

(For information concerning Carib religion see Human Relations Area Files SR 9 Carib and ST 13 Callinaco; Kloos 1971; Goeje 1943; Rouse 1964. For West and West-Central African religions see citations in the previous chapter.) 113

The arrival of each group of Africans on St. Vincent may be viewed as occurring in a time sequence. According

to Foster's (1960) principles of culture crystallization,

those Africans who arrived earliest and in the greatest

numbers together at one time would have exerted the most

influence on the formative stage of Garifuna culture.

After examining the historical evidence, it seems most

likely that peoples from the Congo-Angola slaving region

exerted considerable early influence, as did peoples

exported from the Gold Coast region, such as the Ashanti-

Akan. Africans who arrived later or in smaller numbers would have acculturated to the belief and behavior patterns

developed previously among the maroons.

The importance of personal ancestor spirits,

particularly to Congo-Angola peoples but also to the

Ashanti-Akan, the Yoruba, and other West Africans, served

as a focus for the formation of a unique Afro-Caribbean

religious system on St. Vincent. Concepts of a supreme

deity, and major nature and tribal spirits may have become

syncretized with Roman Catholic concepts of God, Jesus, and

the Virgin Mary introduced first to some West-Central

Africans by the Portuguese, and later reinforced among

Garifuna maroons by French missionary activity on St.

Vincent. The Island Caribs were first exposed to such

concepts possibly by the Spanish but primarily by the

French. Once the Garifuna arrived in Honduras they 114 encountered a local version of colonial Latin American

Catholicism. About 60 years after they had settled in

Central America, their villages were visited by the Spanish missionary Manuel de Jesus Subirana (Davidson 1984B: 448-

451) who baptized and married many Garifuna.

Possible Petro vodun (voodoo) influences on the aubida cult after the Garifuna arrived in Trujillo should not be overlooked. Haitian warriors transported to Trujillo with their families had participated in violent attacks on

French planters. The leaders of previous uprisings in

Haiti were known for their affiliation with Petro vodun rituals (Ott 1973: 41, 47; Fouchard 1981: 116-117, 294;

Deren 1972: 62-63). French-speaking blacks from Martinique who fought with the Garifuna on St. Vincent, and who were exiled with them in Central America, probably had syncretic yodun-type beliefs similar in many ways to those of their counterparts in Haiti. It would be hard to imagine the religious practices of these blacks not having some influence on the evolving aubida cult, especially when they were stranded together with the Garifuna in the small town of Trujillo, Honduras. Haitian vodun is also characterized by syncretism with Roman Catholic beliefs.

The coping reactions of Africans forcibly transported to the New World were governed by deeply ingrained cultural patterns for dealing with stress and disruptive elements in the social environment. These reactions were most 115 D

forcefully expressed in the formation of warrior cults

concerned with revolt and revenge. Herskovits (1972: 137) points out the suitability of African religious patterns as

"the natural props of revolt."

Among the maroon groups that survived, warrior cults

formed in the face of crisis gradually gave way to

religious systems concerned with maintaining the social

order under peaceful conditions. Price (1979: 21-22)

characterizes this shift as a gradual replacement of the harsh sanctions found in new communities by more subtle methods of control such as supernatural sanctions and

social pressure. It also involved a switch away from cults

emphasizing individual power to those stressing moral obligation. These trends are relevant for the development of Garifuna religion.

The underlying principles of the aubida cult have their origins in West and West-Central Africa. After conducting fieldwork in Trujillo, Coelho (1955: 19-20) emphasized the predominance of African influences in

Garifuna culture:

...the representatives...who were brought into contact in St. Vincent were able to distil the essence of their common ways of life, eliminating patterns of limited tribal significance, while at the same time incorporating that essence into the traditions they took over from...[the] Island Caribs. European elements which have been absorbed were also made to fit the basic African structure underlying Black Carib culture. 1 1 6

Today the Garifuna view their religion as something distinctly "theirs." It is a focus of group identity and a source of pride, a valued tradition to be maintained by future generations. CHAPTER V

SANTA FE, HONDURAS: PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT, LIVING CONDITIONS, AND HEALTH PROBLEMS

Introduction

Santa Fe, the village chosen as the primary field site for the present study, is one of the oldest continuously occupied Garifuna settlements on the Caribbean coast of

Honduras and is located approximately 8 km (5 mi.) west of

Trujillo (see Figures 3 and 4). This community and the smaller nearby villages to the west, San Antonio and

Guadalupe, were founded sometime between 1797 and 1810 by

Garifuna settlers expanding westward from Trujillo

(Davidson 1984a: 16, citing Vallejo 1893).

Today, Santa Fe stretches for approximately 1.5 kilometers along the coast, and is located within the

Department of Colon, one of 18 governmental, territorial subdivisions of the country. The administrative capital of

Colon is Trujillo, the nearest town to Santa Fe, and a community with which Santa Fe has political, economic, medical, nutritional, educational, and religious ties.

According to the Anuario Estadistico for 1981 published by

1 1 7 8 4 ° I Belize BAY CARIBBEAN SEA OF HONDURAS

l iu jll lo . ------C O IO N Guatemala a i i /(n i i d a

■JANIA YORO BARBARA ;ORli? GRACIAS A DIOS

COPAN O lA N C H O

COMAYAGUA

fRANCISCO PCOTEPEOUE INTIBUCA MORAZAN lEM PIRA

lA PAZ E l PARAISO

Nicaragua El Salvador V A llE 5 0

2 5 5 0 ICO

PACIFIC OCEAN

Figure 3 Honduras, Central America

H H oa BAHIA DE TRUJILLO lACllH A 'U A I M O R E I l [init Roia di Aguan

ipOi

•C orocllo

1 5 ' 41

Tocoa

Figure 4 The Trujillo Region and North Central Colon

H H VO 1 2 0 the Honduran government (Ministerio de Economie 1983: 18), the projected population of Colon for 1983 was 128,370

(16,481 urban, 111,889 rural). Colon is the third least densely populated department of Honduras. With an area of approximately 8,874.8 square kilometers (3,227 square miles), estimated population density for 1982 was 13.9.

Only the departments of Olancho (density 9.1) and Gracias a

Dios (density 2.0) are less densely populated. (Ministerio de Economie 1983: 19). In 1983 the approximate population of Santa Fe, as estimated by the director of the local primary school, was about 3,000 people. This village is also the administrative center for the municipality of

Santa Fe which includes jurisdiction over the predominantly

Garifuna settlements of San Antonio and Guadalupe, and a few adjacent hamlets populated by Latinos. Several Latino families also live in the village of Santa Fe.

Climate and Phvsical Environment

The study area is located along the shores of the Bay of Trujillo at north latitude 15° 1', west longitude 86°

2'. This region is characterized by a tropical rainforest climate (Af type) (Pineda Portillo 1976: 93; West and

Augelli 1966: 44). Monthly rainfall in 1981 measured at the coastal city of La Ceiba, the location of the government weather station closest to Santa Fe, ranged from

604.7 ml (36.3 cu. in.) to 46.7 ml (2.8 cu. in.). The 1 2 1

months of most rain were September, October, November,

December, and February. The driest months were March,

April, and May (Ministerio de Economie 1983: 7). Mary

Helms (1983: 60) notes that no real dry season occurs in

the Caribbean coastal region, only a relatively less rainy

period. At the same weather station daily temperatures

ranged from 32.8°C (91.O T ) to I'C (33.8°F). The hottest

months were March, April, May, and June. Minimum daily

temperatures were lowest during January and February

(Ministerio de Economie 1983: 9).

Territory under the jurisdiction of Santa Fe includes

beach land, coastal plain, and immediately adjacent

mountain areas (see Figure 5) . Stretching between the

beach and the mountains is a narrow alluvial coastal plain

crossed by small rivers with headwaters in the mountains.

The WSW-ENE trending crystalline (non-volcanic) mountain

range, Cordillera Nombre de Dios, comes close to the sea at

Trujillo. From the road between Santa Fe and Trujillo, the

highest peak visible has an altitude of 4,052 feet (1,235.8 m) (Defense Mapping Agency Aerospace Center 1978).

Southeast of the Cordillera Nombre de Dios stretches the

Aguan River valley running WSW to ENE (Pineda Portillo

1976: 38; West and Augelli 1966: 418; Rudolph 1984: xviii).

The settlement of Santa Fe is located between two

rivers, Rio Guinea to the east and Rio Cana Brava to the west. A small ephemeral stream flows during rainy periods K il« m ■lait T M .I .. I Bahia da Trujillo

. iiiumiola S A N T A FE

%; L i

Çordillara N ombra do Dios AL

Figure 5 Santa Fe and Surrounding Territory

to to 1 2 3

through the east central part of the settlement and a small

perennial stream runs along the western edge of the main

habitation area. A swampy area with scattered houses

located around it stretches along the south central edge of

the village. The mouths of both rivers are cut off at the

beach during dry periods by seasonal sand bars behind which

form laguna-like bodies of water.

Settlement Patterns

A majority of the house sites, the two main roads

(unpaved), and coconut groves extending along the beach are

laid out in a linear pattern that parallels the sea.

Habitation sites extend inland in scattered parts of the village with a tendency toward nucléation in the center of the settlement (Davidson 1984). The sandy area associated with the beach has been artificially extended by the

Garifuna custom of spreading beach sand on the ground in household compound areas.

Horticultural fields and pastures for grazing small herds of cattle are located east, south, and west of the village. The people of Santa Fe practice slash and burn

agriculture. Their fields are located in the narrow

alluvial coastal plain and on nearby mountain slopes.

Transportation and Communication

Travel between Santa Fe and Trujillo is possible most of the year by road, by beach, and by sea. Limited motor 1 2 4 vehicle transport, occurs over the only road leading out of

Santa Fe. This rough dirt road crosses two rivers in an area where no bridges exist. During periods of heavy rain portions of the road wash out to a dangerous degree and rising water levels make crossing the rivers impossible.

Travel along the beach on foot or by horseback occurs throughout the year except when rivers cannot be crossed.

The third route between Santa Fe and Trujillo is by sea via small boat, with or without motor. However, in bad weather the sea is often too rough for boat travel. Thus, during periods of heavy rain Santa Fe is physically cut off from

Trujillo, nearby villages, and the outside world in general.

At the time of the fieldwork, no telephone, telegraph, or shortwave radio transmission facilities were present in the study area, although these services were available in

Trujillo. A small electricity generator provided minimal lighting at night for the cabildo (town hall) and several adjacent buildings in the center of town. Most residents of Santa Fe had no electricity at the time of the study.

In such an environment, battery-powered radios are vital for obtaining information about current events in the outside world. Many Santa Fe households own at least one radio. Some people have units with shortwave reception capabilities. AM broadcasts by Honduras Radio Nacional from Tegucigalpa, and stations from La Ceiba and Belize 1 2 5

City, Belize are regularly received by Santa Fe residents.

Some international shortwave broadcasts, especially those by the Voice of America, are also tuned in and often shared with neighbors and friends. In 1983, radio was the only source of mass media information and entertainment available in Santa Fe.

Drinking Water Facilities. Sewage and Garbage Management

Several years before this study was conducted, a piped water system was developed for Santa Fe which was supplied by a small mountain reservoir created by the damming of Rio

Guinea up river from the area of human habitation and cattle grazing. This water was of relatively high quality at the time of the fieldwork and could be safely consumed with minimal treatment. All Santa Fe households have private or shared access to one of numerous outside water spigots scattered throughout the village.

There is no communal piped sewerage system in Santa

Fe. The few families that can afford flush toilets have cesspools. Although some families have access to latrines, for most of the Santa Fe population the disposal of human excreta involves either the use of a chamber pot that is emptied in the sea (for females) , or the utilization of open spaces of ground as latrine areas at the fringes of the village (for males). Very young children were occasionally observed defecating on the beach near the 1 2 6 waterline when their caretakers were not present. Liquid from washing clothes, food preparation, and personal bathing is thrown on or drained into the ground. Despite the presence of a piped water system, some families still do laundry in Rio Guinea, in an area surrounded by horticultural fields and cattle pastures.

Edible organic garbage is fed to domestic animals, particularly pigs, which scavenge throughout the village.

Other garbage is burned, buried, or dumped in the sea.

Animal Life in Santa Fe and the Surrounding Environment

Humans and domestic animals, specifically dogs, chickens, and pigs, live in close proximity within Santa

Fe. After being "trained" to receive food in the area of the owner's household, most domestic animals are allowed to roam through the village. Dogs, chickens, and piglets sometimes enter houses and kitchen buildings. At night local dogs, some of which are vicious and have no owners, run through the community in small packs. A few families own cattle or horses. These are kept in fenced areas located adjacent to the settlement. Occasionally a horse escapes and roams through the village.

The wildlife inhabiting the village and the territory around it is plentiful and varied, characteristic of the rain forest environment on the north coast of Honduras (see

Pineda Portillo 1976: 112-113). Reptiles, particularly 1 2 7

lizards and snakes, are in abundance. On three occasions

snakes (two barba amarillas and one tomagas) were observed

within household compounds (in the rafters of a kitchen

hut, the wall of a shower stall, and on the roof of a

chicken coop) at the edge of the cleared village area, and

a small coral snake was seen not far from Santa Fe on the

trail to San Antonio. Small lizards and occasionally

iguanas run throughout the community.

Vampire bats are a nuisance and potential health

hazard in Santa Fe. Bats were frequently observed flying

through the village at night and were discovered roosting

in the rafters of our house, from which they were driven

out after much effort. These creatures are a major vector

of rabies and their profuse droppings sometimes contaminate

living and food preparation areas.

Insect life is abundant in the area and some species

are potential vectors for a variety of diseases.

Mosquitos, sand flies, ticks, scorpions, biting flies, and biting gnats are particularly common and all are capable of

transmitting disease (see Warren and Mahoud 1984; Maegraith

1980). Although the spreading of beach sand in household

yards improves drainage, raises the habitation site through

time, and discourages the regrowth of vegetation on

recently cleared house sites, it augments the sandfly problem within the village. From dusk until dark,

residents go to great lengths to avoid sandflies, leaving 1 2 8 the streets, shutting up their homes, and burning various mixtures of leaves and wood to repel the insects with smoke. Tiny ticks are a particular problem along the forest trail running between Santa Fe and San Antonio, and+ in the horticultural fields surrounding the community.

The sea, rich in fish and other marine life, is another environment with which the Garifuna have daily contact. Jellyfish are often abundant near the beach and twice stingrays were observed immediately offshore. Once while I was traveling to Trujillo in a village taxi boat a porpoise was observed swimming nearby.

Food and Drink

Ocean fish is the type of animal protein eaten most frequently by Santa Fe residents. Numerous kinds are caught by village fishermen but larger species such as red snapper and barracuda are preferred. Small sharks, lobsters, and conchs are sometimes captured and consumed, although they are also sold in Trujillo. Conch shells, sometimes quite large, are scattered along the beach. The

Garifuna utilize these shells as decorations for the walls of mud houses, as trumpets during dûaü rituals, and clustered together on the ground as racks for drying clothes and protection for the bases of banana trees (which are sometimes damaged by roaming animals). In addition to seafood, people in Santa Fe eat land crabs, pork, chicken 129 and their eggs, beef, iguanas, and occasionally the meat of other small animals captured in the forest.

Much of the food consumed in the village is produced or harvested by local residents. All of the seafood and pork and some of the chicken, eggs, and beef are obtained in Santa Fe. Cassava, jicama, plantains, corn, oranges, grapefruits, coconuts, avocados, and limes are grown locally and are either consumed in Santa Fe or sold, most often in Trujillo. Small coconut breads and sweet breads made with banana or other fruit are baked by local women and sold in the village, usually by young children under their care. Cassava bread is an important staple of the

Garifuna diet and has ritual importance during ancestor veneration ceremonies. Some raw cow's milk is available in the village.

The residents of Santa Fe also have access to a limited variety of foods produced elsewhere in Honduras and sometimes abroad. Usually these are purchased in Trujillo at general stores or in the municipal market. Foods most frequently obtained in Trujillo include whole frozen chickens, beef, soft yellow and hard white cheese made from cow's milk, red beans, rice, corn, tortillas, tomatoes, onions, garlic, bouillon cubes, tomato paste, spaghetti noodles, palm oil margarine, sugar, and salt. Although some green vegetables are sold in Trujillo, the Garifuna of

Santa Fe rarely include these in the diet. Beverages 130 purchased in or shipped through Trujillo include powdered milk and baby formula, Coca-Cola and fruit flavored soda, coffee, tea, Honduran koolaid, beer, rum, aguardiente

(sugar cane liquor, locally known as guaro), and pasteurized cow's milk (including chocolate-flavored which is very popular).

Health Problems in Santa Fe

It is important to note that much of the animal protein and cheese produced within the Department of Colon and consumed in Santa Fe does not undergo a process of health inspection which can detect a diseased or contaminated product. For example, during the fieldwork a farm east of Trujillo which produced hard white cheese was visited by a doctor, myself, and several other people. The preparation area was contaminated with bat droppings and vampire bats were observed flying inside the building.

Domestic pigs and chickens raised in Santa Fe are not monitored by veterinarians, and may carry diseases which can cause illness when not properly prepared and cooked.

Diseased reef fish and crabs can also cause illness in this region of the world (see Warren and Mahmoud 1984).

Most of the residents of Santa Fe are poor. Many and possibly most live in small rectangular houses with wattle- and-daub walls, a clay floor, and a high pitched roof of cahoon palm thatch. Some houses of concrete blocks with 131

metal roofs, and a few made of lumber have also been

constructed. Small wildlife such as bats, rats, and

insects have little difficulty entering most dwellings.

Mosquito netting is not widely used.

Santa Fe is located in a heavy malarial area. Despite

the presence of the sickle cell allele in the Garifuna population which Michael Crawford (1983: 189) states provides some Garifuna with "great Darwinian fitness" in

the colonization of such an environment, malaria is a major health problem in Santa Fe. Other types of illness are

also transmitted by mosquitos in this environment. Dengue

fever occurred in epidemic proportions in Honduras in 1978

(Figueroa et. al. 1982: 130) and a 1982 bulletin of the Pan

American Health Organization warned "conditions are also ripe for a devastating epidemic of yellow fever should that virus be introduced into the region." Arboviruses with

flu-type symptoms are also a potential problem in the community.

Parasitic diseases of various types (nematode, tapeworm, and protozoan infections) constitute a serious health hazard in Santa Fe and throughout Honduras.

Inadequate means of disposing of human and animal excreta, poor sanitation facilities, the close proximity in which humans and animals live in the domestic environment, and the practice (usually forced by economics) of walking barefoot all contribute to the spread of parasitic disease 132 in the environment. The disposal of feces in the ocean can contribute to the parasitic infestation of fish that feed nearby, fish which are later consumed by the local population. Pigs were also observed eating feces as they scavenged along the beach and near latrine areas.

In order to determine some of the health problems present in the village, a survey of 80 households was conducted, including most of the residents of the neighborhood where I resided. Interviews were conducted primarily in Spanish except in cases where an informant

(usually an old woman) spoke primarily Garifuna. In such cases, another resident bilingual in Garifuna and Spanish served as interpreter. Information was obtained for 429 people, including 252 females and 177 males. One or more individuals served as informants for each household. Data elicited included the ages, sexes, and kinship relationships of the residents, their religious affiliations, the health problems experienced by each resident during the year previous to the interview, and the presence or absence of a history of aubida illness for the lifetime of each resident.

Regarding health problems experienced during the previous year, household informants were asked the questions: &Hay alguien que vive aqul que ha tenido problemas de salud en el ano pasado? îQuién? iQué tenia?

(Is there anyone who lives here who has had health problems 133 during the past year? Who? What did they have?). For those people with a history of hasandioubida. information obtained included the year of occurrence, the kinship relationship between the sufferer and the aubida believed responsible for the illness, and the type of ritual used to cure the condition. The data concerning aubida illness are discussed in a later chapter.

During the interviews several former patients complained that doctors had not provided enough details concerning the nature of their problems. Many people could only report symptoms such as fever, lack of energy, stomach ache, and various body pains without knowing the causes of these conditions. Such problems of identification must be considered while analyzing the survey data.

It is significant that several diseases were present among the 80 household included in the survey. There were

24 reports of malaria (12 households), 22 reports of asthma

(11 households), 8 reports of anemia (5 households), 7 reports of parasitic worms (3 households), and 7 reports of infectious hepatitis (3 households). Also in 27 households there were 75 reports of gripe, the local term for influenza-type illnesses accompanied by respiratory infection. In addition, three people complained of nervios. i.e. nervous problems. The three most frequently reported symptoms were fever (122 reports), headache (53 reports), and stomach ache (32 reports). 134

The health picture in Santa Fe, with regard to the types of diseases present in the environment and

contributing epidemiological factors, reflects conditions

in many other parts of rural Honduras. Helms (1984; 78-80) describes the Honduran situation for the 1970's and early

1980's:

Poor quality water and improper management of sewage...guaranteed close to total infestation of the population with intestinal parasites, a high incidence of enteric infections, and high infant and childhood mortality....The five leading causes of death...have been first, diseases of early infancy; second,...enteric diseases, including typhoid fever; third, pneumonia and influenza; forth, accidents; and fifth, cardiovascular disease....environmental diseases (compounded by malnutrition)...have been predominant....probably one-half of the total population had no significant health care....as much as 87 percent of the country was malarial in the early 1970's. Malaria...produces long-term debilitating effects on the population in general....Malnutrition resulting from inadequate food production, low purchasing power, and lack of education was prevalent in 80 percent of the total Honduran population....

After a 1961 analysis of the average Garifuna diet in

Livingston, Guatemala, Scrimshaw and associates (Scrimshaw,

et. al. 1961) concluded that it was adequate in calories and in animal and vegetable proteins, but supplied only a

quarter of the recommended allowances for calcium, vitamin

A, and riboflavin, and slightly less than recommended

levels of thiamin and niacin. However, Carol Jenkins

(1983: 430) reports that the Garifuna in Belize are

frequently malnourished. Calories are often insufficient 135

in the diets of children, and the diets of pregnant,

lactating, or sick women are frequently deficient in some

nutrients. Garifuna children in Belize have higher rates

of severe and prolonged diarrhea than the children of other

groups.

In 1983 Santa Fe had a small public health center

staffed part-time by a nurse and on special occasions by a

physician. Located in nearby Trujillo is a small public

hospital with 50 beds. Santa Fe is located within Public

Health Region number 6, one of seven national regions

through which the Honduran government administers medical

care (Ministerio de Economie 1983: 25-28). Region 6

includes the Departments of Colon, Atlantida, and Islas de

la Bahia, in addition to a few communities in the

Departments of Yoro and Olancho.

Persons seeking medical treatment at the Trujillo hospital are seen on a walk-in basis, except for emergency

cases. Waiting lines are long and many people stand for hours before seeing a physician. Some free medicine is

dispensed by the hospital pharmacy. A limited amount of private care is also available in Trujillo through physicians who work part-time at the hospital. Patients with conditions too severe or complex for these facilities

and persons with psychiatric disorders must seek treatment

in larger cities such as La Ceiba or Tegucigalpa. 136

For Santa Fe residents, treatment by a physician is severely restricted by personal and public finances, travel time, and the availability of transportation to medical facilities during times of crisis. This situation is similar to that reported for the Garifuna settlement of Rio

Tinto by Cohen (1984). Many diseases go undiagnosed since most residents are poor and seek the care of a physician only when a problem becomes serious.

It is common for a sick person and/or the therapy managing group (usually close relatives, frequently on the maternal side) to consult more than one curing specialist

(physician, Garifuna curandera. buyei) simultaneously or in succession during the search for effective treatment (see

Cohen 1984, Sanford 1979, and Staiano 1981). Several midwives and healers who make their own medicines reside in the village. Home treatment with a variety of herbal remedies is common, as is the use of commercial drugs such as aspirin, tetracycline, and aralen. The latter are available without prescription and are sold by the tablet at small village general stores.

In the case of individuals who exhibit psychotic behavior, they are tolerated by their families and the community unless their behavior becomes too disruptive or violent, or their families can arrange medical care in a 137

city. One woman for whom epileptic seizures had been

reported during the survey developed acute psychotic

symptoms, becoming verbally abusive to relatives and

neighbors. Within a few days she was hospitalized in La

Ceiba.

During the fieldwork two men were observed to

continually roam the streets behaving in a manner

recognized as strange by myself and numerous onlookers whom

I questioned. Their costuming was bizarre and their speech

was frequently incoherent. I was told by several people

that one man was mentally retarded and had always behaved

unusually.

The other individual, a resident of San Antonio,

appeared to be verbally responding to hallucinations. I

suspect that he may have had schizophrenia or a disorder

with schizophreniform symptoms. According to one

informant's report, his family previously had attributed

the condition to oubida. so they arranged a düaü to treat

him. However, he did not improve after the ceremony.

Another informant claimed that an angry relative had put a

curse on the man in retaliation for the theft of a small

amount of money. One person suggested that he went crazy

because he stayed up all night smoking marijuana. Other

informants said that he had a mental illness (enfermedad mental) and no one knew its 138 cause. Toward the end of the fieldwork, this man was hospitalized for several weeks in another part of the country. When I next saw him, psychotic symptoms were not evident and he claimed to feel much better.

Given the epidemiological environment in which the

Garifuna of Santa Fe live, the limited availability of health care and restricted access to it due to insufficient financial resources, it is probable that a large portion of the population suffers from two or more medical problems at the same time, such as malaria, parasitic diseases, and anemia. Thus, a complex health picture is created for each person.

Medical care within Santa Fe emphasizes the treatment of symptoms. Because many diseases are accompanied by fever, headache, vomiting, chills, cough, diarrhea, stomach aches, and other pains, without adequate laboratory testing it is impossible to determine an individual's precise health status. Only limited laboratory analysis is available at the public hospital in Trujillo. Numerous diseases can develop psychiatric complications and these possibilities must be considered in the evaluation of local patients with mental disturbances.

It is important to note that in some cases when death occurs in Santa Fe no precise cause is noted in the municipal death registry. For example, when checking the death record of my late informant who had allowed me to 139

attend her chucnl. I found that the cause was listed as

"complicaciones" (complications). When I questioned a

municipal employee concerning this I was told that the dead

woman had been sick with several diseases and no one knew

what actually killed her. When death occurs in Santa Fe

the body is always buried within 24 hours, without

embalming, usually in a wooden coffin constructed locally

in response to the death. If a person from Santa Fe dies

at the Trujillo hospital, the body is brought back to the village for burial in the community cemetery.

Uncertainty and anxiety concerning the causes of physical symptoms, abnormal or bizarre behavior, and self perceived negatively valued upsetting psychological states

encourages the continued utilization of traditional

ethnomedical practices in Santa Fe. Even if a physician diagnoses a condition in biomedical terms, many Garifuna

suspect that the ultimate cause is related to disruption in the patient's relationships to significant others in the

social environment, including deceased relatives.

Living conditions are hard in Santa Fe, despite its beautiful Caribbean location. Many of the diseases that

afflict the local population, particularly malaria, parasitic infections, and malnutrition, could be greatly reduced if sufficient funds from the Honduran government and foreign aid sources were available for medical treatment, mosquito eradication, the construction of 140 latrines, and public health education. However, the underlying cause of the Santa Fe health picture, poverty, must also be reduced if the situation is to improve significantly. CHAPTER VI

SOCIAL SUPPORT AND SOCIAL CONTROL IN SANTA FE: THE ORGANIZATIONAL CONTEXT

Introduction

Santa Fe residents receive social assistance through various groups and networks. The former are assemblages of interacting individuals who share a sense of collective identity. The latter refers to clusters of people linked through ego-centered webs of social relationships.

Participants in groups and networks may exert pressure on an individual through the use of control strategies to extract compliance with behavior expectations and maintain social order.

The fulfillment of obligations associated with kin relationships and community residence ideally assures a person in Santa Fe of reliable assistance. Threatened retaliation by relatives, including withdrawal of support and supernatural punishment with oubida illness, and various forms of community ostracism, formal and informal, discourage noncompliance. This chapter focuses on the organizational context of social support and social control

141 142

in Santa Fe, and examines how it is affected by migration.

Throughout the discussion, potential sources of distress

related to disruption in social relationships are

suggested.

Municipal Government

The municipio of Santa Fe is one of 281 such units through which local government is administered in Honduras

(see Morris 1984: 162-163). As in other parts of the

country, this political entity is responsible for maintaining public order, upholding community standards of health and safety, compiling vital statistics, implementing public works, and administering communal lands. The

structure of municipal government is similar throughout

Honduras. Details concerning municipio administration in

Santa Fe were obtained from two local officials, the justice of the peace and the municipal secretary.

The head of local government is the alcalde (mayor) who is popularly elected by adult community members (male and female) for a term of three years. During the

fieldwork this post was held by the primary school director of San Antonio, a village included within the jurisdiction of Santa Fe. The alcalde is advised by a council of 11

individuals fconseieros) whom he appoints for a term of one year. In 1983 both males and females served as councilors.

Meetings between the alcalde and his conseieros are 143 scheduled for the first and fifteenth days of each month and are called Sesiones Ordinaries. The alcalde is responsible for making decisions and has the authority to perform legal civil marriages.

Other municipal officials are also appointed by the alcalde. The iuzaado del oaz (justice of the peace), presides over the corte del paz (peace court) , the first local level of the Honduran court hierarchy (see Morris

1984: 245). He is responsible for writing formal charges against persons accused of criminal activity, and for preparing legal papers for the transfer of the accused from

Santa Fe to the nearest police station, located in

Trujillo.

The reaidor is the municipal official who performs police duties. He is responsible for arresting persons in the local vicinity who are accused of criminal activities and monitoring large social gatherings to prevent disturbances. When necessary, the reaidor has the authority to organize an ad hoc law enforcement group composed of men from the municipio for the purpose of taking into custody wanted individuals.

I observed the formation of such a "posse" which was called together for the purpose of capturing a man who had argued with and shot another individual at a late night party. The five men pressed into service were armed with two shotguns, a pistol, a machete, and a large shovel. 144

Because such occasions are rare in Santa Fe, there are no jail facilities in the municipio. Persons accused of crimes are locked in a concrete block latrine behind the cabildo (town hall) until an officer of the national police force (FUSEP, Fuerza de Secmridad Publical arrives to supervise their transfer to the departmental jail in Trujillo.

Two other municipal officials are appointed by the alcalde. These include the sindico who regulates building and maintains land tenure records, and the secretaria who takes notes at Sesiones Ordinaries. types documents and formal correspondence, and keeps municipal records concerning births, deaths, and marriages.

Most local functionaries have other occupations within

Santa Fe in addition to their public responsibilities.

During the fieldwork, the alcalde was a school director, the reaidor was the village baker, and all officials had access to agricultural lands worked by themselves or close relatives. Thus, none were professional politicians, civil servants, or legal officials.

A yearly population census is conducted for the municipio by the teachers of the Santa Fe primary school

(grades one through six) to determine potential enrollment.

The director explained that teachers lead many municipal projects because their education makes them better prepared than most residents to act as liaisons between the 145 community and the outside world. Although no statistics concerning the local literary rate were obtained during the fieldwork, I was told by my neighbors that many adults in the community could not read. Special classes are conducted at the Santa Pe school for men and women who wish to become literate.

When necessary, meetings open to the public and announced in advance are called by the municipal government for the discussion of community matters. One such gathering was held to discuss the organization of a work group to effect repairs on the road between Santa Fe and

Trujillo during the upcoming rainy season. Residents were notified of the meeting by a town "crier" who made a verbal announcement in Spanish and Garifuna at several locations throughout the village. Each time before he spoke another man played a snare drum briefly to attract public attention. The town crier also relayed an order from the municipal government requiring the confinement of horses and livestock within fenced areas due to complaints by some individuals whose property and plants had been damaged by roaming animals.

Conflicts between Santa Fe residents, especially those which do not concern personal family matters, are occasionally referred to municipal officials for mediation, if the parties involved cannot reach an agreement through informal discussion. Recourse to the municipal government 146 is particularly important because litigation is not a viable alternative for the resolution of conflicts within the community. Although some Honduran Garifuna have entered the legal profession (see Ghidinelli and Massajoli

1984), most Santa Fe residents are too poor to hire lawyers and are hesitant to utilize a legal system controlled by

Latinos. A desire to avoid the involvement of outsiders in

Garifuna affairs, coupled with the fact that most individuals with whom I spoke considered themselves related through kinship (even if distantly) to other village residents, encourages the resolution of conflicts through discussion at the local level.

Although the municipal government cooperates with physicians and nurses sent to the community periodically by the regional office of the Honduran Ministry of Public

Health and Social Welfare, it is not responsible for providing additional medical care or financial assistance to the many needy individuals living within its jurisdiction. This is considered to be primarily a family responsibility.

Informal Communitv Organization. Social Support, and Social Control

There is a strong sense of community loyalty among the people of Santa Fe. Many express pride regarding the quality of relationships between neighbors, describing the social environment as "muv sano. muv tranouilo" (very 147 healthy, very peaceful), and a good place to raise children. Houses within the community are frequently located close together. It is difficult for a person to engage in activities which cannot be observed or overheard by neighbors.

Concern for the well-being of fellow residents is symbolically expressed at dawn each morning as men and women walk through the streets to their agricultural fields or other work sites. As the home of an acquaintance is passed, a greeting and inquiry concerning the person's condition is shouted. If a positive response is not received, further inquiry is made concerning the individual's state of health (these social exchanges make it difficult for anyone, including anthropologists, to sleep past 5:30 a.m.).

If a relative, friend, or neighbor becomes seriously ill, other residents offer their assistance. During the fieldwork, a prominent man in the village developed a high fever and other symptoms of malaria. Word quickly passed through the community and more than 20 people gathered at his home. Several men offered to accompany him to the

Trujillo hospital, while female friends of the man's wife helped pack his belongings for the trip.

Death is a major occasion for offering support to others. As the body of the deceased is prepared for burial, female friends and neighbors cook food to feed the 148

bereaved family and visitors who come to pay their

respects. Neighborhood men experienced in carpentry

measure the body and build a coffin. Assistance with

funeral rituals and subsequent ceremonies to honor and

placate the dead is discussed more fully in subsequent

chapters.

Reciprocity is an important principle governing social

interaction between relatives and community members. This

is expressed on a daily basis as residents share the work

load for a variety of tasks. Grating large quantities of

cassava, cooking for ritual meals, preparing the mud walls

of a new house, rethatching roofs, and dragging large logs

from the forest are frequent occasions for reciprocity.

The person or family requiring assistance often provides

food, aguardiente. and bottled soft drinks for those who

help.

Reciprocity and social ostracism are vital to the maintenance of order within Santa Pe. Neighbors guard each

other's houses and report suspicious activities, such as

the presence of unauthorized persons, to other residents.

Occasionally public arguments occur between community members. When this happens, the individuals involved are

quickly surrounded by others in the vicinity. Although most people come as spectators, close relatives and friends may step in to mediate, especially if physical conflict

appears possible. 149

When a person engages in socially unacceptable behavior, he or she may be verbally denounced in public.

Garifuna women sometimes compose songs of derision on these occasions. I observed such an incident when a chuaü ceremony in a woman's home was temporarily interrupted from outside by the loud, hostile preaching of the village

Protestant minister. The female participants became so angry that they sang derogatory songs, banged pots, and turned their backs to him. The female buvei in charge of the ceremony responded defiantly to his criticism, stating that he had no right to interfere with a private occasion for invited guests only which was approved by community custom.

Support Networks. Kinship Organization, and Migration; Introduction

Despite the importance of municipal government and informal community organization, the groups and ego- centered networks based on kin relationships are the most significant sources of support for Santa Fe residents.

Ostracism by family members who would normally provide assistance, and, it is believed, the infliction of oubida illness by angry dead relatives, are traditional punishments for noncompliance with familial obligations.

The threat of their imposition is an effective psychological control strategy which encourages the fulfillment of behavior expectations. Loss of approval. 150

support, or companionship from relatives can be significant

contributing factors in the development of anxiety and

depression.

The importance of assistance provided by relatives,

and the force of traditional obligations, continue to

influence the lives of Garifuna who migrate to urban areas

in Honduras and the United States. Those individuals who

find employment in the cities are expected to send

remittances back to family members in Santa Fe whenever

they can afford to do so. This money most frequently

contributes to the daily support of parents, grandparents,

siblings, and young children left in their care.

Migrants who do not send sufficient contributions are

considered negligent in the fulfillment of familial

obligations and may consequently lose access to assistance

themselves. For example, one generous resident who was

financially comfortable by community standards and who

resided part-time in New Orleans refused to loan money to his brother-in-law in New York because the man had not

adequately supported his daughter in Santa Fe and had

rarely attempted to visit her. Relatives who depend on

remittances for cash income and survival may feel neglected, unloved, and threatened by a loss of support when adequate money does not arrive.

In the cities of Honduras and the United States,

Garifuna migrants often have access to varying degrees of 151 assistance from relatives and friends who have moved to the same location. However, the new urban context, especially in the United States, is frequently very different from the supportive village environment left behind. When separated from family members and other Garifuna, migrants may feel vulnerable, isolated, and homesick. Difficulties in acculturating to the new environment, and in fulfilling expectations held by themselves and others, may stimulate feelings of anxiety and depression.

After leading an urban existence, some migrants become alienated from their own culture. Those who develop scepticism concerning traditional beliefs and values may be accused of losing their Garifuna identity. Gonzalez (1988:

166, 186) suggests that migration, once vital to the maintenance of the Garifuna economy is currently leading to sociocultural disintegration. She emphasizes the psychological conflict experienced by many migrants who struggle to participate in two cultures, support more than one household, and make both financial and legal arrangements for the required travel.

Older individuals living in the rural villages may fear the consequences of having descendants socialized in a non-traditional setting. Several women in Santa Fe expressed to me their concern over the gradual loss of

Garifuna language and culture by their grandchildren raised in the United States. They were particularly uncomfortable 152

about the prospect of not having their own spirits venerated after death because no one would Remember the

appropriate rituals.

Emotional turmoil experienced by those who remain in

Santa Fe and those who migrate is sometimes expressed

through the culturally patterned idiom of oubida illness.

When distress is communicated to others in this manner,

ego-centered support networks based on kin relations and

friendship are activated. Treatment of oubida illness

involves a ritual reintegration of the patient with family,

friends, and frequently, the home community. Gonzalez

(1988: 94) notes a recent increase in the celebration of

oubida cult rituals in Central America, and suggests that

this is a sign of increased distress associated with the

demands of migration.

Migration has an impact on population structure, sex

ratios, mating patterns, and kinship-based forms of

organization including households, kindreds, and

nonunilineal descent groups. The following discussion

concerns these aspects of contemporary life and social

organization.

Population Characteristics. Resident Status, and Migration

In a survey conducted of 80 households, including all

occupied homes in one neighborhood, those residents present were asked who lived there on a full and part-time basis. 153

Some individuals in the latter category were gone for

several weeks or months each year. Others had not returned

for a year or more. Age (as reported by informants) and

sex were noted for each household member (see Table 6).

When resident status and age are compared, the divisions 0 to 15, 16 to 45, and 46 to 85 appear to be

important within the sample. The association between these

age ranges and resident status is statistically significant at the .001 level (males x^=51.499, females x^=57.568, df=2). Most girls and boys up to the age of 15 live in the village on a full-time basis. However, for the 16 to 45 range, part-time residents of both sexes outnumber those

living in the village full-time. Although most older men and women reside full-time in Santa Fe, the percentage of

females (90.63%) in this category is higher than that for males (76.32%). In general, men are more likely to be classified as part-time residents than are women. The association between sex and resident status for individuals age 16 and older is significant at the .05 level (x^=4.976, df=l).

One of the most noticeable characteristics of the

Santa Fe population is the imbalanced sex ratio with

females outnumbering males. This is particularly pronounced among full-time residents ages 16 to 45 and, to a lesser extent, within the 46 to 85 range. Younger adults are those most frequently engaged in migratory activity. 154 often seeking urban employment. As a result, the choice of mates for young women is more extensive in the cities than in the village, a factor which encourages female migration.

At least three explanations are plausible concerning differences between the two adult age ranges with regard to full-time and part-time status. Many older individuals with previous migration experience may have returned to the community, either to retire or to live and work locally.

Another possibility is that older people, particularly females, did not migrate to the same extent as their younger counterparts. Finally, adults in the oldest age group may be more likely to live in a steady full-time arrangement with mates or blood relatives than are younger adults.

During the survey, no individual was named as a resident of more than one household included in the sample.

However, among the Garifuna in general, multiple household membership is a common occurrence. It is not unusual for a man to have two mates, often in different villages or cities. He may live with each on a part-time basis, while retaining resident status in the home of a female blood relative. Although a woman may have more than one mate during her lifetime, such relationships tend to occur successively. She may continue to be viewed as a part-time member of her mother's or maternal grandmother's household, while maintaining a separate home with her spouse. A 155

pattern of dual or multiple residence is common among migrants who live part-time in Santa Fe.

Migration Patterns

Money earned through employment elsewhere in Honduras

and abroad is vital to the economic survival of the Santa

Fe population. As a consequence, many people living in the

community on a full-time basis, as well as those engaged in migratory activities, have territorially extended their

social support networks.

During the survey of 80 households, data were obtained

concerning migration patterns associated with the search

for employment and educational opportunities (see Tables 7

and 8) . Out of 429 individuals, a history of residence

outside of the community was reported for 214 (49.88%),

including 53.67% of the males and 47.22% of the females.

Women were slightly more likely than men to work only in

Honduras (females 37.70%, males 34.46%), while men

relocated abroad more frequently than women (males 19.21%,

females 9.52%). The association between sex and four

categories of migration experience, Honduran only, foreign

only, Honduran and foreign, and no experience was

statistically significant at the .05 level (x^=11.022,

df=3). Many Santa Fe Garifuna who migrate move to more

than one location sequentially. The survey data emphasize 156 the mobility of a sizeable portion of the village population.

Of those people with Honduran migration experience only, 28.17% of the females and 25.99% of the males moved to just one city. The most frequent destination for women was La Ceiba, the urban center closest to Santa Fe which is easily reached by bus or airplane from Trujillo. Much commerce associated with the large U.S. fruit companies is conducted in this port city. Men were most likely to choose Tegucigalpa, the national capital, which is more expensive and time consuming to reach from the village.

For all persons with migration experience, within the country and abroad. La Ceiba was the Honduran destination named most often by females, followed by the industrial center of San Pedro Sula, and Tegucigalpa. Males preferred

Tegucigalpa, followed by San Pedro Sula, and La Ceiba.

It is important to note that the fourth most frequently named migration destination for both males and females in Santa Fe was New York City, U.S.A.. Residents also reported moving for employment purposes to Los

Angeles, New Orleans, and Miami. Of persons included in the survey sample, 14.69% of the males and 7.54% of the females had U.S. migration experience.

Some residents of Santa Fe have been very successful in obtaining financial income and improving their standard of living while employed in the United States. I spoke 157 with two men and heard of several more who worked as crew members on U.S. merchant ships. My informants not only lived part-time in New Orleans but had visited numerous port cities in the United States, Latin America, West

Africa, China, Europe, and the Middle East. Although without electricity, their homes in the village are made of cement blocks with metal roofing and have indoor plumbing, including bathrooms with toilets, sinks, and showers. Many furnishings were purchased overseas. Another Santa Fe resident who lives in the community for several months each year is also a successful Los Angeles businessman who owns blocks of real estate in that city. During the household survey I encountered four families who had male relatives in the U.S. armed forces. The son of one of my neighbors was stationed in Alaska. Another proudly displayed a picture of her daughter who was studying at an American university.

When migrants return to the village they bring more than money and material items. They also bring knowledge concerning the outside world, including new attitudes, tastes, and values. Some Santa Fe Garifuna, having achieved financial success in the United States, are actively working with other respected members of the community to improve village living conditions and educational opportunities for young people. One such project, the establishment of a community library, has 158 received contributions from numerous migrants residing in the United States.

Mating Relationships and the Provision of Support

Men working elsewhere in Honduras or in the United

States often send cash remittances to mates and consanguineal female relatives in Santa Fe. Although women employed in the city also send money to family members, I never encountered a case where a migrant wife contributed financially to a husband's support. The imbalanced sex ratio, the custom of polygyny, sexual discrimination in employment practices, and the importance of cash remittances put women at a disadvantage and encourage female competition for male attention and assistance. Loss of a mate through death or the dissolution of a relationship is distressing to women who fear loneliness and financial hardship for themselves and their dependents.

Mating relationships in Santa Fe may last for many years or can be relatively brief in duration. Marriage, which involves registration with the municipal government, a ceremony performed by a Roman Catholic priest, a

Protestant minister, or less frequently, the alcalde, and a reception for family and friends, is expensive (as is formal divorce) and occurs less frequently than the establishment of consensual unions. According to informant reports, couples who have cohabited for many years often 159 marry only when they are older. Children who are born of consensual unions are given their father's and mother's paternal last names, following Latin American custom, if the father formally acknowledges paternity on municipal birth records. If paternity is not acknowledged, the child is given the mother's last names.

During the survey I noted who was married or living in consensual union, including only mates residing full or part-time in the same household (see Table 9) . No data were obtained concerning "visiting relationships" not involving co-residence. In the sample of 80 households including 429 residents there were 41 couples. Of these,

17 (41.46%) were married and 25 (58.54%) lived consensually. Of the 53 women in the survey with children age 15 or younger only 19 (33.85%) had a mate residing in the same household on a full or part-time basis, while 34

(64.15%) did not.

Among the 41 couples there was a preference for mates who were born in Santa Fe (see Table 10) , although more females (90.24%) living in conjugal arrangements were native to the village than were males (63.41%). The association between sex and birthplace (born in Santa Fe, not born in Santa Fe) among these adults was statistically significant at the .01 level (x^=8.288, df=l). Of those men not from Santa Fe, 26.83% were born in Garifuna settlements located east of the city of La Ceiba (Corozal, 160

Sambo Creek, Nueva Armenia, Rio Esteben, Guadalupe, San

Antonio, Cusuna, and Tocomacho). The only non-Garifuna

birthplaces named in this portion of the survey were

Jutiapa and La Ceiba. These data indicate tendencies

toward village endogamy and uxorilocal residence in which

the couple resides in the wife's home village.

The preference for mates from Santa Fe was expressed

to me by a young woman describing a man with whom she had

recently established a relationship. She emphasized how

fortunate she was to have found "un hombre de mi pueblo” (a man from my village). In several instances, Santa Fe men

and women who had married or established consensual unions

had met while living elsewhere.

Although there is a strong tendency to marry within

the Garifuna group, several researchers have reported

interethnic mating with other blacks. Latinos, and Central

American Amerindians (see Cosminsky 1976; Ghidinelli 1976;

Gonzalez 1969, 1988; and Kerns 1984). In Santa Fe I

encountered two couples (not included in the household

survey) in which one spouse, a male and a female, was a black U.S. citizen of non-Garifuna origin. As village

residents continue their migration to cosmopolitan urban

areas it is likely that interethnic mating will continue.

From 1983 until the present, the United States military has

conducted extensive training exercises throughout Honduras,

including the Trujillo-Puerto Castilla area, accompanied by 161 the introduction of thousands of American troops into the region. This should encourage the establishment of relationships between Garifuna women and black American men, given the imbalanced sex ratio in rural villages.

Once two individuals marry or enter a consensual union, the recognition of affinal ties among relatives is permanent, even if the conjugal relationship dissolves.

This is an important factor in the extension of ego- centered support networks, since both males and females often have more than one spouse during their lives, and half-sibling ties are common.

The obligations of spouses to each other and their relatives are based on Garifuna custom. Both sexes maintain a double standard for male and female behavior with regard to fidelity. Unfaithful women who have not been mistreated by their mates are subject to social ostracism. Their spouses may abandon them and they are criticized by relatives and members of the community.

However, lack of support or physical abuse are grounds for a woman to terminate a relationship.

In contrast, a man's infidelity is often viewed as normal male behavior. As long as he continues to support his spouse and her children, he is not criticized by others and the conjugal relationship continues. Although a woman may ignore her spouse's infidelity, she may publicly confront her rivals. On one occasion, on the main road 162 through the village I observed two women exchanging insults and arguing over a man with whom each had a relationship.

They were immediately surrounded by spectators.

When a financially comfortable man maintains two conjugal relationships, providing each spouse with adequate support, the women, their relatives, and other community members may discreetly accept the "co-wife" relationship.

For example, one man who traveled frequently between homes in the United States and Santa Fe was married to an

American woman familiar with Garifuna cultural patterns who occasionally visited the village. They had several adult children. Community members treated her with great respect and referred to her as "la primera esposa" (the first wife). However, the man maintained another relationship and household with a Santa Fe woman with whom he had younger children. She was also accorded respect and was called "la seaunda esposa" (the second wife).

Kinship. Matrifocalitv. and Household Composition

When conjugal relationships dissolve, children usually remain with their mothers or with maternal relatives. The

Garifuna reckon descent bilaterally (see Taylor 1951: 73) and individuals are considered to be equally related to maternal and paternal kin. However, more social interaction generally occurs between members of the extended matrilateral familv. including an individual's 163 mother, father, maternal grandparents, mother's siblings, own siblings, mother's sister's children own children, sister's children, and own grandchildren (Gonzalez 1969:

85). The membership of most households is drawn from this set of relatives.

Garifuna society is characterized by matrifocalitv. defined as "female role dominance in concrete social structures such as families, households,...voluntary associations, and so on" (Gonzalez 1970b: 243). This does not imply a lack of dominant social roles for males. In

Santa Fe, men exercise authority as spouses, fathers, maternal uncles, and older brothers, when they are present.

Males also occupy the most important and powerful positions in municipal government. However, relationships to and between females are emphasized in kinship and domestic organization.

Gonzalez (1969: 84) stresses the difference between

"household" and "family" among the Garifuna. Members of the former share a common residence, cooperate economically, and participate in the socialization of resident children. Although members of a "nuclear family"

(mother, father, and their children) may live together, it is not unusual for some to stay with other relatives, most frequently maternal kin.

Based on data from Guatemala and Honduras, Gonzalez

(1969: 68; 1988: 158-159) recognizes three major household 164

/ types. These include: 1) consancfuineal. composed of blood

relatives only; 2) affinal, in which at least one pair of

spouses resides together on a part or full-time basis; and

3) solitary (see Table 11) . Although each of these was

divided into sub-categories, Gonzalez (1988: 159) utilized

slightly different criteria for this purpose when analyzing

the Guatemalan and Honduran data and states that the two

sets of sub-types are not exactly comparable. A different

classification was suggested by Kerns (1983: 121-122),

based on data gathered in southern Belize. In this scheme,

nuclear familv. extended familv. and single person types

are recognized, with various sub-divisions in each category

(see Table 11).

During the Santa Fe survey of 80 households, complete

information concerning the kin relationships between

members was obtained for 78. The composition of every unit was classified according to the criteria suggested by Kerns

and Gonzalez. The number of generations represented in the

membership of each household was also noted.

In Table 12, information obtained during the Santa Fe

survey is compared with Gonzalez's (1988: 158-159, 182)

data from Crystales and Guadalupe, Honduras, two villages

located near the field site. In both Santa Fe and

Crystales, slightly more than half of the population

resides in consanguineal households and there are more

homes of this type than in the affinal or solitary 165 categories. In Guadalupe, affinal composition is more prevalent than consanguineal, and slightly more than half of residents included in the sample live in such units.

There is also a higher percentage of single-person households in Guadalupe than in the other communities. For all three locations, the percentage of females residing in consanguineal homes is higher than that for males.

Correspondingly, in each village the percentage of males living in affinal households is larger than that for females.

Data from Santa Fe are compared with those obtained by

Kerns (1983: 122) in Table 13. The percentage of extended family households is similar in each village and approximately half of Santa Fe homes are nuclear, compared with slightly less than half in the Belizean sample. More single person households were noted in Belize than in Santa

Fe.

Sex group differences are emphasized when the Santa Fe data are examined with regard to age and resident status

(see Tables 14, 15, and 16). Because the age ranges 0 to

15, 16 to 45, and 46 to 85 are significant in the Santa Fe population, the statistics presented are for these divisions.

Most boys and girls live in the community on a full time basis. More children of both sexes reside in consanguineal and extended homes than in those which are 166 affinal and nuclear. Slightly more than half of the boys and slightly less than half of the girls are members of two generation households, whereas more girls reside in three or four generation homes than do boys. However, none of the three chi square tests for association between sex and residence patterns (utilizing the consanguineal/affinal, nuclear/extended, and generational classifications) of children living in the village full-time were statistically significant at the .1 level. Expected cell frequencies would not permit tests for part-time residents.

Different patterns for each sex become evident in the

16 to 45 age range, and are most pronounced among older adults. There are more female consanguineal than affinal household members, while more men live affinally than consanguineally. However, among younger adults, the category with the highest percentage of both males and females is that of part-time consanguineal resident. While more men live in nuclear than extended family homes, a higher percentage of women reside in those which are extended. Men are more likely to reside in two generation households than are women, while females are more likely to live in three and four generation homes than are males.

When data for adults ages 16 to 85 living full-time in

Santa Fe were examined, the association between sex and residence patterns was statistically significant at the

.001 level for the consanguineal/affinal classification 167

(x^=21.555, df=l) , and the .05 level for the nuclear/extended (x^=6.18, df=l) and generational classifications (x^=6.31, df=l, categories collapsed into one/two and three/four generation households). When data

for adults living part-time in the village were considered, the association between sex and residence patterns was significant at the .05 level (x^=5.987, df=l) according to the nuclear/extended criteria, but was not significant at the .1 level for the other two classifications.

The membership of each household in Santa Fe can be viewed as a social support group of adults and dependent children living together at least on a part-time basis who cooperate in meeting the demands of daily survival and coping with crisis situations. Because usually an adult female is structurally central to its membership (Kerns

1983; 120), the Garifuna household may also be viewed as a support network extending out from a female ego.

Matrifocal households and extended matrilateral families, which emphasize lineal relationships to and between females, constitute the backbone of Garifuna kinship organization.

The predominance of these relations in household composition is illustrated by Table 17. Kin types were determined from the perspective of a female (ego) considered focal to the domestic group by virtue of her relationships to other members. Percentages are based on 168 the total number of residents in the 78 households

examined, excluding focal females.

Daughters (32.15%), followed by sons (27.73) are the most numerous individuals in the households of focal women.

Lineal relatives related to ego through daughters are the next largest (20.94%) group with females (13.86%) outnumbering males (7.08%) in this category. By comparison, lineal relatives related to ego through sons constitute only 1.77% of the individuals residing with

focal women. Affinals are the third most frequently represented category (12.39%), and includes more males

(12.09%) than females (.29%). Collateral relatives make up only 4.72% of the residents living with focal women.

Within this category, ego's sisters, individuals related through ego's sisters, and those related through ego's mother together account for 3.54% of household membership.

Other collateral relatives include ego's brothers (.88%) and ego's father's brothers (.29%).

In Santa Fe, as in other Garifuna communities, the household is the primary unit in which the socialization of children occurs. Margaret Sanford (1976: 30) emphasizes that the practice of placing children in the care of

consanguineal kin other than their parents is widespread

among the Garifuna. Even when the mother is present with other consanguineal relatives in the same household, she may not be the individual who most often nurtures her 169

children. Rather, child care responsibilities are shared

by kin who reside together. Kerns (1983: 118) notes that

few Garifuna children are raised exclusively by both

parents.

In order to determine which adults live with children

most frequently in Santa Fe, household composition was

examined from the child's perspective. Kinship ties

between those adults and children residing in a household

full-time were determined using each child as ego. Thus,

if three children and two adults lived together, each adult was counted three times.

Table 18 concerns the full-time presence of adult

relatives in the households of children. Although mothers

reside in 75.21% (69.35% for girls, 81.82% for boys),

fathers live in only 30.77% (30.65% for girls, 30.91% for

boys). The association between mother's presence in the households of boys as compared to girls was not

statistically significant at the .1 level.

Women, especially mothers and maternal relatives, are more likely to reside with children than are men. Besides mother, female relatives most often present include mother's mother, mother's sister, mother's mother's mother,

and adult sister. In contrast, father's mother lives in

only 4.27% of the homes included, while other paternal

females are noted less frequently. With the exception of

fathers and older brothers, the adult males most often 170 present in the homes of children are maternal relatives, including mother's brother and mother's father, and affinal relatives attached to mother or maternal females, specifically mother's husband (stepfather) and mother's sister's husband. No paternal males other than father are noted in the sample.

The matrifocal matrilateral emphasis in the adult composition of children's households is further illustrated by Tables 19 and 20. Almost half of the children live in homes where females are the only adults present on a full time basis. Slightly more than half reside with both men and women. Mother and father live together full-time in

29.91% of children's households, while only the mother is present in 15.38%. Adult maternal females not including mother reside full-time in 12.82% of the children's homes, while mother along with other maternal females live in

9.40%. The association between the presence or absence of maternal relatives other than mother and paternal relatives other than father in the households of children was statistically significant at the .001 level (%2=29.466, df=l).

Although the preceding data do not reflect the presence of part-time adult residents, who may exert considerable influence in some cases, they do indicate which older relatives are most frequently involved in the socialization of children within the household. Children 171 form strong emotional bonds to the adults who take care of them. Relatives responsible for their care teach them the fundamentals of Garifuna culture. These are the adults who are most likely to teach children about crubida. aubida illness and the circumstances which lead to it, and the need to perform traditional rituals to venerate and placate the family dead. Children learn the details of aubida cult rituals by observing ceremonies conducted by adults in their own homes, and in those of other relatives and neighbors.

After they have grown to young adulthood, Garifuna children are expected to assist the individuals who raised them. In Santa Fe, the support of parents, grandparents, and other elder close relatives, particularly on the maternal side, is a compelling moral obligation. At the same time, younger adults continue to count on the assistance of these relatives in times of illness, psychological turmoil, or other misfortune. Conflict within the household and extended family can be very distressing, particularly to those individuals who fear a loss of love, companionship, and support.

Kindreds. Nonunilineal Descent Groups, and Ritual Organization

Kindreds and nonunilineal descent groups are traditionally important in Garifuna social organization

(Gonzalez 1969: 84-90), especially in the celebration of 172 therapeutic placation rituals for the crubida (Taylor 1951;

74-74; Kerns 1983:169-172). Garifuna kindreds generally

include all descendants of a person's great-grandparents, on the maternal and paternal sides. Nonunilineal descent groups, also called ambilineal ramages, are composed of all descendants from a common ancestor traced through males and females.

When away from home, an individual can count upon kindred members for the temporary provision of food and shelter. During sickness, they may arrive from other villages to offer assistance, particularly if the situation creates difficult burdens for those living in the patient's household. If a person needs medical treatment in the city, kindred members living there may become part of the patient's therapy-managing group, participating in the search for treatment and helping during convalescence.

Those individuals belonging to a nonunilineal descent group share a set of reciprocal obligations primarily related to the celebration of rituals for the family aubida. They should also provide mutual assistance during times of extreme misfortune and dangerous illness, especially if it is suspected that angry aubida are the cause (Gonzalez 1969: 88). Both Taylor (1951: 74-75) and

Foster (1981: 8-9) emphasize, however, that large gatherings of these lineage groups occur only in ritual contexts. 173

When aubida illness in the family necessitates the

celebration of chuaü or dûaü. several levels of kinship

organization become involved. According to Foster (1981:

5 ), the basic cooperating unit for the production of düaü

includes the kindred of the patient or the patient's mother. Often physical preparations are made primarily by

a local core of kindred members, including affinals, with

financial assistance sent by relatives living elsewhere.

Kerns (1983: 169-171) describes ritual organization as

focusing on the eldest female next of kin to the deceased believed responsible for the aubida illness. Usually she

is lineally related. Members of her extended family act as

sponsors for the ceremony, while other women drawn from her personal network, including relatives and friends, help with preparations, such as the extensive cooking required

for large food offerings.

Those individuals required to attend chuaü and düaü

ideally include all direct descendants of the deceased,

i.e. the nonunilineal descent group, plus their classificatory siblings (Taylor 1951: 74-75). Foster

(1981:8) emphasizes that because düaüs are frequently conducted for two or more deceased individuals, the gathering of more than one nonunilineal descent group is often required.

In Santa Fe, there is strong psychological pressure

for migrant men and women to participate in rituals for the 174 dead. They must send money for preparations and attend if possible. Anyone who denies these traditional obligations not only is criticized by relatives and family friends, but is thought to jeopardize the ritual by angering the spirits. It is believed that such a person risks supernatural punishment in the form of aubida illness, misfortune, or death.

Conflict and tension among relatives may be perceived as a threat to the well-being of the entire group. Coelho

(1955; 67-68) mentions this attitude in his description of social relations in Crystales, a few miles from Santa Fe:

Caribs are urged at all times to refrain from internecine fighting, which weakens the whole group, and to join forces against an inimical world. In practice no such perfect harmony...is achieved whether within the family or the social group....Disunity in the family creates great anxiety.

When a person in Santa Fe manifests symptoms associated with aubida illness, those relatives morally obligated to assist the stricken individual must submerge any frictions and tensions which divide them. The demands of the ritual setting require cooperation for group prosperity and survival.

Obligatory death ceremonies and placation rituals are the products of complex syncretism between African,

Amerindian, and Roman Catholic religious practices. In

Santa Fe, festivals associated with the Catholic calender are also syncretic to a certain extent. The organization 175 of annual rituals cuts across kinship groups, emphasizing community membership. On some of these occasions, representatives of the Catholic church play a role in social control by promoting certain forms of behavior and denouncing others. In the next chapter, the syncretic expression of Roman Catholicism in Santa Fe is examined. CHAPTER VII

ROMAN CATHOLICISM AND THE ANNUAL CYCLE OF RITUAL ACTIVITIES

Introduction

In Santa Fe, two ritual sequences operate

concurrently. One is based on the Catholic calendar and

includes an annual cycle of festivals and religious

observances. The other concerns the veneration of the dead

and is tied to the aubida cult. Obligatory death

ceremonies and therapeutic placation rituals are important

for the latter.

Roman Catholicism is thoroughly entwined with the

aubida cult. Several informants stated that since the

ancestors were Catholics, it is necessary for their descendants to maintain that faith in order to properly placate the dead. During my first trip to Honduras I spoke with an elderly female buvei in Santa Fe who claimed that her three hiüruhas (spirits of the dead which help a buvei

during supernatural communication) were the Catholic saints

San Jose, San Ramon, and Santa Rosa. Given their

ethnohistorical background, the Garifuna probably practiced

176 177 a syncretic form of Catholicism while living on St.

Vincent. In Honduras, intense contact with Haitian exiles who were known vodun adherents (see Chapter IV), and continued exposure to Catholic missionaries has shaped their religious expression.

Santa Fe celebrations associated with holy days and the veneration of saints often reflect syncretism. Before exploring the crubida cult, the local form of Roman

Catholicism and the annual cycle of ritual activities are described in this chapter.

Religion in Santa Fe

In the survey conducted of 80 households, information concerning religious affiliation was obtained for 429 people. Catholics comprised 96.50% of the sample, followed by Protestants (2.33%), Bahais (.93%), and Christians without a specific affiliation (.23%). It is interesting to note that a Catholic woman reported consulting a

Rosicrucian healer in La Ceiba for cancer, while a

Tegucigalpa resident with aubida illness was described as a

Rosicrucian by his brother.

Santa Fe has two church buildings and congregations, one Catholic and one Protestant. The latter was established by Mennonite missionaries and is led by a

Garifuna preacher residing in the community. It is attended by individuals who call themselves ”evangelicos." 178

I encountered a man and a woman who sympathized with the

Seventh Day Adventists who also belonged to the Mennonite

church.

There is no resident priest in Santa Fe. However, two

Jesuit priests stationed in Trujillo make visits to the

community Catholic church on special occasions. During the

fieldwork these included Semana Santa (Easter week)

observances, a mass preceding the velada (candlelight vigil) for the village patron saint the Virgin del Carmen

(Virgin of Mt. Carmel), a few requiem masses, and a wedding.

Catholic nuns also visit the settlement occasionally.

While returning to Santa Fe in the public transporte truck,

I met the Mother Superior of a group of five nuns, members

of the Sisters of Charity based in Trujillo. The Mother

Superior, a native of Catalonia, Spain, said that she usually traveled to Garifuna communities from San Antonio to Santa Rosa de Aguan (see Figure 4, Chapter V) setting up

catechism classes for children ages 5 to 13. Although these were held on an irregular basis, monthly meetings were under consideration. In Trujillo, the sisters run a

small school teaching typing and other employment skills.

Most of the masses I attended at the Santa Fe Catholic church were conducted without a priest. Usually one of three rezadoras (female prayer leaders) led the congregation through the appropriate prayers and hymns 179 using booklets printed in Spanish by the Archdiocese of San

Pedro Sula. During these services the communion text was

read, although bread and wine were not given to the

congregation. Only those masses celebrated by a priest

included a full communion. Although I was told that men

could be prayer leaders (rezadors), I did not encounter any

in Santa Fe.

During the fieldwork, I observed rezadoras at several

types of ceremonies in different locations. These included

Sunday service (church), Christmas Eve (church), New Year's

Eve (church), velada for San Isidro (either church or house), velada for San Antonio (either church or house), velada for the Virgin del Carmen (at the calvario. a white cement cross located at the west end of the village near the cemetery), velada for San Miguel (church), Dia de los

Difuntos (All Souls Day, church), misa de los difuntos

(masses for the dead, requiem mass at the church, subsequent prayer sessions at someone's home), novenas

(house for eight days, church and house on the ninth day), and funerals (church).

The Garifuna rezadora carries out functions similar in many ways to the Haitian prêt' savanne. which Herskovits

(1971: 209, 213-215, 349) defines as a "bush priest" who reads Catholic prayers at services for the dead, such as funerals and novenas. and during vodun ceremonies.

Sometimes the ritual sequences associated with chugù and 180

dûaû include a requiem mass and subsequent prayer session

conducted by a rezadora. At one chuaü I attended, the

rezadora who led prayers in the sponsor's home left before

the buvei arrived, explaining that she was not supposed to

be present at the same time.

I was told by one rezadora that she was taught how to

pray by an older rezadora and a rezador. During ceremonies

lasting for several hours or longer, such as the veladas

for the Virgin del Carmen and San Antonio, more than one

rezadora share responsibilities, working in shifts.

Occasionally an older woman relinquishes her position to a

teenage girl who wishes to obtain practice leading group prayers.

While I was living in Santa Fe, no chapter of the

Catholic voluntary association the Legion de Maria (the

Legion of Mary) was active in the village, although one rezadora told me that there were plans to establish one in the future. It did appear that an informal "core" group of women regularly attended most novena sessions conducted in the community, an observation confirmed by one of the rezadoras. During the Catholic ceremonies I witnessed, a majority, and sometimes all, of the participants were

females. Males were most numerous at Semana Santa observances and masses for the dead held as part of misas

or novenas. particularly if these masses were conducted by 181

a priest. The prayer sessions I observed for saints' veladas and novenas were all-female events.

The Annual Ritual Cvcle; Maior Events

During the fieldwork, the annual cycle of religious

rituals and fiestas conducted in Santa Fe included the

following. Excerpts from field note descriptions are presented for most activities.

12/23/82: Beginning of the Christmas season, marked by an indio barbaro procession. We were awakened at 6:30 a.m. by the sound of drums coming down the street. The procession was led by a man dressed up as "un indio barbaro" (a wild Indian). He had a bunch of leafless tree branches tied around his head and was wearing a piece of cloth that looked like a short skirt. The procession went as far as the calvario. Then the man went inside a nearby house and took off his costume. I was told that a similar event would take place on the 15th of January.

12/24/82: Christmas Eve. This was celebrated by traditional punta dances at the salons of the two village dance clubs. Club Pescado and Club Corozo. Singing in

Garifuna, traditional drum music, and drinking of aguardiente were included. The festivities lasted all night long. 182

12/25/82: Christinas Day. There was a continuation of

the punta dancing with an early morning procession by club

members from house to house, accompanied by drums.

12/28/82: Palo de Pascua. Around 11:00 a.m. a

Christmas procession began called Palo de Pascua. Ten

women each carried a long stick which was topped by a

cluster of multicolored tissue paper streamers. The group

danced from house to house, as more women joined the

procession. Some carried long, leafy tree branches without

paper streamers. At each home they sang Christmas carols

in Spanish at the door briefly, then went inside and

continued singing for a few minutes. All of the women

carried a maraca or rattle, some using a plastic baby toy.

Throughout the singing the women pounded their sticks on

the ground in unison.

Accompanying the procession was a man who kept a written record of money contributed to the singers. At

each house where the group stopped, the residents gave a

small donation. The man told me that the money would be

donated for a community project. After the adult procession, there was a similar event for little girls who were escorted by a few women.

12/28/82: Wanaracma (John Canoe) dance procession.

The main participants were five men and two boys, all

dressed in slightly different costumes. Generally these

included loose blouses, wide collars extending to the 183 shoulders or longer with 6 to 14 ribbons (red, green, white) hanging between the collar and the blouse, and a knee-length skirt. Two or more of these pieces were made of different patterns of brightly colored cloth. The dancers also wore stiff, pink-beige net masks with painted faces, scarfs tied around their heads and over their ears, elaborate headdresses, and knee rattles. Every headdress was slightly different in design. Each was made of brightly colored tissue paper and metallic streamers covering a wide forehead band of cardboard which had one or more upright sticks stuck in it. Wrapped around each leg the dancers wore a band of cloth several inches wide with small seashells sewn to it. These made rattling sounds as the dancers moved. All wore tennis shoes. Two of the men had on white gloves. One dancer carried a large maraca.

The group was accompanied by two drummers in everyday dress who played rapid, complex rhythms on traditional instruments while female onlookers sang in Garifuna. The procession went from house to house, performing in front of several. While one dancer shook the maraca. each of the others took turns dancing before the drums, vigorously shaking their leg rattles. Residents at the homes where the men performed made small contributions of money and gave them drinks of aguardiente.

12/31/82-1/1/83: New Year's Eve. Punta dances accompanied by singing and drumming were held all night 184 long in the two club salons. At midnight, a candlelight prayer session in Spanish was conducted in the Catholic church by a rezadora and attended by several women.

1/1/83: New Year's Day. A punta procession around the village occurred involving the members of both dance clubs.

1/2/83: Dulce Nombre de Jesüs (Sweet Name of Jesus) celebration. A velada was conducted by a rezadora before an altar constructed for the occasion in the home of a family who sponsors the ceremony every year.

1/5/83: Eve of Dia de los Reves (Day of the Kings).

Punta dances were held all night in the salons of Club

Pescado and Club Corozo.

1/6/83: Dia de los Reves (Day of the Kings,

Epiphany). A coropatillas (chorus of devils) masquerade dance began in the early afternoon. Ten males (seven men, three boys) in costume participated, accompanied by two drummers. The dancers went from house to house where the group was given small donations of money. At each stop the performance was similar, as the drummers played rapid, complex rhythms and female spectators sang in Garifuna.

The dancers portrayed different characters. These included 1) two barefoot women, one with a red dress and one wearing white, who had on headscarfs and tan rectangular cardboard masks with eye and mouth holes; 2) three girls, one with a skirt and blouse, the others with 185 dresses, who wore tennis shoes, headscarfs, and cardboard masks, two rectangular and one oval with large pointed ears; 3) a man carrying a long stick who wore oversized brown pants with pillows stuffed around the stomach, an overcoat, black zippered boots, a tan cloth covering his head, and a cardboard mask with two horns; 4) a "doctor" carrying a man's shoulder bag who wore oversized black pants, a suit jacket, shoes, a multi-colored piece of cloth covering his head, and a rectangular cardboard mask; 5) a man carrying a long stick who wore a black jacket and shirt, blue pants, black boots, a brown cloth covering his head, and an oval cardboard mask with two large pointed ears; 6) a man wearing a black shirt and pants, a wide green waist sash with a long piece of twine stuck into it which hung like a tail, and a rubber wolf mask that fitted over his entire head; and finally 7) the "devil" (el diablo) who wore a black raincoat and black rubber boots, a light-colored headscarf, and a rubber mask that looked half-human and half-animal, topped with a pair of steer's horns.

The man in the stuffed brown clothing danced in an irregular manner and then fell down on his back, kicked his feet in the air, and shook his arms while writhing in time to the music. Next the doctor jumped before the drums and danced up to the man on the ground. He knelt and listened to the man's heart. Then the doctor pulled a book out of 186 his bag, held it up over the patient, and pointed to a spot on one of the pages. The book was put away and a bottle of rum was pulled from the bag, which the doctor used to fill an imaginary hypodermic needle. Then he pretended to give two injections to the patient, one on each side of his pubic area. The man on the ground jumped up suddenly and danced before the drums, followed by one of the women.

The wolf danced over to the woman and she pushed him away. From behind a house the devil jumped into the open.

He moved back and forth across the street before hiding again. Suddenly, he jumped out close-by and danced before the drums. Then the devil moved close to the woman in the red dress and repeatedly bumped the front of his body against hers. Other dancers surrounded the female character and bumped into her at the same time.

A few minutes later, the dancing and drumming stopped and the group moved to another house. Judging by the clowning of the dancers and the laughter of the onlookers, it appeared that everyone thought this dance was hilarious.

1/15/88: End of the Christmas season, indio barbaro procession. This event occurred in the afternoon. The single male dancer wore a black shirt, black pants, and a tight fitting black sweater cap. In his waistband, up his sleeves, and up his legs were stuck manaca palm leaves so that his front, back, and face were almost obscured. Women singing in Garifuna and two drummers with traditional 187 instruments accompanied him from house to house. The indio bârbaro danced at each location for a few minutes before the procession ended at the calvario.

3/27/83: Dominao de Ramos (Palm Sunday), beginning of

Semana Santa (Holy Week, Easter Week). A priest from

Trujillo conducted a special church mass and blessed palm leaves.

3/28/83: Lunes Santo (Holy Monday), celebration of

Penance.

3/29/83: Martes Santo (Holy Tuesday), Rosario Biblico

(biblical rosary).

3/30/83: Miércoles Santo (Holy Wednesday), Viacrucis procession. On Wednesday evening the procession started at the Catholic church. About 20 women and a few young men participated. One man carried a long gray wooden cross

(about five feet long) that had a small statue of Christ in the center. Two other men stood at his sides, each holding a burning white candle in a long gray wooden candleholder.

The women sang hymns in Spanish as the procession circled through the village and returned to the church.

3/31/83: Jueves Santo (Holy Thursday), institution of the Eucharist and washing of the feet at the church.

4/1/83: Viernes Santo (Good Friday). Three events occurred on this day.

1) Viacrucis morning procession. A large framed picture of Christ holding the cross over his shoulder was 188 carried through the village, along with a smaller framed picture of the Virgin Mary displaying the sacred heart.

The multicolored picture of Christ was mounted on a board covered by a white sheet. At the bottom on both sides were two wooden handrails. Four men carried the picture of

Christ. Immediately behind them a woman displayed the picture of Mary. The Catholic priest assigned to Santa Fe for Semana Santa walked along with the procession. He wore gray pants and a white shirt and carried a battery powered loud speaker.

The procession moved up to the calvario and paused for a few minutes. There the priest blessed Santa Fe and urged people to be good Christians, recommending that they follow the pronouncements of Pope John Paul II who had recently visited Honduras. After the speech, the procession moved down the next street and back to the church as the participants sang hymns in Spanish.

2) Santo Entierro (Holy Funeral). This procession began at the church around 4:30 p.m. The focus of the procession was a glass coffin trimmed with black wood.

Inside, a white satin cushion extended the length of the coffin and was covered with pink and white flowers of tissue paper and plastic. Outside on top of the lid was a white, papier-mache dove. Attached beneath were four long white tissue paper streamers, two hanging over each side. 189

The coffin set on a black wooden frame with two side hand

railings, resting in the center aisle of the church.

The priest explained how he wanted the procession to

be arranged. Men and boys were to form a line on the right

side of the coffin while women and girls were to stand

along the left side. Four men had been chosen as pall bearers. Each of them wore a yellow sash hung from one

shoulder diagonally across the chest. Also participating were four girls (approximately nine or ten years old) making their First Holy Communion who wore white dresses

and veils. Two girls stood on each side of the coffin,

each holding one of the paper streamers.

The coffin was carried out of the church into the

street. Approximately 100 spectators were present. In

front of the procession walked a man playing a saxophone.

The priest stood immediately behind the coffin. Hymns in

Spanish were sung by the participants as the group moved

toward the calvario. At various points along the way, wooden tables covered with cloth had been placed in the middle of the road. The coffin was rested on each table as the priest blessed some aspect of life in Santa Fe. Then he led prayers in Spanish to which the other participants

responded.

The procession continued to the calvario where it paused, without setting down the coffin. The priest blessed Santa Fe again and urged the people to follow the 190 words of Pope John Paul II with regard to respectable behavior of women and the treatment of women with respect.

After he led another prayer, the procession moved to the next street and circled back to the church. The coffin was set on tables along the way as the priest blessed the community.

After returning to the church, the priest thanked the participants and noted that the crowd had been larger than in previous years. He said that some community members had donated as much as 50 lempiras (almost $25.00 U.S.) to help buy a statue of Christ to put inside of the glass coffin.

Then a man who was a member of the village church council read the names of those who had donated 10 to 50 lempiras.

3) Candlelight procession. After the Santo Entierro. the priest announced that there would be a special procession for women around 7:00 p.m. All participants were to bring a white candle. The women who gathered walked through the village carrying burning candles and singing hymns dedicated to the Madre Dolorosa (Lady of

Sorrows). Then the procession returned to the church.

4/2/83: Sabado de Gloria (Holy Saturday), Vioilia

Pascual (Easter Vigil).

4/3/83: Dominao de Pascua (Easter Sunday),

Resurreccion de Jesüs (resurrection of Jesus) and mass celebrated by the priest. This marks the end of Semana

Santa. 191

5/14/83: Velada for San Isidro (St. Isidore the

Farmer). While I was waiting in the church for a requiem mass to begin, I talked to the rezadora as she was lighting candles. From behind the altar she pulled out a large yucca root and said that this was left from the velada for

San Isidro which had occurred on May 14 while I was out of town. The rezadora explained that an example of each type of crop grown by the people of Santa Fe is brought to the ceremony. In previous years, the velada was held in a woman's home, but had been moved to the church since her death.

6/12/83: Velada for San Antonio (St. Antony of Padua).

The velada began at 6:00 p.m. in the home of a woman who said that she sponsored this event every year. I was told that two other veladas would be held this evening, in the village Catholic church and in another woman's home.

Patron saint celebrations are also progressing in the village of San Antonio, a community under the municipal jurisdiction of Santa Fe.

In the living room of the house where the velada I attended was held, many brightly colored chromolithographs of the saints hung on the wall. Nearby, a beautiful altar had been prepared, dedicated to San Antonio. It had two tiers, one higher than the other, and was covered by a white cloth. Each tier had two burning candles (with two on the floor before the altar), three statues of San 192

Antonio, and numerous framed pictures of San Antonio

holding the baby Jesus, the Virgin of Suyapa (patron saint

of Honduras), and Jesus and Mary displaying the sacred

heart. The altar had two crucifixes, one in the middle of

each tier, and another hung on the wall above. On the

floor before the altar was a smoking incense burner made

from a can. The burning mixture of leaves and wood filled

the room with a sweet, pungent smell. On the lowest altar

tier was a glass bowl filled with coins and two chicken

eggs. The money and the eggs were offerings to the saint.

At 7:00 p.m. the woman sponsoring the ceremony rang a

small bell, signaling the beginning of prayers before the

altar. One rezadora initiated the 45 minute session which

was completed by another. Many of the prayers and hymns,

all in Spanish except for one song in Garifuna, were

addressed to the Virgin Mary. About 20 people

participated, 10 women, 5 girls, and 5 boys. As the

session ended, the rezadora took a glass of water, dipped a

small leafy piece of greenery into it, and flicked water in

the sign of the cross over the altar.

The participants went outside on the porch where a

temporary roof of corrugated metal had been set up on four

long wooden poles. Underneath was a table and chairs.

Four men sat at the table and played dominos by the light

of a kerosene lantern. Out in the yard two long white burning candles were stuck in the ground. A woman of the 193 sponsoring family gave everyone a cup of atol. and then a male relative served drinks of straight aguardiente.

Fifteen minutes later, the participants were fed with paper plates of pork and rice.

I returned to the living room. The rezadora prayed and sang for another 15 minutes. Half an hour later, two men arrived with traditional drums and sat on chairs against the wall opposite the altar. They were joined by two more men, one with a pair of maracas and another with an animal jaw bone and a stick. The latter were used together as a percussion instrument. After other participants entered the room, the musicians played a type of song called parando. as men and women danced the punta.

The domino playing and parando lasted until midnight.

7/9/83: Beginning of the week long Santa Fe patron saint festival honoring the Virgin del Carmen. During the first event, a young woman was crowned queen of the festival and a dance was held for young people.

7/13/83: Moros v Cristianos dance (Moors and

Christians). This event occurred around 4:30 p.m. in front of the Catholic church. There were 16 participants and a five-member band. The moros included one man, four women, and three girls, while the cristianos included another man, five women, and two girls. The band members played a bass drum, snare drum, saxophone, trumpet, and symbols. 194

Those women dressed as moros wore red or pink pants gathered at the ankle which created a harem appearance; red, pink, or yellow printed dresses over top of the pants; and round hats extending up from the crown of the head.

These were decorated with red, pink, yellow, and green tissue paper flowers and multi-colored metallic streamers, with paper streamers hanging down the back. Two of the women wore toy pistols hanging from their waists. One moro carried two large wooden door keys. The others held wooden swords. Two of the girls had costumes similar to the women except that one wore a knee-length cape. A third girl had a yellow cape and a red tissue paper hat decorated in front with a silver foil star and crescent moon. Each moro with a cape carried a stick with red and yellow plastic flowers attached to the ends. The male moro was not in costume.

The cristianos wore pastel colored knee-length dresses and wide-brimmed round hats which were not as high as those of the moros. These were decorated with mounds of tissue paper flowers and metallic streamers. They also wore pastel colored sashes crossed over chest and back. Two of the women had toy pistols hanging from their waists. All carried wooden swords. One cristiano girl had a white cape with a large foil cross attached to the back. Her hat was round with no brim and extended up from the crown of the head. It was covered with silver foil and decorated with a blue cross in front. The male cristiano did not wear a 195

special costume, except for two orange sashes crossed over

his chest.

As the band played before the church, the moros and

cristianos danced slowly in the street in two circular

groups, waving their swords in the air in time to the

music. Occasionally they formed two parallel lines and

each person slowly crossed swords with a member of the

opposite group. This dancing continued for about ten minutes.

Then the moro with the star and crescent and the

cristiano with the cross moved between the two groups to

confront one another. Speaking in Spanish, they shouted

challenges, exchanged positions, and repeated them. Then

they crossed swords rapidly in mock battle. After this, a

similar conflict occurred between two older women.

Suddenly, the male cristiano rode on horseback into the

dance area. He was challenged by the male moro who was on

foot. The cristiano dismounted and the men struck their wooden swords together in a spirited fight as the crowd

cheered them on. After the duel, the moros and cristianos danced briefly in the same manner as before.

7/15/83: Velada for the Virgin del Carmen (Our Lady

of Mt. Carmel) . This is the most important event during the annual festival to honor the patron saint of Santa Fe.

The calvario was the site of the velada. Over the

cross, six men built a square shelter (about 15 feet on 196 each side) with a roof of corrugated metal, supported by wooden beams, and three walls of manaca palm leaves. Six women decorated the interior and prepared an altar.

Pastel-colored bed sheets were used to cover the walls.

From the ceiling beams were hung pastel-colored tissue paper streamers. Five girls spread small wash basins of clean beach sand on the ground inside the shelter. A small, wooden table covered by a white sheet and a white lace cloth was set before the calvario. On top of it was placed a large, framed chromolithograph of the Virgin Mary and a single white burning candle.

At 7:00 p.m. a priest from Trujillo conducted a mass in the church attended by approximately 70 people, about a third of whom were male. In the aisle was the statue of the Virgin Mary with baby Jesus that was usually in an alcove above the altar. Supported by a table, the Virgin rested on a platform with hand rails attached to the sides.

The bottom of the statue was wrapped in pastel-colored cloth net decorated with tissue paper flowers.

When the mass was over, four women picked up the platform and carried the Virgin outside. In the street a procession formed, led by the same band that had played for moros V cristianos. Behind them walked the women with the statue, followed by the other participants. As the band played, the procession moved towards the calvario. Upon 197

arrival, the Virgin was placed in front of the altar,

facing outward.

In a semi-circle before the Virgin, ten long white candles were stuck upright in the sand and lit. A rezadora knelt before the altar and led the participants in prayer.

A few women and children put woven straw sleeping mats on the sandy floor in preparation for the all-night vigil. In

front of the shelter, two men with traditional drums played rapid, complex rhythms all night long as some participants, mostly women, danced the punta. The praying and hymn

singing continued through the night with various women and teenage girls taking turns as rezadoras.

7/16/83: Morning procession for the Virgin del

Carmen. Before sunrise, the participants at the velada were served cups of strong, black coffee and coconut bread.

The drums played as a few women danced the punta. A rezadora knelt in prayer, occasionally touching the face and hands of the Virgin. After sunrise, four women picked up the statue and carried it out of the shelter where they were met by the band and other participants.

As the band played, the procession moved to the nearby

soccer field and went all around its perimeter. Then the

Virgin was carried to the beach. A cavuco (small wooden boat with outboard motor) with three male passengers was waiting in the water. Very carefully the Virgin was taken to the water line. Then the men in the cavuco and a few 198 men on shore transferred the statue to the boat. Three women joined the men in the cavuco and sailed away. I was told that they were destined for nearby Cayo Blanco (White

Key) and would circle it before returning to shore, after which the Virgin would be taken to the church.

I asked one woman why the statue was going to Cayo

Blanco. She said that many years ago a Garifuna fisherman had a vision of the Virgin Mary at that location. Since that time, the statue has been taken to Cayo Blanco every year.

7/16/83; May Pole Dance. This event occurred at 3:00 p.m. behind the cabildo and involved 26 female participants

(15 women , 11 girls). Two large poles (approximately 20 feet long) were carried by four men into the dance area and placed upright in holes prepared in the ground, spaced about 25 feet apart. To the top of each pole were attached approximately 15 pastel-colored ribbons which stretched to the ground. The girls gathered around one pole while the women encircled the other. All wore pastel-colored dresses and straw hats. One woman also had a machete in a leather case hanging from a belt around her waist.

On the back porch of the cabildo. a band of male musicians moved into place. Their instruments included a trumpet, saxophone, snare drums, and large bongo drums

(modern, not traditional in style). These provided festive music for the occasion. 199

As the band began to play, each participant picked up a ribbon and danced in a circular fashion around one of the poles, first in a clockwise direction and then counterclockwise. As they did so, another woman carrying a broom and wearing a floor length red dress with a blue waist sash entered the area. She danced back and forth between the groups, continually making sweeping movements with her broom. The May Pole lasted for about one hour.

7/16/83; Afternoon procession for the Virgin del

Carmen. At 5:00 p.m. four women carried the Virgin out of the church and into the street where another procession formed. The band went first, followed by the women with the statue. Behind them walked 25 other women, each holding a burning white candle. As the participants sang hymns, the procession moved towards the calvario. The

Virgin was set down in front of the velada altar for a few minutes as a rezadora led prayers. Then the statue was picked up and the procession moved to the next street, circling the community, and returning to the church. This marks the end of the patron saint festival.

9/27/83: Velada for San Miguel (St. Michael the

Archangel). During the day one of my neighbors placed a small metal tray and a picture of San Miguel slaying a dragon on a chair set against the outside wall of her house facing the street. In the tray were several coins which she said were offerings to the saint. Tomorrow was the Dia 200

de San Miouel (Day of St. Michael) and tonight in his honor

she would conduct a velada in the Catholic church beginning

at 7:00 p.m.

The event took place before a side altar permanently

dedicated to San Miguel. It was a small table covered by

white cloth on which were placed a statue of San Miguel

slaying a dragon, a crucifix, two burning white candles,

and a metal trophy won by the community soccer team. Five

wooden pews were turned to face the side altar. Nine

women, including the rezadora. and three men participated

in the hour long prayer session.

9/28/83: Dia de San Miouel. In the morning, more

prayers for San Miguel were conducted at the altar. At

5:00 p.m. a procession began at the church. The saint was

removed from the altar and placed in the back of a village

transporte truck so that he faced the street. Three women,

including the rezadora. and two men sat next to San Miguel.

Each person held a burning white candle. As the passengers

sang hymns, the transporte drove slowly to the calvario where it moved to the next street and back towards the

church.

11/1/83: Dia de los Santos (All Saints' Day). An

evening mass was held in the Catholic church.

11/2/83: Dia de los Difuntos (Day of the Dead, All

Souls Day). At 6:00 a.m. a special requiem mass was held

in the Catholic church to remember the dead of Santa Fe. 2 01

Approximately 25 women and 5 men attended. All of the women wore either black or black and white dresses and headscarfs. The men wore black pants and white shirts.

Among the participants I recognized the relatives of two people who had died during the past year.

In the center aisle rested the glass coffin carried during the Santo Entierro procession. Next to it on each

side stood a three feet high, black wooden candle holder with a long burning white candle. On the floor before the coffin were approximately 50 small white candles, lit by members of the congregation in memory of their relatives.

A rezadora led the congregation through the prayers of a

requiem mass. At one point, she read a long list of names belonging to the deceased, repeating the phrase "descanse en paz” (rest in peace) after each name.

Later in the day, several men and women worked in the community cemetery, cutting down grass and weeds near the graves of relatives. Wreathes of white tissue paper

flowers were hung on the white-washed crosses marking some of the graves.

The Annual Ritual Cvcle; Analysis

Because the sequence of cultural contacts leading to the syncretic development of Garifuna religion is so complex, suggestions concerning the origins of specific annual festivals are necessarily tentative. In many 202 instances, the convergence of two or more historical traditions is probable.

Activities occurring during the Christmas/New Year's season, especially indio barbaro. wanaraaua. and coropatillas. exemplify this point. Robert Dirks (1979:

491-493) contends that wanâracrua (John Canoe) is a Creole offspring of the English Sword Dance, most likely adopted by the Garifuna from blacks of Jamaican origin after their exile to Central America, although they could have acquired it from English-speaking slaves on St. Vincent. He views wanéraoua as a ritual of rebellion including ritualized threat and appeasement (Dirks 1979: 493):

...the aggressive element is not portrayed as a confrontation between troop members; the display seems redirected outside the troop toward spectators or householders, in former times members of the white plantocracy....When members of a house-visit troop behave in symbolically aggressive ways and are presented with coins or other gifts, the whole affair can be seen to resemble ritualized threat and appeasement....

Dirks suggests that this event serves as an emotional outlet during a time of the year when social interaction is very intense in Garifuna villages, the Christmas season, when many migrants have returned to visit family and friends.

Judith Bettelheim (1979: 96, 99) also emphasizes the

English influence on John Canoe and other Christmas masquerades occurring throughout the British Caribbean, including Garifuna settlements in Belize. Although she 203 suggests that the stylistic similarities of these festivals indicates that they are related through British colonialism, she notes the presence of African influences in some masquerade costumes, specifically the use of animal head masks. Bettelheim (1979: 98) concludes that European and African traditions are merged in John Canoe and other

Christmas masquerades.

In contrast to Dirks and Bettelheim, Fernando Ortiz

Fernandez (1960: 21-41) stresses the African contribution to Caribbean Christmas masquerades. He contends that these events have their origins in the ritual expulsion of evil spirits from the social group that mark the winter solstice, the beginning of the New Year, and agricultural seasons in many parts of West Africa.

Ortiz provides a detailed analysis of the Cuban

Epiphany festival Dia de los Reves. which is marked by processions of masked diabolitos (little demons). The

Garifuna dance that occurs in Santa Fe on Epiphany is coropatillas. literally "chorus of devils." Ortiz (i960:

25-27) notes that annual masquerade festivals for the expulsion of evil spirits take place in Senegal, the Gold

Coast region, Nigeria, Calabar, Dahomey, and the Congo area. Cuban blacks are also familiar with the Yoruba

Egungun cult which includes annual ceremonies during which spirits of the dead are impersonated by masqueraders who dance through the streets (Ortiz Fernandez 1960: 31-32). 204

Ortiz suggests that Christmas masquerades by blacks in the

English-speaking Caribbean, such as John Canoe, have similar African origins.

In Spain, the eve of Epiphany is marked by all-night parades during which revelers carry a variety of noisemakers (Foster 1960: 168-169). Miracle plays and processions depicting the three kings take place on

Epiphany day.

Semana Santa activities in Santa Fe are closely supervised by the Jesuit priest who comes from Trujillo for the celebration. Information concerning the name, date, and time for each event is posted in advance on the front door of the Catholic church. Those which occur in Santa Fe are similar to several of the Semana Santa activités reported from Spain by Foster (1960: 178-181), especially the blessing of the palms, and the Viacrucis and Santo

Entierro processions.

The selection of saints venerated in Santa Fe is related to Hispanic-American and French colonial

Catholicism. Because several hundred Haitian exiles living in Trujillo were incorporated by the Garifuna upon the latter's arrival in Honduras, it is probable that syncretic

Haitian Catholicism influenced the subsequent development of Garifuna religion, especially in the older communities such as Santa Fe. 205

According to Foster (1960: 190), San Isidro is the patron saint of farmers and the city of Madrid. He is honored throughout Spanish America. In Haiti, St. Isidore

is identified with Azacca, a loa (yodun spirit) associated with farming, vegetables, and fertility (Deren 1970: 56,

83). During his velada in Santa Fe, examples of each type

of crop grown within the community are brought to the church for his blessing.

In Spain, San Antonio de Padua is the patron of masons

and bricklayers (Foster 1960: 162-163) and is believed to help retrieve lost or desired objects. However, in Haitian vodun he is associated with the powerful loa Legba

(Herskovits 1971: 283; Metraux 1972: 325) who is the guardian of the crossroads, the intersection between this world and the supernatural realm (Deren 1979: 97). In vodun ceremonies he must be saluted before communication with the spirits is achieved. It is interesting to note that the woman whose velada for San Antonio I attended was herself the focus of a chuaü and dügü, and is a frequent participant in aubida cult ceremonies in Santa Fe and neighboring communities. She is closely related to one of the most popular buveis in the Trujillo region.

St. Michael the Archangel is traditionally described within the Catholic church as "the leader of the heavenly

armies against the forces of hell" (Benedictine Monks of

St. Augustine's Abbey, Ramsgate 1947: 424). Herskovits 206

(1971: 280-282) mentions the presence of chromolithographs of this saint attacking the devil on Haitian vodun altars and on the walls of some Haitian houses. It is interesting that the Santa Fe village soccer trophy was included on his altar.

Two manifestations of the Virgin Mary especially venerated in Santa Fe include the Madre Dolorosa (Our Lady of Sorrows) and the village patron, the Virgin del Carmen

(Our Lady of Mt Carmel) . Images of the Madre Dolorosa mourning her son's death are prominently displayed during

Spanish Semana Santa processions (Foster 1960: 183). In

Haiti, the Mater Dolorosa is identified with the important female loas Gran Erzilie and Erzilie-Freda-Dahomey

(Herskovits 1971; 283; Metraux 1972: 325) who symbolize femininity, fertility, and seduction (Deren 1970: 82).

Chromolithographs of the Madre Dolorosa are carried during the Santa Fe Semana Santa celebration and are usually displayed on altars arranged for wakes and novenas (see next chapter).

A manifestation of the Virgin del Carmen appeared to a

Garifuna fisherman, according to Santa Fe legend, on Cayo

Blanco, a small uninhabited key just offshore which until the 1940s was covered with coconut trees. I was told that in the past it was a favorite isolated place to swim and have picnics. During her velada. the Virgin is placed in a 207 shrine constructed of manaca palm leaves which is illuminated through the night by many burning candles.

Although her feast day, July 16th, is celebrated among

Catholics in many countries (Benedictine Monks of St.

Augustine's Abbey, Ramsgate 1947: 619, 667), in Haiti it is associated with a mid-July pilgrimage (of recent origin) to a forest grove on the Tombe River (Metraux 1972: 329-330):

Notre Dame du Carmel appeared on top of a palm tree in a little sacred wood, not far from Ville- Bonheur and some few miles from the falls, and from then on the palm also became an object of devotion for the pilgrims and cured the sick who came in their hundreds to petition Notre Dame du Carmel....They spend the night in the grove lit by thousands of candles. The bush priests recite prayers, herb-doctors rub the hands of the sick with oil from the lamps which have burnt in front of the sacred trees, and with the water of springs in which medicinal plants have been left to soak.

Herskovits (1971: 282) notes the presence of chromolithographs of Our Lady of Mt. Carmel on the walls of some Haitian houses.

The Santa Fe festival for the Virgin del Carmen also includes an activity which is definitely of Spanish origin,

Moros V Cristianos. Foster (1960:221) notes that this folk drama represents a triumph of Christianity over pagan, infidel forces. It was deliberately transplanted to the

Americas by Spanish missionaries who used it to spread

Catholicism.

Some, though not all, religious events in Santa Fe are occasions for socializing, singing, dancing, drumming, and 208

ritual drinking. This is particularly true during

ceremonies celebrated for the dead. The velada I observed

for San Antonio included many activities (construction of

an altar, prayer sessions, drumming, punta dancing,

parando. ritual drinking, and domino playing) similar to those occurring during the ninth night of a novena. an

obligatory death ritual. Good Friday, the day of Christ's

death, is a solemn occasion in many parts of Latin America.

In Santa Fe, its importance is reinforced by the emphasis placed on ceremonies for the dead in general.

Periodic visits by priests and nuns, and the use of prayer books printed by the Archdiocese of San Pedro Sula,

encourage conformity of belief and ritual within the community and, to a certain extent, between Santa Fe and other parts of Honduras. Participation in annual Catholic

rituals and ceremonies of the aubida cult strengthens a

common world view among Santa Fe residents. While the aubida cult emphasizes kinship, the annual ritual cycle cuts across kin groups, stressing community membership.

As in ceremonies devoted to the family dead, the participation of females in Catholic rituals is more extensive than that of males. Despite the occasional presence of a priest, rezadoras conduct most Catholic

services within the village. Women, more than males, are primarily responsible for fulfilling religious obligations for family and community. Through ritual, they petition 209 the Virgin Mary, the Holy Trinity, and the saints for supernatural support and protection, thus looking after the spiritual welfare of their loved ones. The celebration of

Catholic ritual reinforces the importance of matrifocality in Santa Fe. In the next chapter, obligations to the family dead and mandatory death rituals are examined. CHAPTER VIII

OBLIGATIONS TO THE DEAD AND MANDATORY DEATH RITUALS

Introduction

In Santa Fe, the cmbida are central to a focal religious system. Participation in rituals to venerate the dead reinforces in the minds of the living concepts relating to the supernatural, the structure of Garlfuna society (specifically the importance of nonunilineal descent groups, matrifocality, and age differences), and core cultural values (respect for elders and mutual responsibility to care for family members).

A respected buvei residing in Trujillo explained to me that a living person has two spiritual parts: the iuani. a divine soul (translated by Taylor 1951: 102 as "heartbeat" and "animating spirit"), and the afurucm ("spirit-double" according to Taylor), which reflects the individual's personality. After death the iuani goes to heaven, or to purgatory and then to heaven (although the Garifuna have a concept of hell derived from Roman Catholicism, the buvei did not discuss it) . The afuruau becomes an àhari. which

210 211 is later transformed into a cmbida when it manifests itself to the living through a dream. Some crubida act as hiùruha. spirits of the dead who help a buyei.

Death Rituals and Obligations to the Dead

The ceremonial sequence associated with death, and obligations to the dead, are described for the Garifuna of the Trujillo region during the late 1940's by Coelho (1981:

126-146) and for Belize by Taylor (1951: 97-101, 114-133) and Kerns (1983: 150-164). Many, but not all, of their observations are valid for Santa Fe.

According to Coelho (1981: 126), a wake, novena. and misa must be celebrated for the deceased. He reports that the novena is conducted soon after death, and is often scheduled so that the ninth session falls on a Saturday.

Three subsequent rituals, amùiedahani (bathing the soul), acucmrahani (meal for the soul), and adoaorahani (dancing for the soul) are held only if the deceased asks for them through a dream, although these requests are usually made eventually. The dead rarely require chucm before the requiem mass marking one year after death is celebrated.

Taylor (1951: 98) also indicates that the novena is begun within one week after death and is timed so that the ninth night wake may be well-attended. The three ancestral rites of increasing importance known as amüiadahani (the refreshing) , acucrùruni or cucrù (the feeding) , and 212 adoaorahani or doad (which Taylor says has an ambiguous meaning signifying "treading," "compressing," and

"gathering") are usually requested by the dead, always in this order (Taylor 1951: 113). According to his

informants, six months, one year, and two years after death are normal intervals when these ceremonies are conducted.

Kerns (1983: 151) states that three rituals are mandatory for the deceased: the wake and funeral (belüria and abunahani), novena and ninth night wake farisaruni and belûria) held within two or three weeks after death, and the taaurun lüdu which marks the end of mourning. One or more of four other ceremonies are required only if the deceased requests them by giving the living a sign, usually through a dream. Their timing, as noted by Kerns, disagrees with that reported by Taylor. Amüidahani

(bathing of the spirit) is conducted several months after death. Requiem mass and feasting fhelémeserun hilâna and eféduhani lauai lemési) is held at least one year after death. Both chuaü (feeding the dead) and dügü (feasting and dancing for the dead) usually occur from 10 to 50 years after death.

During the Santa Fe fieldwork I interviewed informants from ten households concerning the obligations which the living have to deceased relatives. Seven households had conducted a düaû in the past while three had celebrated 213 chuoù. There was considerable agreement in their responses. The following serve as examples:

Household 1: the obligations are basically the same for men and women although only women are expected to wear mourning clothes fropa de luto). Men can wear black pants and a white shirt with a little piece of black ribbon stuck on it. Men usually don't wear mourning clothes because they don't grieve as much as women grieve. If a woman doesn't wear mourning clothes, everyone in her community will accuse her of having a hard heart and not loving her dead relative. A dead person must be given a misa and a novena and, if asked for, a chucrù or a dügü. If a spirit makes a request for food or a ceremony and a person does not comply, the spirit will kill that person.

Household 2 : Women must wear mourning clothes for one year for grandparents, parents, brothers, sisters, and a spouse. Men don't have to wear mourning clothes but they cannot wear red. If a woman doesn't wear proper mourning clothes everyone in the village will say bad things about her, she doesn't care about her family, she has a bad heart. Otherwise, the obligations are the same for men and women. The dead must be given a misa and a novena soon after death and many years later, if requested, a chucm or dügü. The dead must also be given food. If a person doesn't give a requested ceremony they can get sick and die with cmbida. When someone in the family has a düoü the other relatives must struggle to get all of the money and supplies for it. They must buy a pig, cmaro (aguardiente), rice, beans, and roosters. The grandchildren of the spirits in particular should bring roosters.

Household 3 : Women must wear mourning clothes for one year after the death of a close relative. The obligations for a male and female descendant are the same. If they have a dream of a dead relative in which food, drink, or a ceremony is asked for, the dreamer must comply with this request. When a family member has a chucm or dügü, the descendants of the spirits involved are supposed to make contributions of food and money to the relatives holding the ceremony. For dücm. the sons and daughters, if living, of the spirits have to each bring a rooster. If they are dead. 214

their children (grandchildren of the spirits) must bring a rooster. Other relatives must at least bring ouaro. All branches of the descendants must be represented at the ceremony even if some of the relatives are not able to be present. A plate of food offerings arranged on behalf of each absent relative must be laid on the table of offerings. Although men have the same obligations they are more likely not to comply than women because they are more skeptical. Women get sick with oubida more often than men because they are weaker and more easily affected by spirits of the dead. A person who doesn't comply with the wishes of the dead can fall sick with cmbida.

These responses indicate that females are subject to

greater social and psychological pressure than are males to

fulfil mourning obligations, and to more intense social

ostracism when they do not comply. Thus, in the role of

surviving relative women are more likely to experience

intra-culturally induced stress than are men. According to

informants, oubida illness is viewed as supernatural punishment for non-compliance with requests made by the

deceased. Females are considered more vulnerable to oubida

illness than are males.

Intra-culturally induced role stress associated with

inadequate fulfillment of social expectations (as perceived by the self and others), and the threat of deadly

supernatural sanctions, encourage compliance with

obligations to the dead and to relatives conducting placation ceremonies. Informants emphasized the importance

of cooperation within a nonunilineal descent group for the preparation and execution of such rituals. 215

Although Kerns (1983: 151) does not consider the misa a mandatory ceremony unless required by the deceased, my informants stated that a misa must be held on the one year anniversary of a death. Subsequent misas are conducted if requested.

During the Santa Fe fieldwork I was able to observe most of the rituals associated with death and the dead. I did not witness the end-of-mourning ceremony (taaurun ludu), amüidahani. nor an invocation of the spirits faralraouni) conducted by a buvei. However, I did participate in funeral and burial services for an older man and a newborn baby, three requiem masses at the Catholic church and subsequent activities at the homes of sponsoring relatives, six novenas and ninth night wakes, four chuaüs. and three düaüs (one of which took place in Crystales, a neighboring village). During previous fieldwork in the

Honduran Garifuna village of Triunfo de la Cruz (see

Chapter I and Chamberlain 1979) I observed one wake and two düaüs. Descriptions of the funerals, wakes, and novenas are now presented. Misas for the dead, chuaüs and düaüs are discussed in the next chapter.

Wakes and Funerals

There are considerable differences between the wakes and funerals I observed for the Santa Fe man who was an important educator and political leader, the newborn baby. 216 and the man from Triunfo de la Cruz. For the latter an elaborate all-night wake was conducted. I was told that the relatives of the deceased community leader were very strict Catholics and for that reason all-night activities were not considered appropriate. A somber daytime wake was held instead. Services for the baby included a wake during the day, but no requiem mass.

Wake for a Man in Triunfo de la Cruz ; This ceremony was held for an old man who had died the previous morning.

Approximately 150 people attended. The coffin was placed in the living room of the deceased's home. It was lined with a white sheet with the ends hanging over the sides.

The dead man wore a dark gray suit. His nose and ears were stuffed with cotton. Four large burning white candles tied in the middle with black ribbon were placed in long, wooden candle holders at the corners of the table where the coffin rested. Several wreaths of fresh flowers leaned against the coffin while behind it was a small altar with chromolithographs of Jesus and the Madre Dolorosa.

Several female relatives wearing black mourning clothes viewed the coffin from the doorway of an adjacent room where there was no light. Directly in front of the house a temporary porch area with a corrugated metal roof supported by wooden poles had been constructed. On the porch approximately 20 men sat and played dominos by the light of a kerosene lamp. Numerous women and other men 217 conversed out in the yard. Many people had been drinking aguardiente.

At 9:00 p.m. a group of people formed a circle about

25 feet away from the house. Two men, each with a medium sized Garifuna drum sat facing into the circle, looking toward the beach with the house behind them. Before them a long burning white candle was stuck in the sand. The drummers began to play rapid, complex rhythms. All of the women present sang in Garifuna. A man jumped into the circle and danced the punta. Then a woman moved in to accompany him. Soon other people joined the activity.

Only one man and woman danced together at one time. As one person tired and moved away, a member of the same sex danced into the circle.

Nearby, another group formed for adolescent females.

No males participated. The girls, two at a time, joined hands and stood in line so that partners faced each other.

As they sang in Garifuna, each pair ran under the upheld arms of the other girls until they reached the opposite end of the line where they resumed a position. Everyone did this once, and then the dance was repeated with the pairs moving down the line in the opposite direction.

Afterwards, the girls formed a circle, placed a burning white candle in the center, and individually took turns dancing the punta to the rhythms coming from the adult gathering. 218

As the dancing continued, several female relatives of the deceased prepared a meal in the nearby kitchen which would be served to the participants at midnight. In the house, another woman walked counterclockwise around the coffin, crying and singing to the dead man in Garifuna. I was told that the dancing would continue until dawn. Then the body would be taken to the church for a funeral service and from there to the cemetery for burial. A novena would begin for the deceased in 15 days.

Wake. Funeral, and Burial for a Santa Fe M a n ; This was a somber, formal affair in all respects. Death occurred at 1:30 a.m. in the Trujillo hospital, after which the body of the deceased was transferred to Santa Fe. A wake began in mid-morning. The dead man was dressed in a black and gray business suit and rested in a wooden coffin lined with a white sheet that extended over the sides.

Cotton was stuffed in his ears and nose. Next to each of the four corners of the table under the coffin was a large black candle holder with a long burning white candle tied in the middle with a black ribbon.

Behind the coffin an altar had been arranged. A white sheet covered the wall. Attached to the middle of it from top to bottom was a wide strip of purple tissue paper.

Hung in the center of this was a crucifix. On both sides of the purple strip were pinned pastel-colored tissue paper flowers and fresh green ferns. Against the wall was a 219 small table covered by a white sheet. In the middle of the table, leaning against the purple strip was a large chromolithograph of Jesus displaying the sacred heart. A small burning white candle tied in the middle with a black ribbon was set before the picture. Numerous branches of flowering bushes were placed around the coffin.

Female relatives of the deceased wore black clothing trimmed with white. All had their heads covered with a black scarf tied under the chin. Male relatives wore dark pants and white shirts. The secluded women viewed the coffin from the doorway of an adjacent room. Visitors occasionally came before the coffin to pay their respects.

In the front yard, chairs and a couch had been placed as other relatives and friends gathered outside. Loud wailing and crying by the women inside could be heard. At noon a small meal was prepared and served to visitors by friends of the family. In mid-afternoon the women inside sang Spanish hymns before the coffin including the words

"Perdoneme senor. perdon. oerdon" (Pardon me God, pardon, pardon). After the hymns, the women wailed loudly and talked to the deceased for several minutes. Then two men picked up a wooden lid which had been resting against a wall and placed it on the coffin. The daughters of the deceased cried profusely as the coffin was nailed shut.

Two other men brought a pallbearers' rack into the house so the coffin could be moved to the church. Secured 220 by ropes to the rack, it was carried by four men into the street where a funeral procession formed. In front of the coffin walked two drummers and a saxophone player.

Although the drums were traditional in construction, they were much shorter than others I had seen. Both were played with snare drum sticks in a slow, stately rhythm. The saxophonist played a funeral dirge. Behind the coffin stood family members, followed by many children of the community and other participants.

The coffin was taken to the church where it was placed on a table in the center aisle before the altar. A rezadora led a 20 minute funeral service including hymns and prayers in Spanish with responses from the congregation. After the ceremony, the coffin was carried from the church.

A procession formed again and moved to the house of the deceased. There the coffin was temporarily rested on a table placed in the street. Two highly respected men each gave an emotional speech in Spanish praising the accomplishments and good qualities of the deceased. When they were finished, the coffin was picked up and the procession moved toward the cemetery as the funeral dirge continued. The participants sang "Perdoneme senor. perdon. perdon." A woman distributed sprays of lavender flowers to young girls in the procession. 221

At the cemetery the coffin was set on the ground next to an open grave about five-feet deep. Another community leader gave a speech praising the deceased, ending with

"Descanse en oaz" (rest in peace). After he finished, someone else stepped forward, saying he wanted to give a proper blessing to the coffin. He knelt beside it, raised up both arms, and asked God to bless the deceased. With his right hand he made the sign of the cross over the entire length and width of the coffin. After this it was lowered into the grave with ropes.

A gravedigger stood in the tomb to receive the coffin and place it evenly. He was handed a full liter bottle of aguardiente by a man standing above. The gravedigger poured it twice over the entire length and width of the coffin in the sign of the cross until the bottle was empty, repeating "Descanse en oaz" as he did so. This appeared to be an act of placation for the spirit of a powerful man.

The girls threw their flowers on top of the coffin and the grave was covered with dirt. No further activities occurred that afternoon or evening. A novena and ninth night wake for the deceased were conducted one and a half months later.

Wake and Burial of an Infant in Santa Fe; The child, a five day old baby boy, died from a high fever at the

Trujillo hospital in the early morning. Later that day, a wake took place at his parents' home. When I arrived, the 222

infant was resting on his back on a small table that was

covered with a white sheet. He wore a white gown and

bonnet. The baby's nostrils and mouth were stuffed with

cotton and a thin white veil covered his face. White lace

ribbons tied his wrists and ankles together. Two burning white candles were placed on the table, one on each side of

the child's body. The infant was surrounded by freshly cut

sprays of pink, lavender, and white flowers.

Throughout the day, relatives and friends stopped by

to pay their respects and speak with the mother who was

secluded in her bedroom. Two male neighbors came to measure the infant with a tape measure. They left to

construct a small wooden coffin which was brought to the

family a few hours later. Female relatives and friends prepared it for burial. The sides were covered with glue

to which were stuck two parallel, horizontal rows of long, white tissue paper fringe. The inside of the coffin was

lined with a large piece of white tissue paper followed by

a small white sheet with ends left handing over the sides.

A male friend of the family gently picked up the baby and

laid it in the coffin. Several sprays of flowers were

placed on top of the body by the baby's maternal

grandmother, who then folded the sides of the sheet over

the infant. Another man nailed the lid on the coffin.

An artistic old woman who directed the preparation of house altars for death ceremonies and who made beautiful 223 coronas (wreaths) of tissue paper flowers walked into the room with a decoration for the baby's grave. It was a three feet high, two feet wide tree with many branches of white flowers and leaves. In late afternoon, a small procession formed to take the coffin to the cemetery. One of the men present carried it on his shoulder. He was accompanied by one little girl, three women including the maternal aunt of the deceased, and myself. The young girl went first, before the coffin, carrying the tree of flowers. Behind the man with the coffin walked the women.

We were each given a handful of flowers to carry.

At the cemetery, a shallow grave and the gravedigger were waiting. He was handed the coffin and placed it in the ground. We threw in our flowers and the grave was covered with dirt. The tree of tissue paper flowers was placed on top. The two men were each given a shot of aguardiente from a half liter bottle. After this the funeral party returned to the house.

In the back yard on a table was a small wash basin filled with water in which leaves of a citrus fruit tree were floating. Each person who had gone to the cemetery washed their hands in the water. No prayers, hymn singing, or speeches had occurred during the day. I was told that subsequent death ceremonies were not necessary for the infant because it was an anaelito. a little angel without 224

sin, which would go straight to heaven and never return as

a cmbida.

Although I was not able to observe it, I was told by a

buvei living in the Trujillo area that after a dead person

is buried, a special fire made from three chunks of wood is

kept burning in the house of the deceased for nine days.

On the ninth day at dawn the coals from this fire are taken

away. Both Taylor (1951: 97-98) and Coelho (1981: 129)

report that these fires are maintained because the spirit

of the dead person is believed to remain in its house for

nine days after death.

Garifuna Wakes and Funerals: Comparisons with Haitian and Spanish Custom

Death activities observed in Santa Fe and Triunfo de

la Cruz are similar in several ways to those described for

Haiti by Herskovits (1971: 207-212) and Métraux (1972: 246-

250). In Haiti, as among the Garifuna, the living fear the vengeance of the dead and believe that they can cause

illness and misfortune when not properly venerated. For this reason, no family would dare to deny the deceased proper funeral observances.

Herskovits reports the use of orange leaves mixed with water and alcohol to wash the corpse. Both authors state that the ears and nose are stuffed with cotton. A house

altar is constructed for the wake and burning white candles are placed at the head and foot of the coffin. The wake. 225 to a certain extent, is a party to entertain the dead and frequently lasts all night. Liberal drinking of alcohol and the playing of dominos and card games occurs. Women of the bereaved family serve refreshments to visitors.

Métraux (1972; 250) notes that if the deceased is very old and highly respected the wake does not include entertainment.

Before burial, a funeral service is held at the

Catholic church, conducted either by a priest or a prêt' savanne. After returning from the cemetery, those people who have touched or been close to the coffin wash their hands in a liquid made with water and medicinal leaves

(Métraux 1972: 250). Orange leaves are used to purify the area where preparation of the corpse occurred (Herskovits

1971: 212).

In Spain and throughout Latin America, wakes in the home of the deceased are also conducted (Foster 1960: 146).

In southern Spain these are social events during which liberal drinking of alcohol occurs. Members of the deceased's family provide refreshments to visitors. In both Spanish (Foster i960: 146-147) and Haitian (Herskovits

1971: 220-221) custom, very young children who die are considered to be "little angels" without sin. Their deaths are not marked by extensive ritual or public mourning. 226

Novenas

During the fieldwork, I observed seven novenas although I was only able to attend three of them completely. For the others I was present for the first day

(one ngyena); the ninth day prayer session and subsequent activities in the evening (one novena 1 ; days one and two

(one ngyena); and days seven, eight, and nine (one ngyena).

The Santa Fe data indicate that the timing of these rituals is considerably more flexible than previously reported. A rezadora told me that ideally a novena is begun several days after death if the financial circumstances of the bereaved family permits. Otherwise, the timing depends on when the family can gather the necessary money for expenses and when it is most convenient

for other relatives to attend.

Novenas may begin up to almost one year after death, according to my observations. For each ceremony I attended, the date of the deceased's death was compared with the starting date of the ngyena. The time that passed before the celebration of each ritual, and the sex and approximate age of the deceased are presented in Table 2.

All novenas share a common structure, the backbone of which is provided by Catholic ritual. Eight daily prayer sessions before an altar in the sponsor's house are followed on the ninth day by a requiem mass at the church and a ninth prayer session at home. However, there is a Table 2

Age and Sex of Deceased and Timing of

Seven Hovenas in Santa Fe

Novena 1 Novena 2 Nbvena 3 Novena 4 Novena 5 Novena 6 Novena 7

Age 20s 50s 60s 60s 40s 60s 70s

Sex male female male male female male female

Elapsed Time* 11 mnths, 11 mnths, 6 mnths 5 mnths 1 mnth 1 mnth, 2 mnths 2 wks 3 wks 2 wks

*Time elapsed after death before Novena celebrated.

to to 228 considerable degree of variability in the activities included, their timing, their duration, and the manner of altar decoration. A woman who sponsored one novena told me that the style of a particular ceremony depends primarily on the wishes of family members, their financial resources, and the age of the deceased.

Novenas for older adults tend to have longer prayer sessions and more elaborate activities afterwards than those for young people. A rezadora explained that extensive praying was necessary for older individuals because they had lived longer and it was assumed that they had sinned more than the young. One woman who sponsored a ceremony for her 22 year old son told me that not much dancing would occur because this was only appropriate during novenas for old people. Some families did not wish to have a ninth night wake lasting until dawn because they did not want anyone to become extremely intoxicated during the activities.

The purpose of the novena. according to one rezadora. is to cleanse the soul of the deceased from sin and aid its journey from purgatory to heaven. However, there are syncretic patterns in these ceremonies. Africanisms associated with the placation of ancestor spirits, that tie the novena to the oubida cult. These elements relate to the feeding, refreshment, and entertainment of the dead. 229

During the novena. small offerings of food and drink are provided for the deceased. A glass of water on top of which is placed a cross made of tiny sticks tied together is always included on the altar arranged for the ceremony.

On one occasion I observed such a glass beneath the altar.

A glass of water may also be set before religious chromolithographs and a burning white candle in the side room where secluded female relatives view the prayer sessions. This is done, I was told, to quench the thirst of the deceased. All of the novenas I attended included ritual drinking of aguardiente on the ninth day. Some alcohol was always placed before religious pictures in the seclusion room.

During the noon meal given to participants on the last day of one novena. a relative arranged a small plate of food and left it near religious pictures and a burning candle. She explained that the deceased also wished to eat. At another novena on the ninth day, a clothesline on which was hung a complete change of feminine apparel, including a dress and undergarments, was strung near a burning candle and a chromolithograph of the Virgin Mary.

Novenas in Santa Fe may include domino and card playing, punta dancing, drumming, singing in Garifuna, and traditional storytelling. These activities are believed to entertain the dead. At some ceremonies I attended, after prayers were concluded the chromolithographs decorating the 230 altar were turned around so that they did not face into the room during subsequent activities.

The prayer sessions observed by Taylor (1951; 98) and

Kerns (1983: 154) were most frequently led by a man

literate in Spanish, and only occasionally by a woman. All of the prayer sessions and ninth day requiem masses I observed were conducted by rezadoras. The same core group of females attended the prayer sessions at each novena.

From 10 to 15 women and a few teenage girls were usually present. Some women do this, a rezadora said, because they like to pray. If someone attends the first prayer session, out of courtesy she should continue until the ninth day.

The participants should sit in the same seats before the altar during every session. They must wear headscarfs, hats, or lace mantillas as a sign of respect.

Throughout the novena. females of the sponsoring family wear rooa de luto. mourning clothes of black or black and white. Other women wear dark colors or dark colors and white. During prayer sessions, the female relatives closest to the deceased view the proceedings through a doorway from an adjacent room. In the seclusion area, one or two chromolithographs of the Virgin Mary and/or Jesus are placed on the floor against a wall. A single white candle, sometimes tied in the middle with a piece of black ribbon, burns before them. 231

Before the first prayer session, an altar is arranged by several women in the living room of the sponsor's home.

Part of one wall is covered by a white sheet against which is placed a table covered by a white sheet or cloth. The wall covering is decorated with strips of colored tissue paper, most frequently in combinations of white and black; white, purple, and black; or white, pink, and black.

Occasionally other colors are added. A cross of black tissue paper is pinned to the upper center of the sheet and/or a crucifix, sometimes tied in the middle with black ribbon. Fresh ferns are often added to the wall sheet.

On the table are placed usually two chromolithographs, one of Jesus and one of the Virgin Mary, most frequently displaying the sacred heart. Sometimes the picture of Mary is the Madre Dolorosa (Our Lady of Sorrows) . At two novenas a picture of God, the Holy Spirit was also added for days one through eight. Occasionally a photograph of the deceased is placed on the altar.

Three white candles tied in the middle with black ribbon are set before the pictures and lit during the prayers. A strip of black tissue paper, or black and purple, may be placed across the top of the table under the pictures and candles. A glass of water with a small stick cross is set on the altar, as is another water glass with a piece of greenery resting in it. After completion, one of the women who arranged the altar takes the wet greenery and 232 flicks water in the sign of the cross over the arrangement to bless it. On the ninth day a more elaborate altar is prepared.

Prayers occur in the sponsor's home for eight days in a row, starting at the same time in the late afternoon or early evening. Their duration for days one through four, and six through eight is usually one hour, sometimes an hour and a half if the deceased was elderly. On the fifth day the prayers continue for half an hour longer.

At the beginning of each session, the rezadora blesses the altar in the sign of the cross with the wet greenery.

She reads prayers and sings hymns in Spanish to which other participants respond. During the ceremonies I attended, prayer books published by the archdiocese of San Pedro Sula were used. On the fifth and ninth days as the other participants pray, the secluded women wail and cry loudly in a ritualized display of grief. Sometimes this is also done during the requiem mass on the ninth day. At the end of each session, the rezadora blesses the altar again with water.

At four of the six novenas where I was present on days one through eight, no further activities occurred after the prayers. At two novenas. for a woman in her forties and a man in his fifties, additional activities did take place.

These began between 7:00 p.m. and 8:00 p.m. and ended between 9:00 p.m. and 11:00 p.m. Men, women, and children 233 attended. Unlike the all female prayer sessions, men were key participants at these events.

At both novenas. traditional storytelling in Garifuna occurred in the house near the altar. Old men took turns reciting these stories, each holding a long wooden staff and walking back and forth as he spoke. Many children and some adults listened attentively. On one evening I was told that a man was relating the history of the ancestors, especially those from St. Vincent. After every few sentences he paused and the listeners sung a brief, drone like refrain.

Taylor (1951: 99) and Kerns (1983:155) report that

üraaa. traditional Garifuna folk-tales, are included at novenas in Belize. According to Taylor:

The ùraaa of the Black Carib are, for the most part, typical West Indian Negro tales, with themes of Old World origin in which the African and the European elements are often inextricably mixed, and of moralizing tendency; in which the orphan, the youngest or the only child, the undersized and the underprivileged...win the day against insuperable odds...by means of supernatural aid. As in the Antilles, they are told almost exclusively at wakes.

As storytelling continued in the house, traditional drumming, singing, and punta dancing took place outside.

At both novenas. two men played drums in rapid, complex rhythms. Before them on the ground was a bottle of aguardiente with an overturned calabash cup covering its top. A long burning white candle was stuck in the ground 234 nearby. A large number of participants, 30 or more during various times of the evening, gathered around, forming a large circle. A man and a woman danced the ounta together as the others sang in Garifuna. Many people took turns dancing in the circle. The drummers and other participants occasionally drank aguardiente.

On the eighth and the morning of the ninth day, female relatives aided by friends and neighbors prepared food for the large noon meal served to participants before the mass and final session of the novena. Large metal pots set outside over wood fires were used for cooking. Bread was baked in ovens constructed from the bottoms of metal oil drums which are covered by pieces of corrugated sheet metal. Smouldering coals made from burning coconut husks were placed beneath the drums and on top of the covers.

Among the foods prepared at the novenas I attended were chicken, pork, fried fish, red beans, rice, rice pudding, tamales de auineo (tamales wrapped in banana leaves), coconut bread, cassava bread, atol. and strong coffee.

The women occasionally drank small quantities of aguardiente offered to them by a relative or friend of the sponsoring family. The cordial social atmosphere seemed to speed along the very hot, tiring work. Sometimes the women sang together in Garifuna as they cooked.

On the morning of the ninth day the first altar is dismantled and one that is more elaborate with two or three 235

tiers is constructed. In Santa Fe, an official permit purchased from the municipio must be prominently displayed

on the altar, indicating that permission to hold a large gathering of people has been obtained from local

authorities.

All of the altars I saw had nine white candles, with a tenth sometimes placed on the floor. On four altars a black ribbon was tied around the middle of each candle, while on a fifth purple ribbon was used. Every tier had one or more chromolithographs, usually including Jesus and the Virgin Mary displaying the sacred heart, the Madre

Dolorosa, and God the Holy Spirit. Photographs of the deceased were placed on three altars. On the wall above and in the middle of each tier was a crucifix, sometimes tied with ribbon. Many flowers, fresh ferns, pastel- colored tissue paper streamers, and coronas decorated the wall cloths. Two glasses of water were placed on every altar, one with a cross and one with a piece of greenery.

After completion, each altar was blessed with water flicked over it in the sign of the cross by the woman who directed

its construction.

Around noon, visiting relatives, prayer session participants, and other women who had helped in the proceedings were given a large meal. Many women brought small pots so that they could take their portions home to 236

Share with their families. Others were served on paper plates and small dishes.

Between 2:30 p.m. and 4:00 p.m. a requiem mass was conducted at the church for each novena. led by the same rezadora responsible for the prayer sessions. All of the people attending the ceremony walked as a group from the sponsor's home to the church. When the mass was finished they returned together.

After two masses, the rezadora began the ninth session as soon as everyone had returned to the house. When the prayers were over, members of the sponsoring family served participants coconut bread, sweet breads, atol. and aguardiente.. After two other masses, the participants gathered around a central table at the sponsor's home where they were served similar refreshments. At these novenas. the final prayer session began later in the early evening.

When bread, atol. and aguardiente are served at home immediately after a requiem mass the atmosphere is somber, respectful, and ritualistic until everyone has partaken.

Although Catholic priests are the only individuals authorized to celebrate full church communions, the formal distribution at home of bread and drink in the context of a misa de los difuntos (mass for the dead) can be interpreted as a type of ritual communion under secular control.

After the ninth prayer session and the serving of bread and drink, subsequent events took place at all of the 237

novenas I observed. One novena during which evening

activities had been conducted for a week had storytelling

only for a few hours on the ninth night. Another had

narando singing, punta dancing, drumming, and storytelling

until midnight. At one novena during which evening

activities had occurred on the first seven days, a ninth

night session lasting until dawn was held, including domino

and card games, drumming, singing, and punta dancing.

At the most elaborate ninth night activities I

observed, so many people attended that three sets of

drummers and circles for punta dancing gathered in

different parts of the yard. Storytelling occurred before

the altar, and domino and card playing took place under the

roof of a temporary porch built near the house. The

festivities lasted until dawn.

Garifuna Novenas; Comparisons with Spanish and Haitian Tradition

The Garifuna novena is a mandatory ceremony which must

be celebrated after the death of every adult. Although its

general form is determined by Catholic ritual, syncretic

elements reflecting African concerns with ancestor

placation link it to the aubida cult. Novenas for the dead

are also conducted in Spain, throughout Latin America, and

in Haiti (Foster 1960; 143-144; Herskovits 1971: 212-214;

Métraux 1972: 251). 238

Spanish and Latin American novenas take place at the home of the deceased during the nine nights following death. However, activities other than those associated with Catholic ritual do not occur. A voluntary religious society known as a cofradia may help the family of the deceased with funeral expenses. Its members attend the wake and the novena sessions and help to relieve the bereaved relatives of as much work as possible immediately after death (Foster 1960: 152). In Latin America, the participation of females in cofradlas is extensive (Olien

1973: 199).

In contrast, Haitian novenas. like those among the

Garifuna, are marked by activities to feed and entertain the dead. The ceremony ideally begins a few days after death. A simple altar for the first eight days is constructed in the sponsor's home which includes a crucifix, religious chromolithographs, two white candles, and some flowers. Prayer sessions, led by a priest (in the towns) or a prêt' savanne (in country villages), are attended by relatives and friends. Although no refreshments are served to participants during the first eight days, calabashes and plates of food for the deceased are prepared (Herskovits 1971: 213; Métraux 1972: 251).

On the ninth day the dernière prière takes place. A more elaborate house altar is prepared. Wreathes of flowers are included in the decorations. The ninth prayer 239 session is marked by ritual wailing and displays of grief

(Herskovits 1971; 213; Métraux 1972: 251). After the prayers are over, liquor, cakes, and other refreshments are given to participants. Activities including traditional storytelling, singing, and the playing of games occur late into the evening and sometimes until dawn. On the following day, a ritual feast for the dead known as the mangé mort is conducted (Herskovits 1971: 214) .

The extensive participation of females in Garifuna novenas during the arrangement of altars, the celebration of Catholic ritual, displays of grief, and the preparation of communal meals is a reflection of the matrifocal quality of religion in Santa Fe. Women are obligated to take care of their relatives in life and in death.

Although a misa de los difuntos. including a requiem mass and activities at home, is conducted to mark the one year anniversary of a person's death, subsequent requiem misas are celebrated in response to dreams of the dead, symptoms indicative of aubida illness, or in association with chuaü or düaü. therapeutic placation rituals conducted only to treat aubida illness. For this reason, survey data and case studies concerning dreams and aubida illness are presented in the next chapter prior to descriptions of other death-related ceremonies. CHAPTER IX

GUBIDA ILLNESS: SURVEY DATA AND CASE STUDIES

Introduction

According to Santa Fe informants, the rituals of

amùidahani. misa de los difuntos (other than anniversary misas), çhugû, and dûaù are only celebrated in response to

dreams of the dead and/or the appearance of physical and

behavioral symptoms interpreted as crubida illness

(Garifuna: hasandicmbida. Spanish: enfermedad de qubida).

Close relatives residing with an elderly female buvei

during my first trip to Santa Fe explained that if a person

becomes sick and remembers having dreams of dead relatives,

it is thought that the condition might be caused by aubida.

In this chapter, data regarding aubida illness are

presented prior to descriptions of therapeutic placation

rituals conducted to treat the condition

Contemporary Garifuna concepts of aubida illness and

possession trance, the signs (behavioral, physical,

psychological, and social) emically associated with these

states, and the rituals of the aubida cult together

240 241 constitute a unique religious healing system. The culturally appropriate treatment for individuals who develop hasandicmbida. as recognized by themselves, family members, and often a buvei. involves a solemn promise to the spirit believed responsible to celebrate a placation ritual: amùidahani. misa, chuaü. or düaü. Because of the deadly threat of supernatural sanctions, these ceremonies must be carried out as promised, and except for very extenuating circumstances, the person or persons with aubida illness must attend.

The extenuating circumstance most frequently mentioned during the Santa Fe fieldwork was the inability of a migrant with hasandicmbida to leave the United States without risking reentry problems. In such a case, monetary contributions by the ill person to the ceremony, communication with relatives and a buvei through letters and telephone calls, and the celebration of a designated ritual by relatives in Honduras must suffice. The taking of these steps in itself might significantly reduce anxiety and promote healing.

Syncretism is characteristic of the contemporary religious system and ethnomedical practices of the Honduran

Garifuna. Migrants returning to the village bring new ideas, viewpoints, and habits with them. They may also encourage skepticism regarding the need for and efficacy of traditional healing rituals. Despite such influences, it 242 became apparent during the fieldwork that aubida illness and possession trance still occur. The aubida cult, adapted to a contemporary context, continues to thrive, both in rural villages like Santa Fe and in urban areas of

Honduras and the United States where Garifuna migrants are numerous.

Survev Data; Sex and Aae of Individuals Who Experience Hasandiaubida

During the Santa Fe survey, information from 80 households for 429 people was obtained concerning dreams of the dead, aubida illness, the age of the person at the time these problems occurred, types of ceremonies celebrated in response, and the identity(s) of the deceased relative(s) believed to require placation. While other researchers have conducted Garifuna household surveys (see Gonzalez

1988, Kerns 1983, and Sanford 1976), before the present study such questions concerning aubida illness have not been included.

Although 46 people (10.72% of the sample), including

33 females (13.09% of females) and 13 males (7.34% of males), were reported to have experienced hasandiaubida, I suspect that these figures should be higher because several informants were reluctant to talk about the subject.

Females are more likely than males to develop this condition. The association between sex and the experience 243 of cfubida illness was statistically significant at the .1

level (x^=3.016, df=l).

Some people had dreams or other symptoms attributed to the aubida on more than one occasion. For 57 cases of hasandiaubida reported for 46 individuals, the distribution of ages when the problems occurred and the sex of the person who experienced them are presented in Tables 3 and

2 1 . These data indicate that females most frequently develop aubida illness during young adulthood, between ages

16 and 30 (39.53% of female cases). The next most likely period is from age 61 to 70 (20.93% of female cases). More male hasandiaubida was reported from age 46 to 60 (35.72% of male cases) than from any other period. The second most frequent time was between the ages of 26 and 35 (21.43% of male cases). Chi square tests to determine the statistical significance of age differences between males and females who experienced aubida illness were not possible due to inadequate expected cell frequencies.

These figures suggest periods of increased distress in the lives of men and women. Between ages 16 and 30, females are subject to a highly imbalanced sex ratio resulting in emotionally charged competition for available males. During this time they are also most exposed to distress associated with pregnancy, the support and care of young children, and the absence of a migrant mate. During 244

Table 3

Ages When Gubida Illness Is

Most Frequently Experienced

Female Cases Aces______i of Cases

16-30 17 (39.53%)

61-70 9 (20.93%)

Total 43 (100%)

Male Cases Ages______# of Cases

46-60 5 (35.72%)

26-35 3 (21.43%)

Total 14 (100%) 245 their earliest adult migration experiences young women may have difficulty adjusting to a new environment, especially when they are deprived of the daily companionship and support of close relatives. They may also be subject to guilt feelings and intra-culturally induced stress associated with the roles of mother and adult daughter when they leave behind parents, grandparents, and young children in their care.

Older women between the ages of 61 and 70 frequently depend on others for their financial support. They may feel threatened if they perceive that the care and attention received from their adult children is inadequate or diminishing. Women in this range are the most likely to be widows who are lonely after the death of a spouse. They must also cope with health problems associated with advancing age.

Males between the ages of 46 and 60 may experience distress associated with competition from younger men for available women and for employment, especially if they have not managed to establish a secure source of income for themselves. If they have returned to the village to settle down after years of migratory activity, they may have difficulty readjusting to the slow pace of village life.

Men in this range who have not established a steady source of income for their eventual old age face increasing dependence on the support of younger adults. Intra- < 246

culturally Induced role stress may be experienced if it is perceived that they have not adequately fulfilled their own

and other's expectations, especially if they have not been

as successful in past endeavors as they had previously hoped during their youth. As men approach late middle-age, they are often subject to increasing medical problems.

Young men from ages 26 to 35 are under pressure to

find stable employment and contribute to the support of dependent relatives which may include one or more mates, children, elderly parents,and grandparents. Difficulties

in fulfilling their own and others' expectations may contribute to intra-culturally induced role stress. Those young men who migrate may have problems adjusting to a new environment and may feel isolated from family and friends.

Survev Data; Identities of Deceased Relatives Believed to Cause Hasandiaubida

The kinship relationship(s) between the person who developed aubida illness and the spirit(s) believed to have caused it were obtained for each of the 57 cases reported.

In some instances more than one spirit was involved. The frequencies with which different types of deceased relatives were named are indicated in Tables 4 and 22.

When all cases are considered, the individual mentioned most often was mother (18.06%), followed by father (13.89%), mother's mother (11.11%), mother's father

(11.11%), father's father (9.72%), and father's mother 247

Table 4

Deceased Relatives Named Most

Frequently As Causes of Gubida Illness

Deceased Females Relative Named Times Named

Mother 13 (18.00%) Mother's Mother 8 (11.11%) Father's Mother 4 (5.56%) Mother's Mother's Mother 2 (2.78%) Mother's Sister 2 f2.78%1

Deceased Males Relative Named Times Named

Father 10 (13.89%) Mother's Father 8 (11.11%) Father's Father 7 (9.72%) Mother's Mother's Father 3 (4.17%) Mother's Brother 2 (2.78%) Mother's Father's Father 2 (2.78%) Mother's Mother's Brother 2 (2.78%) Husband 2 (2.78%) 248

(5.56%). These relatives, parents and grandparents, are either among those males and females most frequently present in the households of children or are one generation removed from such individuals.

When more inclusive categories are considered, female maternal lineals were believed to cause hasandicmbida most frequently (31.94%), followed by male paternal lineals

(26.39%), male maternal lineals (18.06%), and female paternal lineals (5.56%). Although deceased maternal lineals (male and female) constituted 50.00% of all relatives named, male lineals (maternal and paternal) were cited more frequently (44.44%) than females (37.50%).

Maternal collateral relatives were represented more often

(9.73%) than paternal collaterals (2.78%).

If the identities of the spirits considered responsible for aubida illness among males and females are compared, different distributions are evident for each group. Hasandiaubida was attributed to a much greater variety of deceased relatives in female cases. Mother and father are the most frequently mentioned (16.07% each), followed by father's father (12.50%), mother's father

(8.93%), mother's mother (7.14%), and father's mother

(7.14%).

When more inclusive categories are used, male paternal lineals were represented more often (32.14%) than female maternal lineals (25.00%), followed by male maternal 249 lineals (14.29%), and female paternal lineals (7.14%).

When both lineal and collateral relatives were considered, those on the maternal side were named slightly more often

(51.79%) than those on the paternal (42.85%). Husbands

(3.57%) and sisters (1.79%) were also mentioned. In general, male spirits were cited more frequently (57.14%) than females (42.86%)

The distribution is quite different when deceased relatives believed to cause hasandicmbida among males are considered. Mother and mother's mother were named most often (25.00% each), followed by mother's father (18.75%).

Father, brother, mother's mother's father, mother's father's father, and mother's mother's mother were each cited with a frequency of 6.25% No wives or collateral relatives were mentioned.

When more inclusive categories are considered, female maternal lineals were named most often (56.25%), followed by male maternal lineals (31.25%), and male paternal lineals (6.25%). Maternal relatives were much more likely to be mentioned (87.50%) than individuals on the paternal side (6.25%). Slightly more females (56.25%) were cited than males (43.75%).

The difference between male and female cases of hasandicmbida with regard to the naming of deceased maternal and paternal lineal relatives was statistically significant at the .01 level (x^=7.103, df=l). Differences 250 concerning the naming of male and female spirits were not statistically significant.

The preceding figures are a reflection of the extent to which males and females feel obligated to various categories of relatives. Maternal relatives, named most frequently as causes of hasândioubida. are the individuals most likely, other than parents, to participate extensively in the socialization of children. Although kin ties are important to all Garifuna, women are expected to adhere more strictly to kinship obligations than are men, on a daily basis and in ritual settings. They also exhibit public mourning behavior for a larger variety of relatives than do males.

Although both men and women ideally should contribute to the support of elderly parents and grandparents, males, due to their more extensive migration for employment purposes and greater access to lucrative job opportunities, are more often in a position to send cash remittances to relatives in the village than are females. In addition to sending money to one or more mates with dependent children, adult males are expected to contribute to the support of the elder individuals who raised them, most frequently parents, maternal grandparents, and other close maternal relatives, especially females. These responsibilities also extend to ritual obligations to the dead. 251

Survey Data; Symptoms of Hasândicrubida and Case Studies

After surveying 80 households, additional interviews were conducted with several informants concerning concepts of aubida illness and the range of symptoms emically associated with it. Information was obtained for 12 cases, for 8 individuals treated by a düaü and 4 with chuaü. I spoke with six former victims who related their personal experiences, and interviewed five close relatives regarding the cases of six others.

The patients selected for this part of the study are persons whose hasandiaubida was considered to be sufficiently serious to require the two most elaborate placation rituals. Most of the other individuals included

in the larger sample had conditions emically viewed as less extreme which did not necessitate chuaü or düaü. Five of the female patients are within the age range 16 to 30 when aubida illness is most likely to be experienced by women, while two others are between the ages of 61 and 70, the second most likely range. The only male included within the 12 case sample falls within the 46 to 60 age range when aubida illness is most often experienced by men.

Responses were obtained from nine informants to the open-ended question: What are the possible symptoms of aubida illness? Because no symptoms were suggested to the individuals interviewed, their responses reflect emic 252

Table 5

Possible Symptoms of Gubida Illness Described by Nine Individuals

Times Symptoms______Reported

Dreams of dead relatives asking for food or rituals...... 9 Severe headaches...... 8 Talking out loud to spirits of dead relatives...... 7 Loss of appetite...... 5 Malestar de todo el cuerpo (aches, tiredness all over the body)...... 5 Cabeza volando (upsetting, racing thoughts)...... 5 Fever or sensation of fever...... 4 Running into the ocean with visions of dead people...... 4 Difficulty or inability to get out of bed...... 4 Running into the bush or up in the mountains with visions of dead people...... 3 Climbing into the rafters of buildings with visions of dead people...... 3 Difficulty or inability to walk...... 3 Physical illness that has not responded well to treatment...... 3 Difficulty or inability to sleep...... 2 Crazy behavior...... 2 Coughing blood...... 2 Chest pains...... Stomach aches...... Paralysis or stiffness of the body...... Loss of weight...... Leg pains...... Sensations of cold all over the body...... Eyes and head rolling around...... Not talking to other people...... Swelling of the legs or feet...... Sores that last a long time...... Toothache...... Swollen tongue...... 253 conceptions of the condition. The answers provided are summarized in Table 5.

These data indicate that an illness entity referred to as hasàndicmbida fenfermedad de aubida1 is emically recognized by a certain complex of symptoms, several of which are culturally patterned. Some symptoms may reflect anxiety while others may signal an acute psychotic state.

All informants agreed that not all cases of aubida illness are identical and that some people develop a more serious condition than others.

For the 12 cases investigated, information was elicited with open-ended questions regarding the character of troubling emotional and physical problems (potential stressors) in the lives of the victims immediately prior to the development of aubida illness. The efficacy of the ritual cures used to treat the patient's condition was also examined: did the victim recover after the ritual, permanently or temporarily, completely or partially, or not at all? The hierarchy of resort utilized in the search for therapy was described for several of the patients. Data for the 12 cases are summarized in Table 23.

In every instance one or more negative psychological stressors was reported present in the lives of aubida illness victims shortly before the condition developed.

The most frequently mentioned cause of distress (in 7 out of 12 cases) was worry over a physical illness or symptoms 254 that had not responded favorably to previous treatment, traditional and/or biomedical. Other upsetting circumstances included fear of being forgotten or rejected by relatives, i.e., loss of traditional social support

system; poverty or scarceness of food; loneliness after the death of a spouse; marital problems; depression about life

in general; loneliness after the death of a child (young or adult); worry over health and/or behavior of children

(young or adult); physical abuse by husband; and alienation: feeling that one is different from others, does not make friends easily, does not want to socialize much.

In 9 of the 12 cases, the victim experienced stereotyped, culturally patterned dreams of dead relatives.

The deceased appears as a living person and asks for a particular ceremony, ritual activity, or food, or gives a sign that is interpreted as a request, either by the dreamer or a buvei. The victim may be chased by the deceased or threatened with a stick. Sometimes sexual overtones are present, as when a spirit wishes to sleep with the dreamer. Gubida illness occurring during or after such dreams is attributed, at least in part, to the spirit which appeared, although additional deceased individuals may also be blamed for the condition. The following accounts reflect some of these patterns (sex and age designations refer to cases studies in Table 23). 255

1) "A" (F age 73) had been sick for about one year with a bad headache, cabeza volando. fever, and malestar en todo el cuerpo. Then she had a dream of the sister of her paternal grandmother. The dead woman walked up to her with a plate and asked for some fried fish.

2) "B" (F age 54) dreamt that a deceased paternal great-grandfather (father's mother's father) was lying next to her. He asked her for some food and a dügù. After this she became sick. For almost two months she had cabeza volando and malestar en todo el cueroo. She could not walk.

3) "C" (F age 21) started to have frequent dreams of her dead paternal grandfather. It was difficult for her to get out of bed in the morning because the spirit wanted her to stay with him. There was a dance one evening which she wanted to attend, but the spirit did not want her to go. After she went to the dance he struck her (me_peg6). She began talking out loud to the spirit.

4) "D" (F age 18) developed aubida illness after she had dreams of the sister of her mother's mother's father. The dead woman asked her for a special kind of fish and cassava bread. After the first dream she started to talk out loud to the dead woman. She also had dreams of her mother's maternal and paternal grandfathers. One time after waking up from a dream she went running down to the sea because she saw dead people out in the water. Other people grabbed her and took her back to the house. Then she climbed up into the rafters while talking to dead relatives and began to sing dûaù songs. When "D” was awake she complained of a bad headache and malestar en todo el cuerpo.

In addition to dreams of the dead, culturally patterned behavioral symptoms are the most significant indicators of hasandiaubida. These include speaking out loud to dead relatives, waking visions of the dead, running into the sea or up in the mountains, and climbing up in the rafters of houses and other buildings. Also important in 256 the emic diagnosis of aubida is the presence of a complex of physical symptoms known from a biomedical perspective to sometimes reflect somaticized anxiety: pains and tiredness all over the body fmalestar en todo el cuemo^, severe headaches, loss of appetite, difficulty or inability to get out of bed.

Occasionally an emic diagnosis of hasandiaubida is associated with symptomatic proliferation, a change in the perception of symptoms such that the afflictions of two or more members of the same family are related to the same supernatural cause. According to Staiano (1986: 170, 175), this is a common occurrence among the Garifuna. The celebration of düaü is frequently motivated by the diagnosis of hasandiaubida among two or more family members. The expansion of symptoms to other relatives may not only be the result of a change in the recognition and interpretation of signs, but may also be associated with suggestion. If one family member becomes ill with a condition tentatively viewed by others as hasandiaubida. another relative experiencing anxiety may also express his or her distress through culturally patterned somatic and behavioral symptoms, including dreams of the dead.

Hasandiaubida and the Makina of a Buvei: Illness and Shamanic Initiation

Occasionally when a person develops a particularly serious case of aubida illness it is believed that he or 257

she must become a buvei. In such cases hasândioubida may be viewed as an initiatory illness experienced prior to becoming a shaman. Some of these individuals draw their

clientele from many villages along the Honduran coast while

others are consulted primarily by certain families and

local residents. During the fieldwork I encountered six buveisI an old man living in Trujillo who spoke English, a young Santa Fe woman included among the 12 case studies (F

age 1 7 ) , an elderly Santa Fe woman, a middle-aged man and woman living in Trujillo, and an elderly female buvei from

La Ceiba.

The old man and young Santa Fe woman related to me their personal experiences with dreams and hasandicmbida.

Both stated that the spirits had called them to become buveis and if they had not obeyed, the qubida would have killed them. The interview with the elderly man took place

in English. His account is presented verbatim. The young woman spoke in Spanish and her account is paraphrased;

Buyei 1 (old man) : My hiüruha is William. He come right to me and let me know that he is my grandfather. Well I look at him, just like I was seeing him here. I said to him, "What do you want?" He said, "I want this." He want a crab. I say, "I ain't got no crab." And he went 'round me, 'round me and when I woke up in the morning I didn't know where I was. Well, I got to do it, I got to do just what he says. In that place where I was living you don't find crabs around there. But he made me find one right away. And when my family get that crab, boil it, and put it on the table, I was up, nothing wrong with me. I was just 30 years old when the hiüruha call me and 258

molest me. I didn't want them to call me. They started teaching me, teaching me.

Buvei 2 (young woman); This woman said that the spirits started to call her to be a buvei when she was nine years old. They made her act differently from other children and prevented her from making a lot of friends. She usually kept apart from others her own age. Frequently she walked alone along the beach to Trujillo and San Antonio. When other people wanted to play she wanted to think. When she was 17 years old she went up to the mountains by herself and stayed there for 18 days without eating. During that time she could see other people coming to work in the mountain miloas (horticultural fields) but they could not see her. Her family thought that she had died. When she returned, she and her parents were told by a buvei that she was being called by the crubida to become a buvei and that they must accept this, otherwise she would die. Her family held a dücrù for her. She did not need to study to become a buvei because the spirits come to her in dreams and when she is in trance to tell her what to do. To put herself in a trance she goes into a back room of her house, lights a candle, and stares into the flame. The woman said that her deceased maternal grandfather was a buvei and that he was among her 12 hiüruha spirits. These include 7 men, 4 women, and a chief hiüruha of neither sex. When she goes into a trance the chief hiüruha calls the others together to reach a consensus.

Both Taylor (1951: 110) and Staiano (1986: 130) have commented on the characteristics which children who become buveis are believed to manifest. Taylor notes that they are often moody and unruly. Occasionally they may have fits during which they climb into the rafters of a building and refuse to come down for long periods of time.

A Belizean informant's account presented by Staiano

(1986: 130) regarding the childhood characteristics of buveis is similar in several ways to that of the Santa Fe 259 woman. Such children often act differently from others of the same age, may talk to themselves as if having a conversation with another person, and may suffer from a series of illnesses or a poor state of health. Staiano reports that only the acceptance of the call to become a buvei is believed to permanently alter such an individual's condition.

Hierarchy of Resort and the Efficacy of Therapeutic Rituals

During the search for treatment, patients and members of their therapy management groups make decisions according to a hierarchy of resort, a set of alternative therapeutic responses (Janzen and Arkinstall 1978: 4, 128), particularly if culturally patterned symptoms of hasandiaubida are not immediately apparent. Home remedies, herbal medicines, and medications purchased without prescriptions are used first to treat physical symptoms.

If the condition continues, the nurse at the village clinic or doctors in Trujillo are consulted. Sometimes patients travel to La Ceiba or Tegucigalpa to visit other physicians, particularly specialists. If the condition still does not improve, and/or culturally patterned symptoms indicative of oubida illness appear, a buyei is consulted.

Once diagnosed as having hasandicrubida the victim enters a culturally patterned sick role. Recognition of 260 the illness state dictates a range of appropriate ritual responses, celebration of amùidahani. misa, chuaù. or dûaù.

Often these seem to work, judging by reports of patients and their relatives. Occasionally it is obvious to all that they have not. Some individuals claimed that they improved immediately after promising the oubida a certain ceremony, rather than after its celebration.

The curing rituals conducted for members of the 12 case study appeared to have varying degrees of success. In case 1 (F age 40) the chuoù (which I attended) did not work, except for some temporary improvement in the patient's attitude towards her problems. A few months after the ceremony she died. In case 2 (F age 75) the victim's attitude improved temporarily after her düoù but she later worsened and died.

The düoù (which I attended) for the woman in case 3 (F age 65) was partially successful. After promising to conduct the ceremony, some of her symptoms were alleviated.

She could get out of bed, walk, and no longer suffered from cabeza volando. severe headaches, or malestar en todo el cuerpo. After the dùoü her attitude towards life had improved. She no longer felt as depressed and lonely as previously. However, the swelling of her legs and feet continued, causing her concern, and she still complained of stomach aches. 261

For cases 4 through 12 improvement reportedly occurred after ritual treatment. In case 9 (F age 28), the buvei also treated the victim's foot with an herbal medicine which seemed to heal her large sore. In case 12 (F age

17), the victim was cured by a dùoü. after which she became a buyei. She still dreams of those oubida who are her hiuruha and claims to communicate with them during trance.

Thus, her interaction with oubida now occurs in a controlled manner.

As mentioned in Chapter V, a San Antonio man (not included in the Santa Fe survey) who manifested psychotic, schizophreniform symptoms was at first thought by his relatives to have hasandioubida. A dùoü was conducted on his behalf but his condition did not improve. His family then concluded that he had mental illness caused by something other than oubida.

A diagnosis of hasandioubida is tentative until confirmed by the individual's positive response to traditional ritual therapy. If the person is not cured, the patient and members of the therapy management group continue to search for other treatment and additional signs which can be interpreted concerning the nature of the illness condition. This process may involve etiological shifting, during which the signs indicative of illness are reevaluated (Staiano 1986: 176). 262

Gubida Illness; Analysis

Without comprehensive examinations conducted while the illness was in progress, it is impossible to know the medical and psychiatric condition of the 12 individuals who became sick with hasandicrubida. Given the complexity of the tropical medical environment, the poverty of Santa Fe residents, and the inadequacy of medical treatment in the region it is very possible that people with oubida suffer concurrently from one or more physical diseases.

The Garlfuna cultural complex for defining, interpreting, and curing hasàndicmbida is an emic system for treating a variety of threatening psychological and medical problems. Gubida illness crosscuts biomedical categories of disorder. Because emic recognition of this condition does not utilize biomedical testing, ambiguities exist in the native diagnostic system. It is possible that some physical symptoms experienced by oubida victims are caused by anxiety, physical disease, or both.

It does appear that people with hasandioubida experience considerable anxiety, often associated with worry over physical symptoms that have not responded well to treatment; and with separation or threatened separation from family, loved ones, or Garifuna society in general.

Dreams of dead relatives, because of their moral and potentially ominous significance in Garifuna culture, may cause the dreamer to experience culturally induced role 263

stress, anxiety over why the dead are angry and what must be done to placate them.

Hasandiaubida is a sociosomatic illness. Staiano

(1986: 14) defines this as:

...any illness in which the intersubjective or introspective signs are presented or manifested in a culturally condoned or channeled way, or in which certain disruptions in the social field or in interpersonal relations are expressed in specific somatic terms because this is a culturally sanctioned form of expression.

The case study data indicate that those individuals who are most likely to be cured by traditional rituals are those with primarily culturally patterned symptoms, and symptoms which possibly reflect somaticized anxiety. A person with serious physical or psychiatric disorder is least likely to receive long term benefits from the treatment. The data support the characterization of hasandiaubida as a culture-bound reactive syndrome.

Among the Garifuna, treatment with a therapeutic ritual that placates the oubida is not an initiation into a curing cult, as in some West African societies. There is no formal cult organization, no regularly scheduled ceremonies. However, some women mentioned to me that whenever a chuaù or dùoü is held in the village they prefer to attend, even if they are only distantly related to the sponsors. This was viewed as "preventive medicine" to keep their own family dead satisfied. 264

I was told by several people that oubida illness occurs in some families a lot more than in others. Whether this reflects genetic predispositions to certain kinds of psychiatric disorder, shared environmental factors, and/or a particularly strong emphasis on tradition and traditional behavior is unclear and needs further research. In the next chapter the rituals celebrated to treat hasandiaubida and placate the dead are examined in detail. CHAPTER X

RITUALS OF PLACATION AND POSSESSION TRANCE

Introduction

Rituals of placation are conducted in response to dreams of the dead and other signs emically viewed as indicative of hasandicrubida. Two ceremonies, amuidahani and misa de los difuntos. are celebrated when these signs are not considered to be sufficiently serious to require the intervention of a buvei and more extensive placation.

In such cases usually only one individual has experienced dreams or other symptoms attributed to the oubida.

However, when one or more family members have stereotyped dreams of the dead, are subject to unusual misfortune, and/or develop threatening symptoms emically associated with hasandioubida. the victim(s) and close relatives (the therapy management group), consult a buvei.

During arairaouni. the calling down of the spirits, the buvei serves as a medium, entering a trance state during which it is believed the oubida of the clients are contacted with the help of hiuruha (spirits of the dead

265 266

which assist the shaman). The spirits speak through the

mouth of the buvei. If the vengeful oubida demand

extensive placation, chuoü or the more elaborate düoû are

conducted. Both require the presence of a buvei.

During düoù. one or more females closely related to

the person with hasandioubida must submit to possession

trance for the placation to be viewed as successful. The

patients for whom the therapeutic ritual is conducted do

not necessarily experience this state, although they may.

A person who enters possession trance is believed to be

supernaturally controlled by the oubida. The actions and

speech of the trancer are thought to be those of a spirit,

not of its living host.

In this chapter descriptions are presented of

placation rituals celebrated in response to dreams of the

dead and hasandioubida. Attitudes towards possession

trance, accounts from women who experienced it, and

associated behavioral characteristics as I observed them at

two düoüs are also examined.

Amùidahani

When a oubida appears to the living in a dream less

than one year after death, this is often interpreted as a

request for amùidahani. particularly if the spirit

indicates that it wants a bath or a change of clothing.

The purpose of this ceremony is to provide refreshment for 267 the deceased. I was not able to observe amuidahani during the Santa Fe fieldwork. Although informants described it for Coelho (1981: 129-130) and Taylor (1951: 114), the only published eyewitness account is presented by Kerns (1983:

158-160) for the Garifuna of southern Belize.

The English-speaking buvei in Trujillo explained the preparation and celebration of amuidahani in the following manner:

It be about six months, then the spirit come back for this they call amùidahani. Now, when preparing for that the women go to a plantation and get some vuca and grate it and get the juice of it we call dùmari. There be a bucket of dümari and a bucket of water. They dig a hole going in about two feet deep. At 6:00 in the morning they start to throw that water in the hole, one calabash of dümari and one calabash of fresh water until it is all finished. When it is finished about four hours later they cover that hole, close it.

According to Kerns (1983: 159) amuidahani takes place in the yard of the deceased's home where a small pit is dug.

Close relatives and a few invited guests participate. Each person throws a bucket of liquid into the pit, alternating between fresh water and strained cassava water. As they do so, the participants invite the spirit to bathe. During the ceremony a small offering of food and rum is placed beside a burning white candle inside the house of the sponsor. A small line with a change of clothing hangs near it. After the hole is covered up, the sponsoring family gives bread, coffee, and rum to the participants. Later 268 the women sing abâiamahani (women's songs). Drumming with punta dancing sometimes takes place outside the house for a few hours.

Both Coelho (1981: 130) and Taylor (1951: 114) report the digging of a shallow rectangular pit in the floor of the deceased's home, the pouring into it of water mixed with cassava or medicinal leaves and herbs, and the stringing up of a line with a fresh change of clothing for the spirit. Coelho's informant said that a cup of coffee, some bread, and a pipe filled with tobacco were also offered to the deceased. These were discarded when the ceremony ended. According to Taylor, both abâiamahani

(women's songs) and arùmahani (men's songs) are sung to remember and appease the dead.

Misa

To mark the one year anniversary of a person's death, the relatives of the deceased sponsor a misa ceremony.

Subsequent misas are conducted if the spirit requests it in a dream, if a close relative has minor but annoying physical symptoms sometimes associated with hasandiaubida. or if a relative wants to make sure that the spirit of the deceased is satisfied so that it will not cause problems for anyone in the family. Sometimes a misa honors two spirits, parents or grandparents for example. 269

During the fieldwork, misas occurred frequently in the village. I participated in three that were not associated with the larger rituals of novena. chucni. or düoû. The following description concerns a ceremony I attended held in memory of the maternal grandmother and grandfather of a friend of mine whose mother had dreamed of these spirits.

The misa began at 6:30 a.m. in the village Catholic church. Approximately 75 people attended the half hour service conducted by a rezadora. Prayers and hymns in

Spanish were taken from a mass book published by the

Archdiocese of San Pedro Sula. Although the appropriate text was read, no communion was given in the church. Only the rezadora knelt while other members of the congregation stood up or sat down. After the service each person dipped the fingers of their right hand in holy water and made the sign of the cross facing the altar before leaving the church. Then the congregation walked together to the home of the deceased.

In the middle of the living room two wooden tables were placed ten feet apart. In a corner a small altar had been prepared. On top of a table covered by a white cloth were placed two framed chromolithographs, one of Mary holding the baby Jesus and one of Jesus displaying the sacred heart. A single white candle burned in the center before the pictures. Near the altar a clothesline was 270 strung. Over it were hung two complete changes of clothing, one for a man and one for a woman.

On the tables in the middle of the room were a tea kettle filled with chocolate atol and two bottles of aguardiente. The men gathered around one table and the women around the other. Everyone was given atol and a small amount of aguardiente. Then one of the women from the sponsoring family distributed to the participants plastic plates covered with a large quantity of refried beans mixed with rice and a piece of coconut bread. Many visitors took their plates home to eat and share with their families.

Later the center tables were pushed against a wall and the room filled with wooden chairs. Fourteen women stood in a line, hooked little fingers with the person on each side of them, and sang abâiamahani in Garifuna for about one hour. During this time one of the women of the family placed two open bottles of beer, two bottles of orange soda, and two plates of food on the altar. Each plate contained pork with tomato sauce, spaghetti noodles with sauce, fried potatoes, and moistened cassava bread. The woman spoke in Garifuna telling her grandmother and grandfather that the food was for them. Then she opened bottles of coca-cola and orange soda and gave everyone present a drink. After 20 minutes the plates of food were 271 removed from the altar and divided into smaller portions.

Each person was given a share.

After several hours of casual conversation, two men with traditional drums arrived. Another man came with a pair of maracas. A full bottle of aguardiente was placed on the living room floor before the musicians as they played in rapid, complex rhythms. The other participants sang in Garifuna and took turns dancing the punta before the drums. After half an hour everyone was given more aguardiente. The activities lasted until sunset.

Chugù and Dügü: Introduction

Chugu and dügü are only celebrated to cure hasandigubida after a buvei has diagnosed the condition and consulted with the spirits to determine which ceremony is acceptable to the deceased. Sometimes there is a proliferation of symptoms as when more than one family member dreams of the spirits or develops gubida illness.

If unexpected death or misfortune strikes the family these troubles may also be blamed on gubida.

The following accounts of chugu and dügü are presented with extensive detail to illustrate several important themes. These include the mutual dependence of the living and the dead; cooperation within the family and submission to elders; cooperation between the sexes; the importance of 272

reciprocity and redistribution among relatives; and the

cycle of life, death, and regeneration.

Chuaù

During the fieldwork I attended four chuaùs. each

lasting for two days. The female buvei whose personal

account was presented previously directed two of these. An

elderly Santa Fe woman and a middle-aged man from Trujillo

conducted the others. The following account concerns a

chuaù celebrated by the young female buvei for her maternal uncle (M age 58) and his daughter (F age 22), who are

included among the 12 case studies. Although the ceremony was conducted for both of them, each had been attacked by different deceased relatives.

Background. The buvei explained that her uncle who

lived part of the year in Tegucigalpa became sick first

after having marital problems. Even though he had dreams

of his dead maternal grandparents, he refused to believe that it was oubida. Because he hesitated to call a buvei the spirits attacked his daughter and made her sick also.

She developed a severe headache that would not stop, her

feet were swollen, and she could not get out of bed for days at a time. Then she had dreams of her mother's mother's mother and mother's mother's father in which the

spirits asked for food. 273

The young woman's mother and maternal aunt thought that she might have hasândicfubida so they requested the buvei’s help. The buvei consulted her hiùruha who explained how to make medicine to help her cousin. Then the buvei visited her uncle in Tegucigalpa. He could not get out of bed, had severe headaches, and had lost a great amount of weight. The buvei made medicine to help him.

Both patients improved after they promised to celebrate a chuaù.

The Chuoü; Dav One. A chuoü to cure both people was conducted in Santa Fe. The ceremony took place in a traditional two room mud house and out in the yard.

Preparation of the food offering occurred in the yard and a nearby kitchen hut. When I arrived, three women in the kitchen were tending a large metal pot supported over an open fire by concrete blocks. Outside a few women pulled two roosters out of the family chicken pen. Their feet were bound together with string before they were taken into the house.

Across a corner of the bedroom a piece of rope was stretched near the ceiling so that a triangular area was set apart. Over it a white sheet was hung to the floor.

This was the oule. the buvei's sanctuary. Inside the oule set on the floor against the wall were two large framed chromolithographs of Mary with the baby Jesus sitting in heaven and surrounded by angels. A 12 inch high crucifix 274

leaned against the wall. Before the pictures and the cross burned a long white candle.

Two old men came into the living room. Each picked up

a rooster, holding the birds by their tied feet with the heads hanging down. The buvei and four women entered the room. As the women sang in Garifuna, the men slowly swung the roosters back and forth. As the word chucm was sung, the men swung the roosters together so that their heads touched. The men rotated their positions by a quarter circle and repeated the procedure as the singing continued.

They changed positions four times, moving counterclockwise

in a circle until back at the starting point. When the women sang chuaù for the last time, the men swung the birds up high and then down very hard, slamming their heads on the ground, after which their necks were wrung.

The sacrifices were removed to the yard so that they could be plucked and cooked by the women. After being cleaned in water containing pieces of lime, the roosters were put in a large pot of boiling water to which were added ripe plantains, grated coconut, and flour dumplings made with coconut milk. They were cooked for about an hour.

When the cooking was finished, the roosters were put in a large bowl and brought into the living room where they were set on the floor in front of the doorway leading to the bedroom. The dumplings and plantains were placed next 275 to them in another bowl. To these were added 15 other pots and bowls of food including red beans with rice, refried beans, fried eggs, spaghetti with tomato sauce, coconut rice pudding, rice cooked with spices, and fish and coconut soup.

After the offering was in place, eight women formed a semi-circle facing it, hooked their little fingers with the people next to them, and sang for 15 minutes. The songs contained the words chuoù and düoû. Paper and china plates were then distributed to the participants. Three of the women divided up the food giving everyone a share. After being served, each person entered the bedroom where two tables had been arranged and set a filled plate down on one of them. As the participants did so they spoke in Garifuna offering the food to their grandmothers and grandfathers.

The tables were covered with three layers of plates stacked on top of each other. Underneath the tables on the floor, two white candles were lit. Next to them were placed a bottle of aguardiente. two beers, and two bottles of soft drink.

When all was prepared, the buvei took a glass of clear liquid, dipped a small piece of greenery into it, and walked around the living room counterclockwise flinging liquid in the sign of the cross at all of the doorways and windows. She repeated this in the bedroom. Then she 276 flicked liquid in the sign of the cross over each table of food offerings.

There was a midday break in the ceremony for a few hours. Many participants went home and returned around

1:30 p.m.. After reassembling, 25 women formed a semi circle and sang abâiamahani. The buvei brought a bottle of aguardiente and a calabash cup from the oule and served a little to each person. If a someone did not wish to drink, the buvei either poured that portion on the floor or into that person's hands so that it could be rubbed on the neck and legs. The singing lasted for about one hour.

Meanwhile, a woman went outside and cut three large leaves from a banana tree. They were brought into the living room and placed on a table. Two small wash basins were filled with food from the offering and set on the floor before the doorway to the bedroom. Then two large basins were filled with the rest of the offering and carried into the kitchen hut. The food was divided up among the participants. Some ate their share immediately while others took it home to give to their families.

The women returned to the living room to sing more abâiamahani and the buvei offered everyone more aguardiente. Then with a knife she cut each banana leaf into three long pieces. These were placed on the living room floor before the front and back doorways. The food in the two small basins was spread across the banana leaves by 277 a woman from the sponsoring family. Then the buvei flicked clear liquid in the sign of the cross over each of the leaf arrangements. After ten minutes the food was scooped up and eaten by some women while the leaves were removed. The women continued to sing for another 20 minutes.

When they were finished, four old men came into the room to sing arümahani. They hooked little fingers, forming a line. The men on the ends each held a long wooden staff. As they sang the buvei served them aguardiente before offering more to other participants.

The men sang for about an hour until 4:30 p.m. This ended the first day of the ceremony.

The Chugu : Dav Two. The chugu resumed at 8:00 a.m.

About 20 people, mostly women, attended. After all were assembled a wooden table was moved to the middle of the living room. A large metal bowl was set on top. Lime leaves were placed in it and aguardiente was poured over top of them. The liquid was served in cups, after which the bowl was washed and returned to the table.

Next, the buvei went into the gule where the sheet was lifted. Set before the burning white candle and religious articles were a bottle of aguardiente. a bowl containing ten eggs, several limes, a small bag of sugar, and a carved wooden egg beater about one and a half feet long. The buyei brought the aguardiente. eggs, limes, sugar, and beater into the living room and placed them next to the 278 bowl. Two old women brought a large pot of steaming, boiled water and a pot of cold water to the table.

The buvei cracked all of the eggs into the bowl.

Holding the beater between the palms of her hands, she twirled it in the bowl, whipping the eggs. Then with a small pot she ladled hot water into the eggs, continuing to beat them. The liter bottle of aguardiente was added and the limes were squeezed into the mixture. A small pot of sugar and cold water were added as the buvei whipped the concoction into a delicious frothy punch. She filled glasses for everyone. Before drinking, each person took the glass into the bedroom and set it next to the candle in the gule for several seconds. Then the punch was picked up and consumed. The materials and utensils used in the preparation were removed and the table wiped clean.

The participants formed a large circle around the table where the buvei stood with another bottle of aguardiente ready to "guemar la mesa" (burn the table).

She poured aguardiente in the middle of the table top and set the pool of liquid on fire with a match. As the aguardiente burned she poured on more so that flames covered the entire table. Then the buvei picked up one side of the table, poured more aguardiente on the tilted top, and let it run onto the hard-packed mud floor where it continued to burn. This procedure was repeated until flames burned on all four sides, signifying, I was told. 279 that the ritual had been well received by the gubida. Some of the women jumped forward, putting out the flames with their hands and rubbing the aguardiente on their legs and neck.

The table was removed from the room. A large bowl of hiu (non-alcoholic drink made from grated cassava and water) with a large calabash dipper floating on the liquid was placed in the middle of the floor. A woman gave everyone some hiu from the communal cup. Then the women formed a semi-circle and sang abâiamahani for another hour.

After this the chuoù was over. The ritual had been successful. When I interviewed the older sister of the

Tegucigalpa man during the household survey several months later, I was told that both patients had been cured.

Düoù

During the fieldwork I attended parts of three düoüs.

For one of these rituals in Santa Fe I was able to observe most of the associated activities for a period stretching over two months. In Crystales, near Trujillo, I attended another düoü for two days and one night until dawn. At the other Santa Fe düoü I observed a daytime preliminary session held several months before the main body of the ceremony.

The occurrence of ritual possession trance is important for the success of any düoü. The victims of 280 cfubida illness for whom the ceremony is held may or may not experience this state. During the fieldwork I observed numerous possession trances, some from as close as three feet away. They occurred in what must be described as an emotionally charged atmosphere with loud, repetitive drumming and intense singing. In the following account of the dûaû I observed most extensively, descriptions of possession trances are presented as they occurred during the ceremony.

Background. Months before the ritual took place I spoke with one of the three victims, a Santa Fe woman (case

3, F age 65) and her younger brother who also lived in

Santa Fe. The two other family members with gubida included their brother in Tegucigalpa and his young adult daughter in New York. Dügü preparations were initiated after the unexpected death of the daughter who had reported having dreams of her deceased paternal grandmother. Before the young woman's death, her father in Tegucigalpa had been sick for almost a year with stomach problems accompanied by loss of weight. He had dreams of his mother, father, maternal grandmother, and paternal grandfather who requested a large fiesta. Because he was a Rosicrucian and skeptical of traditional beliefs he would not admit the possibility that oubida was responsible for his condition until after his daughter's unexpected death in New York.

After contacting his oldest sister living in La Ceiba, a 281 female buvei was consulted in that city who diagnosed the problem as oubida.

Simultaneously, another member of the family developed a condition eventually diagnosed as oubida by a male buyei in Trujillo. The Santa Fe woman in her 60's was the sister of the man in Tegucigalpa and paternal aunt of the young woman who died. She had been sick for almost a year with malestar en todo el cueroo. headaches, stomach aches, and swelling of her legs and feet. She had also experienced cabeza volando. difficulty walking, and difficulty getting out of bed. The Santa Fe woman sought medical treatment in

Trujillo, La Ceiba, and Tegucigalpa. A medicine given to her by a Tegucigalpa physician made her improve temporarily, but when she returned to Santa Fe she began to feel bad again.

There was a split in the family concerning which buvei should conduct the dügü, the one from La Ceiba favored by the sick brother and oldest sister, or the one from

Trujillo favored by the sick woman and her Santa Fe relatives. The female buvei from La Ceiba was chosen.

Scheduling of the düaü depended on when other relatives could most conveniently attend and when other religious and secular events were planned for Santa Fe.

The brother of the sick people said that the date of the düoü should not conflict with the ninth days of two novenas 282 planned for succeeding weeks, nor should it conflict with the municipal feria.

Preliminary Dûoù Sessions. The diicrii began in early

July at the home of the Santa Fe woman. Around 3:30 p.m. one afternoon the sound of loud drums playing the dûoû rhythm drifted through the village, a call to all those relatives within hearing distance to attend. The first session was held in the kitchen hut next to a field where the ritual dance hall, the gayunere. would be built. Three men played drums in the kitchen, including the large drum used only for dügü .

On the floor before the drums was a shallow basket with a center cup woven into it. Coins were placed in the cup, surrounded by vegetables, and bags of rice, beans, and sugar in the outer basket area. The La Ceiba buvei and one of her helpers, an assistant buvei. were present. The slow dügü rhythm consisted of a deep toned loud beat followed by five higher toned beats not quite as loud, with occasional variations on the basic rhythm. Ten women danced in place the slow, shuffling dügü step, alternating right and left feet, while facing the drums and the basket. They sang in

Garifuna.

During these activities the buvei. wearing an achiote- stained reddish-orange sash around her waist and matching headscarf, lit a pipe filled with tobacco and blew smoke over the basket. She went to every drum and blew smoke on 283 top of them. After the musicians lifted up the instruments, she blew smoke inside the drums. The assistant buvei took a glass of clear liquid, dipped a sprig of greenery into it, and walked around the kitchen counterclockwise flicking liquid in the sign of the cross at each window and doorway.

The dancing lasted less than an hour. When it was over, the drummers left their instruments, hooked little fingers, and sang arümahani. A woman handed each man on the ends a wooden staff to hold. They sang for about 20 minutés. This ended the first session.

A one hour session was held every afternoon for the next five days beginning between 3:30 p.m. and 4:00 p.m.

No düoü meeting occurred on Sunday. For part of each session in addition to having a few women dance in place before the drums, several participants, including a few men, danced düoü single file in a circle, moving at first counterclockwise and then clockwise. As the participants danced, the buvei and her assistant repeated the procedure used on the first day of blowing smoke and flicking liquid in the sign of the cross.

Occasionally food offerings were brought into the kitchen. During one session a woman danced into the area carrying on her head a large circle of cassava bread which was placed on top of the mud oven. Then a man dumped a sack of coconuts on the floor. After the dancing, the 284 older men present sang arùmahani. Meanwhile, construction of the gavùnere was begun by several men in the adjacent field. Eight wooden support poles were placed in the ground, outlining a rectangular area. Side poles were lashed with rope to the top of the support beams.

After a week of preliminary sessions there was a month long break in the düoü meetings. The buvei was called back to La Ceiba unexpectedly. I was told that she would return because a düoü started by one buvei must be finished by the same person. During this recess, the Santa Fe woman ill with oubida visited the village of Aguan to ask relatives for contributions.

The düoü resumed in mid-August with another late afternoon meeting similar to previous sessions. Work on the aavünere continued to progress, directed by the brother from Santa Fe. Because the buvei had not yet returned, the woman with oubida blew tobacco smoke from a pipe on the drum heads and through the doors and windows. Toward the end of the session she gave everyone present some aguardiente to drink.

More Gubida Illness. Four more afternoon sessions took place, similar to those held previously. However on the sixth day after activities resumed, another relative of the sponsoring family manifested symptoms of gubida illness while attending the afternoon session. He was a 26 year old man who had danced at most previous meetings. I was 285 told by the Santa Fe woman that her mother's mother was this man's father's father's mother.

While dancing with the other participants, the young man closed his eyes, then suddenly left the circle. He sat down on a chair next to the drummers with his eyes closed, resting his head on his hands. After a moment, he started to talk out loud in Garifuna, causing the other participants to stare at him. He walked out of the kitchen but soon returned to rejoin the circle. He danced for a short time, then left the circle and walked away to stare out a window. Then he sat on the floor, moving in a wobbly manner, and threw his arms around the legs of a table.

After a few minutes he fell outstretched on the floor and rolled on his back and stomach. He talked out loud in

Garifuna. Then he got up and left the kitchen.

The drumming, dancing, and singing stopped as the other participants spoke rapidly to each other. I was told that the young man had spoken to his deceased father who died shortly after he was born. Word was sent to the youth's mother and step-father that he was being attacked by oubida.

A few minutes later, the step-father arrived with a bottle of aguardiente to contribute to the düoü. He gave all of the men some aguardiente and then gently offered some to his step-son who looked dazed. The step-father took over playing one of the drums and another dance 286 session began. The young man danced for a minute but then fell down on the floor.

At this point the oldest drummer stopped playing and indicated that he was going to leave. Another man jumped up to convince him to stay. Pointing towards the prostrate youth he said "Ese muchacho va a morir" (that boy is going to die). The old man agreed to return.

The old man, the person who convinced him to stay, and the step-father joined hands to sing arùmahani. After a while the young man got up, joined hands with his step father, and sang for a moment before sitting down in a chair. After arùmahani another dance session was held for ten minutes. When it was over, the Santa Fe woman with oubida walked over to the youth with a calabash of aguardiente. She poured some on the top of his head and gently rubbed it in with one hand. He left the kitchen afterwards. I spoke briefly with the other participants.

They told me that it was very dangerous for a person to fall down with oubida when a buvei was not present. In subsequent parts of the düoü the young man was given a special place in ritual activities involving males.

Preliminary Sessions In the Gavùnere. There was a three day break before meetings resumed. The next session was held in the unfinished oavùnere. The rectangular structure had manaca palm walls, a high pitched roof, and an unpacked dirt floor. Attached to the oavùnere was the 287 debasen. a roofed area without walls where hammocks would be hung when out-of-town relatives arrived. Unlike the gavüneres I saw in Crystales and Triunfo de La Cruz, no cfule was attached to the structure. During the Santa Fe dûcfû a room in the house of the sponsor served as the buvei*s sanctuary. The session began in late afternoon and lasted about one hour. While others danced in a circle, the Santa Fe woman with oubida danced in place before the drums, slowly waiving a strip of orange cloth in front of her.

Two more afternoon sessions were held before the buvei arrived. Both were similar to previous sessions. As each day went by attendance increased. In the backyard a large wash basin was filled with white clothing soaking in reddish-orange achiote dye. These clothes would be worn by all females closely related to the family sponsoring the düoü when the all day all night sessions took place.

After the buvei arrived the next meeting occurred. In addition, preparations for the large food offering intensified with the women cooperatively preparing vuca to bake cassava bread. This session in the oavùnere differed from previous meetings. It began with fifteen minutes of abâiamahani during which 20 women formed a semi-circle facing the drums. After this, düoü dancing, singing, and drumming with three musicians began. The women spread out before the drums in four parallel rows. Another assistant 288 buyei (there were now two) blew tobacco smoke from a pipe up inside of each drum and on top of the drum heads. Then she walked counterclockwise around the gavùnere. blowing a puff of smoke through each doorway.

The drumming stopped and all of the participants linked little fingers to form a complete circle. An assistant buvei stood in the center with a bottle of aguardiente and a calabash cup. She gave everyone a drink.

The participants sang in Garifuna. Every few minutes the group rotated counterclockwise in a quarter circle until everyone had returned to starting position.

Everyone dropped hands, the drumming resumed, and the singing participants danced slowly moving counterclockwise in a circular manner single file. Then everyone turned around and danced in the opposite direction. Twice the direction shifted. At the end of the session the drum rhythm and dancing became rapid with the dancers swiveling their hips.

No session was held the next day because it was

Sunday. However, a few women associated with the dùgù walked through the village visiting relatives and requesting contributions of food for the ceremony. Each had a wash basin to carry what was given.

On Monday the relatives from La Ceiba and Tegucigalpa arrived. The oldest sister of the man and woman sick with gubida immediately took over family leadership of the dùgü. 289

During the afternoon session for the first time four drummers played instead of three. About 20 women and 10 men participated. Some women spread out in lines before the drums and danced in place while the others danced in a single file circle. An assistant buvei repeated the procedure of blowing smoke on the drums and through the doorways. Then she flicked liquid in the sign of the cross through the doorways, moving in a counterclockwise direction. After that, the buvei carrying a small bottle of aguardiente. walked counterclockwise around the aavünere. blowing a mouthful of aguardiente through each doorway. The session lasted about one and a half hours.

On Tuesday some of the animals for the ritual sacrifice were brought to the aavünere. Two roosters were each tied by one foot to side support beams inside the structure. A large male pig was tied outside by one leg to a support pole of the debasen. Before the session began, in the middle of the aavünere floor were placed a large cardboard box filled with the reddish-orange dügü clothing; a small wash basin filled with chunks of clay which would be made into mua; another basin containing bags of dried red beans, rice, and sugar; and a bottle of aguardiente.

The buvei wore three reddish-orange sashes, one around her waist and two crossed diagonally over her chest and back.

She also carried a small stick, her buvei's wand. The dancing at the afternoon session was similar to the day 290 before except that a few women picked up items from the center of the floor and carried them on their heads as they danced. The smoking procedure was repeated. Last minute construction work on the gavùnere and debasen was completed.

Departure of the Fishermen. Early on Wednesday morning at 2:30 a.m. düoü drumming resumed in the aavünere.

It was time for men of the family to go fishing for seafood to be included in the ritual offering. Fifteen people waited in the aavünere as women in the kitchen made strong coffee for everyone and prepared bags of provisions for the four fishermen. The youth who previously fell down in the kitchen with oubida was one of the men selected to go.

Inside the aavünere two more roosters were tied and items to be used by the fishermen, boat paddles, rope, and nets, were placed against a wall. A two feet high burning white candle was stuck in the middle of the floor. Four drummers played as ten women danced in rows before them.

An assistant buvei blew smoke as before. Liquid was flicked in the sign of the cross through the doorways. For the first time the buvei carried two large rattles, her sisire, each consisting of a 7 inch wide sphere on top of a stick. One sphere was painted solid red while the other was brown with red crosses and large dots.

The buvei faced the drummers and rapidly shook her sisire. Then she turned toward the dancers and shook the 291 rattles. As she moved forward the dancers took a few steps backwards. Then some participants danced in a circle around the items on the floor while other women danced in rows. The fishermen joined the circle, each carrying a boat paddle. The direction of the circular dancing changed several times.

At dawn the drummers stood up, continuing to play, and walked counterclockwise around the aavünere. The fishermen's provisions, which had been placed in the middle of the floor, were given to them by some of the women.

Shaking the sisire in time to the drum beats, the buvei led the group out of the aavünere. As the drumming continued, a procession formed which moved toward the beach. Twice the drummers turned around to face the other participants who stopped walking and danced düaü in place for a few moments.

At the beach a long bench was placed parallel to the shore. The drummers climbed up on it, faced out to sea and continued to play. The buvei stood in front of them.

Other participants except for the fishermen stood behind the bench and danced düaü in place. The woman with gubida and her oldest sister each held a strip of reddish-orange cloth which was swung back and forth in front of them as they danced.

The fishermen pushed two waiting cavucos into the water and climbed in, two men in each. They paddled the 292

boats side by side parallel to the shore heading east, then

turned north and sailed out to sea. When they were out of

sight the procession returned to the aavünere as the drums

played. The participants spread out in rows and danced for

ten minutes before the early morning session ended.

Longer Düaü Sessions and Preparation of the Mua. At

noon a much longer dance session began, lasting until 6:00

p.m. Several more roosters were tied inside the aavünere.

In the middle of the floor a long rectangular wooden bowl

had been placed. It contained two small damp mounds, the

unfinished mua made from the chunks of clay and water

previously placed in the aavünere . Some remaining clay

and water were placed in a small bowl next to the mounds.

On Thursday the düaü resumed at 1:00 p.m. More

roosters were tied in the aavünere. Before the drumming

and dancing began the buvei finished making the mua. She

explained to me that these were the tombs of the first mother and father, Adam and Eve, who were the ancestors of

all races. In general, the mua represent the tombs of the

ancestors. According to a Trujillo buvei. the mua are made

from graveyard dirt taken from the cemetery were the

deceased relatives requiring the düaü are buried.

Two small wooden boards were placed side by side in

the middle of the aavünere floor. The assistants and two

older women helped the buvei make the mua. Water and

aguardiente were mixed in with the mounds of clay to make 293 them more pliable. One of the assistants poured aguardiente on the buvei's hands. She picked up one mound and carefully made it into an oval shape about 9 inches long, 4 inches wide, and 3 inches high. Then she stuck her thumb deep into the middle of the top side, making a depression. A tiny strip of brown paper was stuffed into the hole which was then closed with clay. The buvei took a tiny cross made from two twigs tied together and pushed it into the top of the mua. making a cross impression. The sticks were removed and the mua was carefully lifted up and placed on one of the boards. A similar procedure was used to make the second mua. The buvei said that the pieces of paper represented the confessions which the first mother and father made to God.

When the mua were complete, the buvei asked two men to cut several small sticks from a tree outside. Four of the sticks had V's at the end. These were stuck upright in the middle of the aavünere floor around the mua marking four corners. Four other sticks were set on top of them, wedged in the V s to outline a raised rectangle. Other sticks were lashed to them with twine such that a tiny shelter was constructed over the mua. The buvei placed a small reddish-orange cloth over each mua and then covered the structure with a larger cloth. The women set a glass of water at each end of the mua pair and four small foctavo size) bottles of aguardiente were placed one on each side. 294

Two small burning white candles were stuck in the floor to the right and left of the mua.

The drums began to play for the next dance. The buvei flicked clear liquid in the sign of the cross over the structure covering the mua. Then an assistant buvei with a pipe of tobacco knelt down next to the mua and blew smoke in the sign of the cross over the mua underneath the top of the structure. Two small benches were placed on each side of the mua area. For the rest of the ceremony while the mua were in place and dancing in progress, two elderly women (not always the same people) sat beside them.

Dancing resumed in rows before the drums and in a circle around the mua. The assistants repeated the procedure of blowing smoke on the drums and through the doorways and flicking liquid in the sign of the cross. Then the buvei blew more aguardiente out through each doorway.

Dancing, drumming, and singing occurred throughout the afternoon. During one period the buvei told the participants to go into the debasen (adjacent rectangular area where hammocks are hung during part of the dügü) .

Dancing took place there in a circular manner around the center post. An assistant buyei walked counterclockwise around the area blowing smoke out through all four sides

(there were no walls in the debasen) . When the dancing stopped, 15 women joined little fingers and sang abâiamahani. 295

In the morning and afternoon the rest of the family

from La Ceiba arrived. Between dance periods the buvei said so that all could hear, "Alcmien va a caer" (someone will fall), referring to the likelihood of ritual possession trance occurring from that point on in the ceremony. By late afternoon the number of roosters tied in the gayûnere had grown to 20. As each group of newly arrived relatives entered the aavünere they placed contributions of food (coconuts, plantains, beans, rice, cassava bread, etc.) and liter bottles of aguardiente around the mua. After a few minutes the food was picked up and carried to the kitchen.

At 5:30 p.m. there was an hour-long dinner break for participants. The meal included fried fish, cassava bread, refried beans, and coconut bread. Dancing, drumming, and singing resumed after dinner. Several times during the evening a man or woman offered all of the adults and teenagers a sip of aguardiente. Males were served before females. The session ended around 9:00 p.m. In the morning the fishermen were expected to return with their catch.

Return of the Fishermen. There was much windy weather that night. Around 1:00 a.m. I was awakened by the sound of a conch shell trumpet being blown loudly. There were three long blasts followed by two medium and five short 296 blasts. This was a signal to the fishermen to help them find the way back to shore in the dark.

Before dawn I returned to the scene of the düaü. The fishermen had arrived early because of the dangerous windy weather. Just before sunrise they would go to sea in ritual dress so that they could make a formal return and participate in the traditional ritual welcome.

In the aavünere an early morning session began. About

50 people were present. All of the females wore achiote dyed reddish-orange skirts, matching headscarfs, and white blouses. Each person held an octavo bottle partially filled with aguardiente with a piece of white cotton stuffed in the top. Each also carried a small bowl filled with hiu (cassava drink) covered by a piece of banana leaf, and a small white candle.

At sunrise the four drummers stood up and started to play loudly. A procession formed behind them. The buvei. wearing her sashes, shook the sisire in time to the drum rhythm. The participants danced counterclockwise around the aavünere. Occasionally the drummers turned to face the dancers. When the drummers came to a doorway the large düaü drum was stuck partially outside for a moment and beat very loudly. After circling the aavünere the buyei directed everyone to set their bottles and bowls around the structure covering the mua and the candles on top of it. 297

With drumming and singing continuing, the participants danced into the debasen. circling in a counterclockwise direction. Then the procession moved to the beach in a manner similar to when the fishermen left. At the beach the drummers climbed on top of a bench facing the sea and played loudly.

From the west came the fishermen in their two cavucos sailing side by side. They were accompanied by four passengers, a boy and a woman in each cavuco. All of the males wore ceremonial headdresses made from two fan-shaped palmetto leaves tied together at the spiky ends. A wooden mast was placed upright in each cavuco. Rope stretched from each end of the cavuco and was tied to the top of the mast. Along the rope six palmetto leaves were hung.

The fishermen sailed past the welcoming party, coming close to the beach, turned out to sea and then to the left so that they faced the people on shore before sailing back to the beach. When they landed, the fishermen and passengers jumped into the water completely immersing themselves before rejoining the other participants.

Waiting female relatives locked arms with the fishermen, escorting them up the beach. The remaining women removed burlap sacks and buckets of seafood from the cavucos and carried them on their heads. A procession formed behind the drummers and the group went back to the aavünere. 298

Each fisherman retired to a hammock in the debasen

where he was given a large sip of aguardiente. The seafood

was taken to the kitchen. It consisted of fish, crabs,

conchs, and lobsters. Other participants entered the

gavùnere where the dancing and drumming continued for

another 20 minutes before a ten minute rest break occurred.

Placation Dances and Ritual Possession Trance. When

the dancing resumed, the buvei directed those participants

who had brought roosters to untie them and hold them by the

wings where they joined the body (bringing them together

behind the bird). The amaliahani dance would be performed

with the sacrificial roosters. Participants formed two

single file lines, one on each side of the mua. and faced

the buvei who stood before the drums. The buvei shook her

sisire at the drums, then turned around and shook them at

the dancers. With their arms and heads hanging down the

dancers sang and slowly swung the roosters back and forth before them. After about half a minute everyone raised

their heads, held the roosters high in the air, breast up,

and shook them furiously in time to the drum beats.

Leaving the linear formation, the participants formed a

circle around the mua and danced counterclockwise and then

clockwise. The procedure of swinging the roosters and then

shaking them up in the air was repeated several times.

Suddenly, the younger sister (38 years old) of the people with gubida illness went into possession trance. As 299 she held a rooster with both hands, one on each wing, breast facing outward, she shook it in front of her, her movements becoming stronger and less controlled, her eyes closed. Continuing to dance, her steps became bigger and irregular. She moved out of the circle and up to the drums, turning her back on them and shaking the rooster even harder. Then she moved away and staggered around the aavünere in time to the drum beats. Another woman took the rooster away from her.

Meanwhile, the drummers joined the dance circle and vigorously beat the düaü rhythm. The possessed woman staggered up to one of the drummers, threw her arms around his shoulders, and let her legs go limp. She bounced against him in time to the music as he continued to play.

Then the two brothers of the possessed woman, including the man from Tegucigalpa with aubida illness, entered the circle. They stood on either side of their entranced sister, each putting an arm around her for support. The trio danced together, moving around the circle. The possessed woman had her eyes closed and her head leaned back so that she faced the ceiling.

After about 20 minutes she was taken to the debasen where she was put in a hammock by her brothers. Her body writhed back and forth in time to the drum beats and then she stuck both arms up in the air flailing them around.

Some of the older women of the family, including the Santa 300

Fe woman with aubida illness and her oldest sister gathered around the hammock. These two women grabbed the sides of the hammock and used the material to rapidly fan their sister. In Garifuna they spoke in a pleading, insistent manner. I was told that they were asking the aubida to relinquish control of the woman. After a few minutes there was a pause in the drumming and dancing.

During the brief rest break another close female relative went into possession trance. The 14 year old great niece who resided with her aunt, the Santa Fe woman with aubida. was sitting in the aavünere on a bench against the manaca palm wall. Suddenly, in a wild, jerky manner, she waved her arms in the air as if resisting something.

She kicked both legs out in front of her, writhing in place, while shrieking briefly as if frightened. Then she fell over backward, crashing through the manaca wall and on to the ground outside where she rolled around. With eyes closed she pushed her way partially into the aavünere. Her movements rubbed down the shorts she wore under her skirt so that the waistband was around her thighs. An older woman bent down and pulled up the shorts.

Meanwhile, dancing and drumming resumed. The girl in trance laid face down in the dirt with her arms stretched above her head. Twice she rolled over, moving close to the drums. Then she stuck her head up inside of one of them as it was played loudly. The girl had her head in the drum 301

for about ten minutes before she fell down and rolled

outstretched on the floor. The girl's aunt tried to pick

her up, gently supporting her by an arm around the

shoulders. However, the girl's legs were wobbly as if she

could not stand up. Her head rolled around on her

shoulders as if her neck could not support it. Although

her eyes were closed during much of the trance, when they

were open they were rolled up so that only the whites were visible.

The buvei walked over to the girl and poured a small

amount of aguardiente on top of her head, rubbing it with

her hand. Aided by some other women, the girl's aunt from

Santa Fe picked the trancer up lengthwise and carried her

into the debasen where she was placed in a hammock. The

girl continued to writhe in time to the drum rhythm.

Occasionally she kicked out her legs and threw her arms in

the air. Ten women surrounded the hammock as the girl's^

aunts used the side material to fan their niece. The Santa

Fe woman spoke rapidly and insistently in Garifuna pleading with the gubida to relinquish control of her.

Meanwhile, circular dancing continued in the gavùnere

until 11:00 a.m. when the participants paused for a lunch break. The resting trancers remained in their hammocks.

Family members were served small plates of refried beans,

coconut bread, and occasionally some fried fish. 302

After lunch I returned to the aavünere. On the dirt

floor, one of my neighbors, a woman in her 60's, was lying

face down without moving. The drummers began to play as

the dancing resumed. After a few minutes the woman on the

floor rolled over several times with her eyes closed. Her

dress was pulled up and her underwear rubbed down by the movement. Two nearby women pulled up her underpants but in

a few minutes they were down again. One of the women left

the aavünere and returned with a pair of white overalls which she and the other woman pulled over the trancer's

legs. The possessed woman rolled over on her stomach. Her

hair was totally coated with dirt from the floor. Then she

flailed her arms out in front of her and said "Ai, ai, ai"

as if distressed. After this four women picked up the

trancer and carried her to a hammock in the debasen.

There was a pause in the dancing and drumming. The buvei directed the participants to untie the roosters so that another amaliahani dance could be performed. The participants, roosters in hand, spread out in lines before

the drums, swinging the birds back and forth and then

shaking them up in the air in unison. The dance ended without any trances occurring.

A few minutes later the roosters were retied and

circular dancing resumed. Out in the yard two men dragged

one of the pigs by a rope toward the kitchen area. It was

forced on its side on top of some boards on the ground as 303 one man held its jaws and front legs together. The other man grabbed a double-edged knife and jammed it deep into the pig's throat. Then he placed a large bowl under the wound to catch the spurting blood. The knife was twisted to increase the flow as the man pushed down on the animal's side. When the flow stopped, the dead pig was skinned and gutted and its throat was slit. Some of the internal organs were given to women working in the kitchen who put them in a large kettle of boiling water to cook. The pig carcass was carried into the aavünere and tied by the feet to a ceiling rafter so that it hung down head first in a corner next to the drummers. Underneath the head a bowl was placed on the floor to catch any remaining blood. The sacrifice, butchering, and hanging procedure was repeated with the second pig which was strung up on the other side of the drummers.

The dancing resumed with another amaliahani during which no trances occurred. Around 5:00 p.m. it paused for a dinner break with food similar to lunch. Dancing started again at 6:00 p.m. Two white candles next to the mua and a kerosene lamp provided light during the evening. The procedures of blowing smoke and aguardiente and flicking liquid in the sign of the cross were repeated.

As distant relatives showed up for the most important day and night of dancing the number of participants grew steadily. So many people came in the evening that two 304 concentric circles of dancers formed around the mua. both moving in the same direction. Several women danced before the drums while waving small sashes of reddish-orange cloth before them. Many of the new arrivals brought bottles of aguardiente as contributions.

When the next pause in the dancing occurred I walked up to the kitchen hut where many women had gathered to watch the girl who had experienced possession trance. She was sitting on the ground next to the kitchen doorway, her eyes half-closed. She sobbed and then shrieked suddenly as if reluctant and afraid. Then she fell over on the ground, rolling over with her arms outstretched before her.

In a few minutes the drumming resumed as the drummers joined the circle. The girl's aunts picked her up and walked her to the aavünere. Once inside they put their arms around the girl, one woman on each side of her, and danced together around the circle. As the drummers passed each doorway the large düaü drum was stuck partially outside and struck with much force. The direction of the dancing changed from counterclockwise to clockwise several times. When the dance ended the girl was still in trance.

The buvei directed the participants to untie the roosters for another amaliahani. As the dancers shook their roosters the girl continued to be supported by relatives.

After the amaliahani she was picked up and carried to a hammock. 305

Dancing continued until midnight with no other trances occurring. The buvei told two men to kill four roosters so that chicken soup could be prepared for the participants.

No singing accompanied the killing of these birds which occurred near the kitchen. In the aavünere the buyei directed her assistants to dismantle the mua structure.

The sticks were tied together in a bundle and placed in a cardboard box. Then the mua and wooden boards beneath them were carefully removed and put in the box, along with the cloths which had covered them. All of the offerings were removed. A single white candle was left burning in the center of the aayünere floor.

Another box filled with sticks about 7 inches long was brought to the buvei. The participants stood around the candle, with the people closest to the düaü— the Santa Fe woman and Tegucigalpa man with aubida. their sister from La

Ceiba, and brother from Santa Fe— standing together before the buvei. Her assistant gave each participant a stick to hold. The buvei told everyone to light the end of their sticks from the candle flame. Sweet, pungent smoke filled the aavünere. The buvei spoke in Garifuna to the four family members in turn. They each spoke back to her. Then the buvei shook their hands. After this, the buvei made the sign of the cross with her hand as did all of the participants. Then she told everyone to push the burning end of their stick into the center area of the floor. 306 putting out the flames. Her assistant picked up the sticks and put them back in the box. Then the buvei took a half filled bottle of aguardiente and poured it out on the floor, covering the area where the mua had been located.

As she did this she said in Spanish "Ya no hav nada alll"

(now there is nothing there).

There was a pause in the session so that everyone could be served a bowl of rooster soup with dumplings. At

12:30 a.m. dancing and drumming resumed. The girl who had experienced trance rejoined the circle, looking very tired.

A few minutes later I noticed that one of my neighbors, a middle-aged niece of the people sponsoring the dügü. was moving in a more energetic fashion than the other participants. She jumped from one foot to another, twice on each foot, with a rocking movement while having her arms wide apart and outstretched toward the drums. Then she put her feet together, arms hanging down with the palm of her hands facing the floor. In a stiff manner she began to jump up and down in time to the music, feet together while saying "Wee, wee, wee." After doing this for about two minutes she fell down on the floor and rolled over on her back with arms outstretched above her head. With eyes closed, the trancer slowly pushed her body along the floor, remaining on her back. She became totally covered with dirt. Several times she threw her legs apart, pulling her skirt up by moving along the floor. Twice one of the older 307 women present pulled down the trancer's skirt. Then another woman tied a long, white sash of white cloth around the trancer's legs to keep them together. The woman in trance continued to move along the floor on her back by digging both feet into the dirt and pushing her body head first. As she rubbed deeper into the floor her head scarf came off and her hair became encrusted with dirt.

The dancing continued as this was occurring. Much of the time the trancer's body was directly in the circular dance path. Other participants stepped over her as they passed. Eventually she moved away from the dancers and rolled over on her stomach with her face in the dirt, arms outstretched above her head. She remained in this position for about 15 minutes, even after the drumming had stopped.

Then she came out of her trance and sat up slowly. Her eyes were half-closed and she had a dazed look on her face.

A woman came over and helped her stand up. Slowly they walked out of the aavünere.

Preparation of the Chuaü. The drumming resumed and another amaliahani dance took place with no further trances occurring. After the roosters were retied the dancing and drumming continued until dawn when preparation of the chugü began. The term chuaü not only refers to an independent ceremony but also to the part of a düaü when an elaborate food offering is given to the aubida. 308

Around 5:00 a.m. on Saturday morning the roosters were sacrificed by four men. Each held a rooster by the feet letting its head hang down. From a starting position with a man at each of the four cardinal points— north, south, east, and west— the men rotated a quarter circle in a counterclockwise direction. As they sang a song including the word chuoù the men slowly swung the roosters heads into the center of the circle so that they almost touched.

Moving in quarter circles they repeated the procedure three times until all were back at the starting point. When the men sang chuaü for the last time the roosters were swung up high in the air and slammed hard on the ground. The force of the blow killed them. All of the roosters were sacrificed in this manner as the ritual killing was repeated.

The roosters' legs were broken and the dead birds were thrown into a heap on the floor. Then they were taken to the kitchen where the women cleaned and cooked them. As the participants were served strong black coffee and coconut bread many women helped with the extensive cooking needed to prepare the chuaü offering.

In the aavünere the pig carcasses were untied and the buvei directed a man to butcher them. This took place in two large, wooden rectangular bowls placed on the floor.

Manaca palm leaves were spread around them. A scale for weighing food was brought into the aavünere and hung from a 309 roof rafter. A chair for the buvei was placed next to it.

The heads, tails, and feet of the pigs were cut off and set on the manaca leaves. Then the buvei told the man to cut two pounds of good meat for each drummer, one and a half pounds for each of her assistants, one pound for each woman who had worked extensively in the kitchen, a pound of meat for himself, and two pounds for her. After cutting off each hunk of meat and weighing it, the man handed it to the buvei who gave it to the appropriate person. The rest of the meat was divided between that to be used for the food offering and that to be used immediately in a meal for the participants. Then the scraps and butchering utensils were removed from the aavunere.

There was a pause in ritual activities as food was prepared in the kitchen. During this time I spoke with the buvei who was very tired. She told me that the reason why the Garifuna people have dûaü for the aubida was to atone for the sin of Adam and Eve's son Cain who was a bad son.

She said:

Everything that we do in the düaü is talked about in the Bible. The people of the Old Testament sacrificed sheep to God and now we sacrifice pigs and ouaro to the spirits of the dead.

Then the buvei announced that she was going to sleep for awhile and proceeded to stretch out on a long bench in the aavunere. 310

Late in the morning the cooking was finished. The food was carried into the aavünere in large black metal pots, most of which had three legs. These were set on the middle of the floor. Many people with small plates crowded around as three women dished out portions of each kind of food to the participants. The food included fried fish, fish soup, crab, lobster, conch soup, pork, chicken, red beans and rice, rice pudding, spaghetti noodles with thin tomato sauce, cassava bread, flour dumplings, boiled plantains, fried bananas, machuca (mashed plantains), and sweet coconut bread.

While the food was being served, along the north and south walls of the aavunere two long tables were constructed from wooden boards and concrete blocks.

Underneath each table were set two burning white candles, two beers, a bottle of aguardiente. a bottle of coca-cola and orange soda, and two cocos de aqua (water coconuts).

On top of the tables were placed lemon and grapefruit leaves, followed by several large disks of cassava bread.

After receiving a paper plate of food, each person walked over to one of the tables and set it down. Several layers of filled plates were stacked on top of each other. When all of the food was dished out, the pots were removed from the aavunere. Then the buyei took a half-filled bottle of aguardiente and blew one mouthful lengthwise and one 311

crosswise over each table in the sign of the cross. No

further activities occurred until 1:30 p.m.

In the early afternoon the "people who would sleep in the hammocks" were chosen. Two young men, including the youth who had fallen with gubida during a preliminary

session and a man from La Ceiba, a 10 year old boy, and two young women, both from La Ceiba, were ritually costumed by two older women in the debasen. First the males were prepared. All wore gym shorts and t-shirts. The women tied a bright multi-colored (green, red, yellow, white) scarf around the head of each male with the ends tied high over the forehead. Then the old women took a small amount of achiote (rocü) reddish-orange paste and used it to paint a cross on the forehead and a big dot on both cheeks of each male. A thin white string smeared with achiote paste was tied around the wrists and ankles. Another multi colored scarf was tied under and over the crotch of every male, with the ends stuck in the front and back of the waistband. Two more scarfs were crossed and tied diagonally over the chest and back.

Next the females were costumed. They wore düqü skirts and white blouses. First their hair was parted in the middle from front to back and combed straight down on the sides and back. A multi-colored scarf was tied on the head of each woman with the ends hanging down in back. Two more multi-colored scarfs were tied diagonally and crossed over 312 the chest and back. Their faces were painted with achiote in the same manner as the males, and strings smeared with achiote were tied around their wrists and ankles. Strings of brightly colored plastic beads were placed around their necks.

When the costuming was complete, the males, joined by five other men, formed one semi-circle hooking together little fingers, and the females, joined by ten other women, formed another. A man with a bottle of aguardiente and a calabash cup stood before the males and a woman with aguardiente stood with the females. Simultaneously the men sang arümahani and the women sang abâiamahani. As they did so, the people with aguardiente served some to each person in the semi-circles, except for the boy who was given coca- cola when his turn came to drink. After everyone was served once, each group moved a quarter circle in a counterclockwise direction and the procedure was repeated.

The drinking, singing, and rotation continued until the bottles of aguardiente were empty. Then the five people who were costumed climbed into hammocks and fell asleep for the rest of the afternoon.

Around 3:00 p.m. two little girls were chosen to be costumed in a manner similar to the women. After they were prepared the girls were led into the aavünere and allowed to eat some food from the tables of offerings. After this the food was removed. Most of it was placed into large 313 metal wash basins. I was told that it would be thrown into the sea the next day

When the tables were dismantled, the participants, about 50, gathered in the aavünere spreading out in rows before the drums. The slow, shuffling dügü dance took place for only a few minutes. Suddenly the drum rhythm changed dramatically, becoming rapid and complex, almost jubilant. The dancers immediately changed their step, moving their feet more quickly and swiveling their hips.

Everyone smiled and many people laughed. After a few minutes the dancing ended. No more ritual activities occurred that day.

Disposal of the Food Offering. At 5:00 a.m. on Sunday morning the slow düaü drumming began again. This was the last day of the ceremony. In the middle of the aavünere floor were six large metal wash basins filled with the food offering and the scraps left from food preparation. The cardboard box containing the mua and the items which had accompanied them was placed next to the food. The women picked up the basins and box. Carrying them on their heads the participants danced counterclockwise, following the drummers who had joined the circle. The buvei walked before the drums, carrying her slsire and buvei's wand. A procession formed and the group left the aavünere moving down to the beach. Twice the drummers turned to face the participants who danced düaü in place when they did so, . 314

The people who had been costumed the previous day still

wore the same clothes.

At the beach a cavuco was waiting. The women loaded

it with most of the wash basins and the cardboard box. The

two costumed men climbed in, preparing to go to sea. They

were handed an unopened bottle of aguardiente by the buvei

and were instructed to throw the food, box, and aguardiente

into the sea. A large bench was brought out and the

drummers climbed up on it. As the two men sailed off the

drummers played loudly until the cayuco was out of sight.

The participants on shore danced dügü in place as the Santa

Fe woman and her oldest sister waved reddish-orange sashes

before them.

Some of the large wash basins remained on the beach.

The buvei directed the women to pick them up. Then she

told one of her assistants and two of the drummers to

accompany several of the women, including those most

closely associated with the dügü. in a procession along the

beach to ritually dispose of the food offering. As they walked along the waterline, drums playing, the women threw

handfuls of food into the sea. They walked to the east end

of the village and then returned, walking past us and

continuing to the west end of the settlement.

When the procession reached the west end the drums

stopped and the party walked back by the main road to

rejoin us. Meanwhile, the men in the cavuco had thrown 315 their cargo into the sea and returned to shore where they removed their scarfs. Everyone walked back to the aavünere with no further drumming or singing. While most participants had gone to the beach a few stayed behind to bury more food and scraps from the düaü in a large pit dug near the aavünere.

Final Activities. Once the participants reassembled, a small wooden table was placed in the middle of the aavünere. In the northeast corner a long burning white candle was stuck in the floor. Ingredients for aauardiente punch (aauardiente. eggs, sugar, water) were brought to the table. The buvei prepared the punch in a large bowl with a wooden beater and served some to everyone. After receiving a glass, each person set it down before the burning candle on the floor, speaking in Garifuna to naautu (my grandmother) and naruauti (my grandfather). Then the glass was picked up and given to another participant such that everyone received a glass to drink from someone else. When the Santa Fe woman who previously had aubida set her glass before the candle she said "Hey, naruauti" and swiveled her hips in a flirtatious manner. The other participants laughed.

In addition to the punch, other food and drink were placed beside the candle. These included four plates of fried fish, coconut bread, and cassava bread, four cups of coffee, and two coca-colas. The food remained in front of 316 the candle until all of the punch drinking was finished.

Then it was removed to the kitchen and portioned out among some of the participants.

After the table was cleaned off and the utensils removed, the buvei was handed a bottle of aauardiente so that she could "ouemar la mesa" (burn the table). After pouring some aauardiente on the table she set it on fire with a match, then poured on more so that blue flames covered the top. As one of her assistants tilted the table, she poured on more, letting it roll on to the floor where it continued to burn. The tilting was repeated until aauardiente burned on all four sides, indicating that the düaü had been well received by the aubida. After lunch abâiamahani. arümahani. and punta dancing took place to celebrate the end of the düaü.

The ceremony had been an expensive undertaking, costing approximately 2,206 lempiras ($1,103 U.S.). The costs were shared primarily by the members of the generation celebrating the düaü. including the Santa Fe woman and Tegucigalpa man with hasandiaubida and their brothers and sisters.

Although the therapeutic effects of the ritual on the

Tegucigalpa man were apparently beneficial, according to informant accounts, the woman in Santa Fe was only partially cured. Psychologically her condition had improved. Several weeks after the ceremony she reported 317 that she no longer experienced cabeza volando or severe headaches, and she did not feel depressed and lonely as she did before the dügü. However, the stomach aches had continued and her legs and feet were still subject to swelling.

Ritual Possession Trance; Analvsis

Düaü possession trance was described by Taylor (1951:

122-123) for the Garifuna of Belize. He reported that it occurred in three emically recognized phases: 1) adéreha when the gaze becomes fixed, and stiff, jerky movements occur; 2) aaoburiha. full possession, and 3) àueha. collapse, passing out, a state which is not always reached.

Taylor's description applies to possession trance as I witnessed it in Honduras.

Although there is considerable variety in the behaviors which a person possessed by aubida can manifest, there were no recognizable spirit personalities that I observed or in descriptions reported to me as there are in

Haitian vodun and Cuban santerla. Some of the possessions seemed more controlled than others. Some were obviously very intense.

Of the 8 people included in the 12 case studies for whom düaüs were conducted, only 3 experienced possession trance during the ritual. During the düaü just described, the two patients with hasandiaubida did not enter this 318

state. However, I observed the 14 year old great niece of

the female victim during the first possession trance of her

life.

A few weeks after the ritual, the teenager described

her experience to me. When it began her body felt bad all

over. Then she saw her dead paternal grandmother holding a

stick. The spirit hit her in the middle of the back and

then hit her again. After that she felt like she was not

in this world and she did not remember what happened.

One woman included in the case studies (F age 21) who

claimed to be cured by düaü did enter possession trance

during the ceremony. She also related her experience to me. As she started to fall with aubida she saw herself

dancing wearing a düaü skirt and blouse. The people watching her were dead relatives of her father's family,

all wearing düaü clothing. It felt like her head was

getting bigger and bigger until it was almost ready to burst, then it was like flying in another world and she did

not remember anything.

According to the mother of another young woman (F age

18) treated by düaü. the patient was in possession trance

almost continuously during the ceremony. Her daughter

acted in a crazy manner, like she herself was among the

dead. Another woman whose daughter (F age 28) was treated by düaü said that those people who fall with aubida are "in

the other world" festâ en el otro mundo). Anyone watching 319

cannot talk to them because they cannot hear or feel

anything. They could be cut with a knife and they would

not feel it.

For many Garifuna with whom I spoke, possession by the

aubida is a feared experience. No one expressed a desire

to enter this state. However, it was realized that when a

family düaü was necessary, the spirits would only be placated and the family saved if some member submitted to possession trance. The occurrence of this altered state of

consciousness is considered proof of the existence of aubida.

The last chapter includes an analysis of the therapeutic aspects, major themes, and symbolic elements evident in Santa Fe placation rituals. The data obtained during the fieldwork concerning hasandiaubida. possession trance, and the nature of ritual therapy are examined with respect to previous work among the Garifuna. Finally, conclusions and directions for future research are presented. CHAPTER XI

COMPARISONS AND CONCLUSIONS

Dream Imagery. Hasandiaubida and Possession Trance; Comparisons with Previous Research

The first in-depth analysis of Garifuna religion in

Honduras was presented by Coelho (1955) who worked for one year in the Trujillo region from 1947 to 1948. Although he was not able to observe dûaü or chuaü and did not systematically collect case studies, there is much similarity between accounts by his informants and data obtained in Santa Fe regarding the punitive powers of the aubida. the imagery of dreams and visions, and behaviors associated with hasandiaubida and possession trance.

During his fieldwork, Coelho (1981: 148-149) spoke with five buyeis. two men from Trujillo, an old man from Santa

Fe, a Trujillo woman residing in Sambo Creek (near La

Ceiba) and another woman living near Guaymoreto Lagoon just east of Trujillo.

Coelho (1981: 130-131) reports that during culturally patterned dreams deceased relatives are believed to communicate demands for food, refreshment, or religious

320 321 ceremonies. If not heeded, the dreams become nightmares.

Bad luck may follow, including domestic accidents, poor

fishing, and other problems. Members of the family may be

struck with serious, sometimes mortal illness believed to be supernatural punishment sent by angry aubida. The account of hasandiaubida which Coelho (1981: 141-142) provides for one Trujillo family illustrates a sequence of events preceding a diagnosis of aubida illness, proliferation of symptoms to more than one family member, and culturally patterned imagery involving spirits of the dead.

The surviving relatives had not followed the wishes of their deceased father concerning the disposal of his property. After moving to La Ceiba various family members developed illnesses which did not respond favorably to treatment by local physicians. The youngest daughter of the deceased became extremely ill, requiring an operation.

After her relatives consulted a buvei and promised to celebrate a düaü for their father, the woman improved rapidly. However, one day while at home baking cassava bread she fell on the floor. Later she reported a vision of being surrounded by many people dancing düaü and holding roosters. Her dead father walked up to her and angrily accused his descendants of using up his properties and giving him little in return. This incident frightened the 322 family into sponsoring one of the largest dûcrùs ever conducted in the Trujillo region.

Although he did not have the opportunity to observe ritual possession trance, Coelho (1981: 143) does mention that one characteristic behavior sometimes manifested in this state is climbing into the rafters of the aavünere.

The individuals most likely to become possessed during düaü. according to Coelho, are young, unmarried women who have prepared for the ceremony by learning sacred songs sometimes revealed in dreams, and by abstaining from sexual intercourse.

Coelho (1981: 145) also mentions the occurrence of spontaneous possession trance. He recounts a story from one informant concerning a woman, living 50 miles away from

Trujillo, who had refused to attend a family düaü. On the second day of the ritual she ran into the aavünere in a very agitated state. Her appearance was attributed to the supernatural powers of aubida. In Santa Fe, similar stories were related to me regarding skeptical relatives who had not wished to cooperate with a family düaü who were compelled by the aubida to attend. Such accounts reflect the importance of auto-suggestion in the inducement of possession trance and the overwhelming obligation to attend family düaüs under threat of social ostracism and supernatural punishment for non-compliance. 323

From research conducted in Honduras, Belize, and

Guatemala, Gonzalez provides descriptions (1970a: 102-104;

1988: 86) of imagery and symptoms associated with hasândicmbida which are similar to data obtained in Santa

Fe. During dreams the dead ask for various types of food and may request some ritual activity, such as the beating of the dùcfù drum. Individuals with aubida illness exhibit characteristic behaviors, such as running into the bush for long periods of time, and may complain of physical symptoms such as stiffness of the body and pains in the legs and feet. She notes (1970a: 980-99) that although dreams of deceased relatives often precede an emic diagnosis of hasandiaubida. frequently illnesses are attributed to the dead without the occurrence of such experiences. Gonzalez

(1970a: 103; 1988: 86) reports that illness, misfortune, and death among Garifuna migrants living in the United

States is sometimes attributed to aubida.

Regarding possession trance, Gonzalez (1988: 92-93) notes that it is generally recognized among the Garifuna that not everyone is equally susceptible to this state. If an individual has the appropriate personality traits, the behavioral patterns associated with possession can be learned. Gonzalez emphasizes that most of the trances she observed appeared to be associated with altered states of consciousness. She mentions that women possessed by aubida at düaü sometimes climb into the rafters of the aavünere. 324

However, my eye witness experiences during düaüs in Santa

Fe, Crystales, and during earlier research in Triunfo de la

Cruz do not support her assertion (Gonzalez 1988: 93} that

"the performance is so carefully orchestrated, the behavior so consistent with that expected of the particular spirit during life...." As noted previously, although some of the trances I observed were more controlled than others, there were no recognizable spirit personalities manifested at the düaüs which I attended. Gonzalez does mention that some women are frightened by the experience of possession.

Emic illness categories, including hasandiaubida. were investigated in Rio Tinto, Honduras by Cohen (1984: 16-27) who notes that the Garifuna fear the power of angry ancestors to cause illness. He states (1984: 19):

...a dead relatives is considered the source of an illness if the following conditions exist: 1) the illness is serious, even disabling and life threatening; 2) the illness is stubborn and resistant, unresponsive to normal therapeutic procedures; 3) the illness is related to a visit in a dream by a dead relative; 4) the confirmation by a buvei that the illness is spirit-related.

Cohen (1984: 21) presents a case study of hasandiaubida for which a düaü was conducted in Rio Tinto.

The victim was a man who had become partially paralyzed due to a leg injury. When aubida was suspected as the cause of his condition, a female buvei was called. She treated him for ten days with leg massage and herbal medicines. Cohen emphasizes that she also gave the patient spiritual 325 comfort. After the man with hasândicmbida promised to celebrate a dügü, the strength in his leg improved during the next three months. However, he believed that the cure would only be permanent if the dücrü was celebrated as promised.

Some of Cohen's informants had become skeptical of the healing powers of düaü after conducting that ritual for close relatives who were not cured. Cohen also notes that several individuals expressed apprehension regarding participation in düaü because they feared being attacked by the aubida during possession trance.

As in Santa Fe, the Garifuna of Rio Tinto, Honduras view the cure of supernatural illness as beyond the scope of biomedical treatment. However, although beliefs in many traditional practices are maintained, physicians and nurses are consulted and those aspects of modern medicine considered effective are accepted.

Reports concerning the Garifuna of Belize share many similarities with Honduran and Guatemalan data regarding beliefs in the power of the aubida. the symptoms of hasandiaubida. the culturally patterned imagery of dreams and visions, and behavior associated with possession trance. These parallels are evident when comparing the early studies of Coelho (1955) in Honduras and Taylor

(1951) in Belize, and in more recent research. - 326

Taylor worked among the Belizean Garifuna for 12 months from 1947 to 1948, and was thus a contemporary of

Coelho. During his fieldwork he was able to observe two chucfüs and four düaüs. According to Taylor (1951: 103), the aubida a^e conceptualized as punitive ancestors who are both feared and venerated. During dreams they are believed to communicate requests and warnings to the living. If these are ignored, their descendants may experience illness, insanity, or death.

Taylor's descriptions (1951: 108-109) of ’the imagery in aubida dreams and visions are very similar to those encountered in Santa Fe. The dead request offerings of food, chase or hit the victim with a stick, or surround the dreamer while wearing düaü clothing. Taylor also reports culturally patterned symptoms of hasandiaubida such as talking out loud to spirits and climbing into the rafters of buildings. Of particular interest is his account of a

Garifuna man who experienced aubida illness while a member of a logging gang in Scotland. A physician advised him to return to his own people for help. The migrant interpreted this as an indication that he should renew ties with the traditions of his own cultural group.

In her analysis of disease and folk curing among the

Belizean Garifuna, Sanford (1979) notes that many illnesses are perceived to have both natural and supernatural causes.

Acknowledging a natural origin does not rule out angry 327 aubida as the ultimate source of the problem. Thus, both biomedical and traditional ritual therapy may be utilized A concurrently.

Jenkin's (1983: 433) description of the typical quest for therapy in Belize leading to an emic diagnosis of hasândiaubida reflects a pattern familiar in Honduras.

Physical symptoms are unsuccessfully treated with herbal and patent medicines. Biomedical practitioners are consulted but cannot cure the condition. Jenkins (1983:

440) notes that some patients seek treatment in hospitals as far away as> Jamaica, Mexico, or the United States.

Several of her informants reported that physicians in New

York had advised them to seek a medical specialist of their own culture. As the search for effective therapy continues, anxiety over the illness state increases. The sick person may have dreams of dead relatives asking for food. A buvei is consulted who diagnoses the problem as aubida.

Jenkins (1983: 435) emphasizes that hasandiaubida continues to be diagnosed among Garifuna living in the

United States. It is believed that punitive possession illness may be experienced by migrants as punishment by angry aubida for non-compliance with traditional ritual obligations. According to the author, it is not uncommon for Garifuna living in the United States to sponsor and attend düaüs conducted in Belize. 328

In a study of emic diagnosis procedures utilized in

Punta Gorda, Belize, Staiano (1986: 168-174) considers hasandiaubida at length. Although she does not discuss the complex of symptoms which I found to be associated with that condition in Santa Fe, several are mentioned in accounts provided by her informants (1986: 144, 168-170).

These include acting in a crazy manner, talking out loud to spirits of the dead, dreams of the dead requesting food and refreshment, and the presence of physical illness which has not responded previously to therapy. One informant reported that hasandiaubida was usually caused by the spirit of a parent, grandparent, or great grandparent, a statement confirmed by the Santa Fe research. Staiano

(1986: 170) notes that düaü is most frequently held when there is a proliferation of symptoms from a single individual to other members of a family.

Although Staiano (1986: 172, 174) briefly discusses ritual possession trance, she does not examine its induction as an altered state of consciousness, nor does she describe in detail the behaviors associated with it, except to cite Taylor's (1951) account. According to the author, the Garifuna word for possession trance, owehani

(derived from the term àueha) also refers to "fits" of epilepsy, seizures or convulsions, and rigidity of the body. One of Staiano's informants reports that the aubida speak through the mouths of the living during owehani and 329 that the possessed person does not remember what is said.

The trancer may fall down on the ground, climb into the rafters of the aavunere. dance more energetically than normal, shout, and act in a crazy manner.

Gonzalez (1970a: 95) notes the "remarkable consistency" of beliefs concerning aubida throughout the

Garifuna culture region. This is true both with regard to similarities between Honduras, Guatemala, and Belize, and between time periods for which documentation of these beliefs in Central America exists. Because Santa Fe is one of the oldest Garifuna settlements, the data obtained during the fieldwork are particularly valuable for an examination of how traditional beliefs and behaviors are perpetuated in a changing contemporary context.

Placation Rituals and Svmbolism

Several ceremonial actions at the chuaùs and düaüs I observed were intended to draw the aubida into the ritual area and facilitate contact between the living and the dead. Blowing smoke and aauardiente through the windows and doorways of a home where chuaü is conducted, and over the mua and through the doorways of the aavunere during düaü have this purpose. Part of the food offerings prepared for the chuaü are laid out on banana leaves just inside the doorways of the home where the ceremony takes place. This is also intended to attract the aubida. 330

Circular movements preceding chicken sacrifices and circular dancing during düaü. both around the mua and, when these are included in the construction of the aavünere or debasen. around a centerpost are believed to draw the spirits from all directions, especially when the drummers participate, loudly banging the düaü drum at each doorway.

Foster (1981: 3) suggests that the actions of the buvei and the drummers during the amaliahani. the placation dance during which sacrificial roosters are carried, are intended to "transfer the ancestors from below ground to above ground."

The cross is a very important symbol in Garifuna ritual, both in the ceremonies associated with the annual cycle of religious activities and in those devoted to the dead. Small crosses made of sticks are placed over glasses of water offered to deceased relatives. Aauardiente is blown over the tables of food offerings, liquid is flicked through all of the doorways, and at dügü, smoke is blown over the mua in the sign of the cross. During düaü a cross is placed or impressed on each mua and a red cross is painted with rocü (body paint made from achiote) on the forehead of each man and woman chosen to be ritually costumed. Several of the women who participated at the chuaüs and düaüs I attended, including the young female buvei. wore a small cross around the neck. At the düaü I observed most extensively, the buvei required all 331 participants to make the sign of the cross at midnight while standing around the central area where the mua had been located.

The color red is associated with fire, blood, death,

and supernatural power in Garifuna belief and is thought to

repel or attract spirits, depending on the circumstances.

During daily life infants may wear cloth charms around the neck and a string around one wrist colored red which, I was told, are believed to keep away evil spirits. One Santa Fe woman who had a miscarriage wore a red headscarf for

several days afterwards as a protective measure. During the düaüs I observed in Santa Fe and Crystales, the women

of the nonunilineal descent groups celebrating the rituals wore skirts and headscarfs and the buvei wore sashes made of aalati. white cloth stained reddish-orange with achiote.

Galati was used to cover the mua at the large dügü I observed in Santa Fe. Sacrificial roosters at both chuaü and düaü must be red or have some red coloring I was told by informants.

According to Wells (1980: 3), circular symbolism in

Garifuna ritual represents the cycle of life, death, and regeneration and cyclical relations between the living and the dead. If properly venerated, the aubida are placated and may provide protection and valuable insights to the

living. However, transgressions of behavior and neglect of the spirits can bring down ancestral wrath. Wells (1980: 332

6) states that circular dancing at dûcrû is meant to

"gather, attract, and sooth the powerful ancestor spirits who are considered to be anxious to progress in their transition toward a pure state of existence."

Color symbolism and the use of aalati and rood at düaü are also examined by Wells (1982). Red is associated with attraction of spirits, vitality, uncontrolled power, and danger (Wells 1982: 47). She suggests that aalati and rocü are utilized on occasions when intentional contact with the spirit world is desired. Wells emphasizes that young

Garifuna are often deeply frightened at the prospect of experiencing possession trance. Wearing aalati at düaü indicates a willingness to submit to the ancestors and expresses allegiance to traditional Garifuna culture.

It is interesting to note that in Haitian vodun. dance movements revolve counterclockwise in a circular fashion around a centerpole (Deren 1970: 34-38; Métraux 1972; 77).

Métraux states that the centerpole (noteau-mitan) is the focus of many ritual activities and is viewed as "the ladder by which spirits come down...when they are invoked."

The cross is the symbol of the cosmic crossroads.

According to Deren (1970: 35-37):

The crossroads, then, is the point of access to the world of les Invisibles [the spirits] which is the soul of the cosmos, the source of life force, the cosmic memory....All ceremonials begin with the salute to the guardian of the crossroads, the loa principle of crossing, of communication with the divine world. 333

Deren points out that the cross is also the symbol of

Ghede, the spirit of death. She presents a picture of a vever (designs drawn on the ground to invoke the spirits at ceremonies) for Ghede which includes a stylized graveyard cross with two small coffins, one on each side of it.

The color red is ritually significant for both Island

Carib Amerindians and West Africans, Gonzalez notes (1988:

90). It is also important in Haitian vodun as a symbol of the loa Ogoun who represents power, fire, and war (Deren

1970: 132, 183; Herskovits 1971: 320-321; Métraux 1972: 92,

167). Herskovits notes that during ritual activities to honor Ogoun devotees wear red and sacrificial offerings to the spirit include red roosters and red beans and rice.

Both Deren (1970: 132-133) and Métraux (1972: 130) note that libations of rum fclairin. similar to aauardiente) are poured on the ground and set on fire in honor of Ogoun.

The Garifuna also burn aauardiente during chuaü and dügü.

Functions of Gubida Beliefs. Placation Rituals, and Possession Trance: Suaaestions from Previous Research

Tension between the living and the dead is an important characteristic of Garifuna culture (Jenkins 1983:

435). Coelho (1981: 131) suggests that fear of punishment by angry aubida and troubling, cryptic dreams of deceased relatives are sources of intra-culturally induced stress.

Both Gonzalez (1963: 429) and Jenkins (1983: 435) contend that beliefs in the punitive power of aubida are utilized 334 by elderly relatives as a control strategy to extract compliance from younger family members who are threatened with eventual supernatural retaliation.

Several researchers have discussed the role which the cmbida cult has in the reaffirmation of cultural identity and the maintenance of group solidarity among the Garifuna.

Coelho (1981: 131) notes the importance of dücm as an occasion for family reunification. Taylor (1951: 133) views continuing participation in the ceremonies of the cmbida cult as an important means of maintaining cultural identity in a context of ongoing migration, perpetuating the traditions of the ancestors, and receiving supernatural protection for current and future generations.

According to Gonzalez (1970a: 102) the necessity of placating the family dead periodically encourages solidarity among nonunilineal descent groups. The qubida cult contributes to the maintenance of social control, insures continued respect for the elders by the young, and reaffirms a distinctive Garifuna cultural identity. In

Foster's view (1982: 21), the performance of düqû establishes and reaffirms a cooperative network among members of two or more related nonunilineal descent groups who may or may not be part of the sponsors' and qubida illness victim's effective personal kindred.

Staiano (1986: 170-174) stresses that in order for a dûqü to be considered successful, any feuding in the family 335 must be ended. She sees the dûoù as an occasion for the reunification and reconstitution of the social group which includes both living and dead family members.

The qubida cult can also be examined from an economic perspective as a system of social support, gift exchange, and ritual reciprocity. Important economic activity occurs within a community during dûoù. Palacio (1973: 6) points out, since food is redistributed and certain participants

(drummers, buvei. builders of the oavùnere) are paid.

According to Foster (1982: 21-22), hasandioubida is used as an opportunity by females to extract support from relatives, especially close male kin, but also from individuals who are more distantly related. Jenkins (1983) provides an analysis of the düqü in Belize as a redistributive feast during which economic resources, particularly food and money, flow from relatives in better economic situations to poorer family members. Kerns (1983:

189-190) emphasizes that the rituals of the qubida cult stress gratitude to elders and the protection of younger relatives. By promoting adherence to traditional obligations, older women provide a measure of economic security for themselves and the individuals who reside with them.

Although Taylor (1951: 132) states that the placation rituals are primarily feasts of the dead rather than curing rites, several researchers have discussed their therapeutic 336

aspects. Among the Garifuna of Belize, Palacio (1973: 5-7) notes that consultation with a buvei during arairaauni provides a diagnosis and explanation of problems in understandable language at a reasonable fee. In his assessment, an important benefit of dûoù for those participants who experience possession trance is a cathartic psychological release. However, in his opinion, the effectiveness of qubida ceremonies to improve the condition of someone with physical illness is questionable.

Sanford (1979) views the qubida cult as a traditional means for explaining and curing illness. She states that the buvei is a collaborator, rather than a competitor, with the biomedical practitioner. The continued popularity of the buvei derives from a willingness to treat emic illness categories not always recognized by biomedical practitioners, and the use of a holistic approach which takes into consideration the patient's family background and personal problems.

Jenkins (1983: 440) suggests that the düqü has beneficial therapeutic aspects, such as the holistic treatment of medical and psychiatric problems, especially in those cases where anxiety is prominent. Ghidinelli and

Massajoli (1984: 506) view the buyei's practice of ritual therapy as an institutionalized ethnopsychiatric technique to readjust the psyches of the group and the individual when faced with disruptive stress and adversity. 337

The research conducted in Santa Fe, Honduras generally supports all of these observations. However, although

Foster (1982: 21-22) emphasizes the extraction of financial support by females from relatives, especially male kin, his conclusions are not applicable to males who experience hasândicfubida. The accumulation of economic resources associated with the celebration of dûoû is temporary, whereas the reinforcement of a kinship-based network which can provide social and emotional support is more likely to have long-term benefits for the patient. Although Palacio

(1973: 5-7) questions the therapeutic efficacy of dùqü in cases of physical illness, the reduction of anxiety and reaffirmation of support networks associated with ritual treatment may improve the patient's perception of his or her condition, and attitude towards life in general, thus promoting a state of mind conducive to healing.

Conclusions

The beliefs, physical symptoms, behaviors, and therapeutic placation rituals associated with the Garifuna hasandioubida complex have many parallels to the religious and ethnomedical/ethnopsychiatric practices of West and

West-Central Africa from which they are derived. As culturally patterned methods for coping with emotional distress, including anxiety over physical symptoms and disease, and disruptions in social support systems, these 338 practices have had continuing survival value. Despite the considerable sociocultural disturbance caused by the slave trade, colonial warfare, massive disease epidemics, forced population relocation, and migration, these traditional

African patterns for dealing with distress have been perpetuated among the Garifuna.

Both in tropical Africa and the Circum-Caribbean traditional therapeutic systems have evolved in disease- ridden environments. The health status of individuals residing in these areas is frequently complicated by the experience of two or more physical disorders concurrently.

This situation is often exacerbated by poverty, which can restrict access to adequate food and medical treatment, and by anxiety over illness, poverty, and disruption in the social environment. In both regions, psychiatric complications of disease must be considered in the evaluation of individuals who manifest behaviors viewed as abnormal from emic and biomedical perspectives. This is true of hasandioubida cases among the Garifuna, especially those considered most serious which involve symptoms possibly indicative of acute psychosis.

Among the Garifuna, culture molds the interpretation of illness and the expression of psychological distress.

Anxiety manifested in culturally patterned ways may accompany many physical diseases and different psychological disorders. Hasandioubida. an emically 339

recognized state, may be viewed as a culture-bound reactive

syndrome that develops in response to subjectively

perceived distress, including intra-culturally induced role

stress. The emic illness category crosscuts biomedical

classifications of disorder.

Although hasândioubida is reported for both males and

females, the emic diagnosis of this condition is more

frequent among females. The association between sex and

the experience of qubida illness among residents of Santa

Fe is statistically significant. The Garifuna not only

recognize that hasandioubida and possession trance occur

more frequently among women, they also are inclined to

expect this behavior from them. Females are more often

subject to social ostracism than males for inadequate

fulfillment of behavior expectations, particularly in the

roles of surviving descendant, spouse, parent, and family member. Only women are expected to fulfill an obligation

to the family to be receptive to possession trance at düqü.

submitting to the qubida. although male relatives are

important participants at the ritual.

The Santa Fe research also demonstrates differences

between the sexes with regard to the ages when qubida

illness is most commonly experienced. Females most

frequently develop hasandioubida during young adulthood

(between ages 16 and 30) and during their elder years after

age 60. Males most often experience this condition during 340 middle-age (between ages 46 and 60) and to a lesser extent during late young adulthood (between ages 26 and 35).

These figures suggest periods of increased distress in the lives of men and women.

The types of deceased relatives named most frequently as causes of hasandioubida reflect the matrilateral emphasis of Garifuna social structure and household composition, and the differing expectations for males and females with regard to the fulfillment of familial obligations to various categories of relatives. Although in general maternal spirits were mentioned more often than those on the paternal side, hasandioubida was attributed to a greater variety of deceased relatives (both maternal and paternal) in female cases, whereas maternal spirits were most frequently responsible in male cases. The difference between male and female hasandioubida patients with regard to the naming of deceased maternal and paternal lineal relatives is statistically significant.

The oubida are viewed as punitive, the ultimate family authority figures who demand obedience and submission to their will. This perspective is reflected in the imagery of visions experienced prior to entering possession trance and in dreams of the dead. Themes most evident in experiences reported during the fieldwork include submission to deceased relatives, the feeling of entering the world of the dead, threats of punishment for 341 noncompliance, requests by the dead for religious ceremonies in their memory, and requests for food and refreshment.

During life, Garifuna who are senior family members hold positions of respect, authority, and love. Often, they are at least partially dependent on sons and daughters, grandsons and granddaughters for provision of food and other necessities. Younger members of the family are under psychological and economic pressure to meet their expectations for obedience, support, care, and attention.

These relationships may be negatively stressed by migration, making compliance with role obligations difficult at times. Disapproval and social ostracism by relatives, living and dead, especially those with authority and/or particular emotional significance, is a powerful sanction that encourages compliance with behavior expectations, including ritual obligations.

The experience of possession trance is viewed as entering another world, the world of the dead. Some entranced women looked like they were imitating the dead, stiffening their bodies and moving on the floor until covered with dirt. One woman reported that possession trance is accompanied by feelings of anesthesia, not being able to feel pain. Informants claimed that the experience is followed by amnesia. 342

Ritual possession trance at the dûoüs I observed

appeared to be induced by group suggestion; suggestion by the buvei; auto-suggestion; repetitive drumming, dancing, and singing continuing around the clock contributing to tiredness and loss of sleep; and ritual drinking of aguardiente. Participants were fed throughout the ritual, although not with large portions until roosters and pigs were sacrificed. After the Santa Fe düaü. a few participants told me that they vividly remembered the drum rhythm from the ritual and that these drum beats always stayed in their minds for a few days after the ceremony was over. Prolonged exposure to loud, repetitive drumming (a form of sonic driving) accompanied by the physical exertion of dancing and singing and the occasional drinking of alcohol can physiologically produce an altered state of consciousness (see Neher 1962) interpreted as possession trance in a cultural context where suggestion concerning the nature and behavior of possessing spirits is prominent and where models for such behavior exist.

The experience of possession trance may be a cathartic release of anxiety. Prince (1982b: 415-420) suggested in a discussion of the mock hyperstress theory and omnipotence maneuver that possession trance is accompanied by biochemical reactions during which endorphins, endogenous opiate and valium-like substances flood the trancer's body, reducing feelings of fear, pain, and anxiety, resulting in 343 a state of euphoria. Fear of possession trance, accompanied by feelings of obligation to submit to it if necessary, create an artificial threat situation, a form of mock hyperstress, to which the mind and body react with the release of endorphins. The swing from terror to euphoria

is emically interpreted as spirit possession. Prince's explanation may very well apply to possession trance among the Garifuna.

During placation ceremonies several themes and core cultural values are emphasized. These include the mutual dependence of the living and the dead; cooperation within the family and submission to elders; cooperation between the sexes and the performance of traditional sex roles; the importance of reciprocity and redistribution among relatives; and the cycle of life, death, and regeneration.

Hasândioubida patients and their relatives who participate in ceremonies to placate the dead undergo the process of

"cognitive and affective restructuring" described by

Wallace (1966: 240). For some individuals during dûoù. this involves the experience of ritual possession trance.

Traditional therapy for hasândioubida functions with some degree of success because the rituals of placation help to relieve the anxiety of the patient. Of the cases considered in Santa Fe, complete cure was reported for 9 out of 12 individuals, while treatment was partially successful for one woman who claimed that she no longer 344

felt depressed and her attitude towards life had improved.

All of the ritual activities have the purpose of helping

the patient, restoring unity among divided family members,

and placating the supernatural. A great number of friends

and relatives gather around the patient, reaffirming his or her traditional social support network. This expression is particularly important if the patient is depressed by

separation or perceived separation from loved ones, the

community, or society in general. Herbal medicines prepared by a buvei may also have a physiological effect on the patient and promote healing. Ritual therapy appears to be most effective in those cases where culturally patterned dreams and behavioral symptoms, and possible symptoms of somaticized anxiety, are present.

Directions for Future Research

Hasandioubida. possession trance, and the mechanisms through which ritual therapy promotes healing are fertile areas for future research. The findings presented for the

Santa Fe study should be verified in other Garifuna communities through analysis of a larger sample which would permit additional statistical analysis.

The frequencies of drum rhythms utilized during düoü

should be compared with those found in laboratory studies to induce altered states of consciousness, and with those present in West African and Afro-Caribbean possession 345 trance ceremonies, to determine the role of sonic driving in Garifuna placation rituals. The occurrence of biochemical reactions associated with the release of endorphins during possession trance, as suggested by

Prince's mock hyperstress theory, should be verified. A rich variety of herbal medicines are used by the Garifuna, on a daily basis and during ritual therapy. Their pharmacological properties remain to be studied.

Detailed examinations of hasandioubida patients, including those residing in Central America and the United

States should be conducted to determine in biomedical terms what types of problems are most prominent among them when this condition is emically diagnosed. Interdisciplinary studies involving anthropologists, psychiatrists, and specialists in tropical medicine would be appropriate. The complex social, emotional, and physical stressors to which each patient is subject must be considered in such an analysis. Appendix A

Data Relative to Chapter VI

346 347

Table 6

Distribution by Age, Sex and Residence Status in a Sample of 80 Households

F e n a l e F e m a l e t o t a l M a l e t o l e t o t a l t o t a l F u U - c i i D a P a r t - t i m e F s s a l e Full-tim e Part-time M a l e R e s i

A g e R e s i d e n t s R e s i d e n t s R e s i d e n t s Residents Residents R e s i d e n t s d e n t s

0 - 5 2 9 1 3 0 2 3 2 2 5 5 5 Q— 1 0 2 2 2 2 5 2 2 2 2 4 4 9 l à o 2 4 1 16 4 2 5 4 4

Sub-totals 69 (87.54%) 10 (12.66% ) 7 9 ( 1 0 0 % ) L 61 (88.40%) 8 ( U . 5 9 % ) 6 9 ( 1 0 0 % ) 1 4 3

1 6 - 2 0 5 1 5 2 0 I 6 1 0 1 6 3 6 2 1 - 2 5 3 1 5 2o 2 25 2 2 4 2 25-30 19 19 23 1 3 9 14 3 2 2 1 - 3 5 0 4 1 5 j 3 4 ' 9 l9 2 6 - 4 0 9 3 l 4 1 1 4 3 13 4 1 - 4 5 2 4 7 2 4 11

Sub-totals 47 (43.12%) 62 (56.89%) 1 0 9 ( 1 0 0 % ) 1 21 (30.00%) 49 ( 7 0 . 0 0 % ) •70 (100%) 179

4 S - 5 0 1 1 2 1 3 4 4 3 J . - 3 3 9 1 1 0 3 1 4 1 4 56-9Ü 11 1 1 2 10 4 14 26 6 1 — j 5 b 0 3 0 4 10 60— 70 15 2 2 0 2 l4 71-75 3 Ü 3 1 1 5 1 76—60 2 ■ " ” 5 ” 2 1 i 0 2 Ü 1 - 6 5 2 0 2 2 0 4

Sub-totals 58 (90.63%) 6 ( 9 . 3 7 % ) 6 4 ( 1 0 0 % ) 29 (76,32%) 9 ( 2 3 . 6 8 % ) 3 8 ( 1 0 0 % ) 1 0 2

t o t a l s 1 7 4 7 8 2 5 2 U 1 6 6 1 7 7 4 2 9 ( 1 0 0 % )

R a t i o o f Full-Tim e Fem ale R esidents to M ala R esidents, 0-15 Age Range: 1.13 R a t i o o f Part-Tim e Feaala R esidents to M ala R esidents, 0-15 Age R an^: 1.25 R a t i o o f Fem ale R esidents to M ale R esidents, 0-15 Age Range, to ta l: 1.14 R a t i o o f F uU -tias Female R esidents to M ala R esidents, 16-45 Age Range; 2.24 R a t i o o f Part-tim e Fem ale R esidents to M ale R esidents, 16-45 A ^ Range: 1.27 R a t i o o f Fem ale R esidents to M ale R esidents, 16-45 Age Range, to ta l: 1.56 R a t i o o f Full-tim e Fem ale R esidents to Malm R esidents, 46-35 Age Range: 2.00 R a t i o o f Part-tim e Fem ale Residentzs to M ale R esidents, 46-35 A ^ Range: .67 R a t i o o f Fem ale R esidents to M ale R esidents, 46-35 Age Range, to ta l: 1.68 R a t i o o f pull-tim e Fem ale R esidents to M ale R esidents, A ll Ages: 1.56 R a t i o o f Part-tim e Fem ale R esidents to (eile R esidents. A ll Ages: 1.18 R a t i o o f Fatale R esidents to Male R esidents, A ll Ages, to tal: 1.42 348

Table 7 '

Patterns of Migration Experience

Migration locations Males (177) Females (252) T otal (429)

la Ceiba. Honduras only 12 ( 5 . 7 8 % ) 2 8 (11.11%) 40 (9.32%) San Pedro Sula, Honduras only 10 ( 8 . 4 7 4 ) i2 ( 8 . < 3 4 1 J/ ■■ (WT62'%r Teoucioaloa, Honduras only is ( 1 0 . 1 7 % ) 1 5 ( 5 . 9 5 % ) ' '13 ( 7 . 7 0 % ) Puerto Cortes. Honduras only 1 (.56%) 3 ( l . l 9 % ) 4 ( . 9 3 % ) T ela, Honduras only 0 0 2 (.79%) 2 (.47%) Progreso. Honduras onlv 0 0 1 ( . 4 0 % ) 1 ( . 2 3 % ) Sub-Total ; One Honduran c ity only 4è ( 2 5 . 9 9 % ) " 71' (28.17%) 117 ( 2 7 . 2 7 % )

TaCeiha and San Pedro Sula only a (4.52%) 6 (2.38%) 14 ( 3 . 2 6 % ) laC eiba and Teoucioaloa only J ( 1 . 7 0 % ) 7 1 2 . 7 8 % ) 1 0 ( 2 . 3 3 % ) LaCeiba and Puerto C ortes onlv 0 0 1 ( . 4 0 % ) 1 ( . 2 3 % ) laC eiba amd T ela onlv Ô 0 1 ( . 4 0 % ) 1 ( . 2 3 % ) San Pedro Sula and Teouciqalna onlv 2 ( 1 . 1 3 % ) 0 0 2 ( . 4 7 % ) San Pedro Sula and Puerto Cortes onlv 0 0 i (.79%) 2 (.47%) Tequcioaloa and Puerto C ortes only 0 0 1 ( . 4 0 % ) 1 ( . 2 3 % ) Teoucioaloa and Prooreso onlv 0 0 1 ( . 4 0 % ) 1 ( . 2 3 % ) Sub-T otal: Tuo Honduran ririo a only u ( 7 . 3 4 % ) Is ( 7 . 5 4 % ) 3 2 ( 7 . 4 6 % )

LaCeiba. San Pedro Sula and Teouciqalna onlv 1 ( . 5 6 % ) 4 ( 1 . 5 9 % ) 5 ( 1 . 1 7 % ) LaCeiba. San Pedro Sula and Puerto O artes onlv 1 ( . 5 6 % ) 0 0 1 ( . 2 3 % ) LaCeiba. Teoucioaloa and T ela onlv 0 a 1 (.40%) 1 (.23%) Sub-Total: Tbree Honduran cities only 2 (1.13%) 5 (1.98%) 7 (1.63%)

Total: Honduran Locations onlv 61 ( 3 4 . 4 6 % ) 9 5 ( 3 7 . 7 0 % ) 156 (36.36%)

Hew York. New York onlv 9 (5.03%) 8 (3.17%) 1 7 ( 3 . 9 6 % ) New Orleans. Louisiana onlv 2 (1.13%) 3 (1.19%) 5 (1.17%) Los Angeles. California onlv 0 0 2 ( . 7 9 % ) 2 ( . 4 7 % ) M iami, riorida only 2 ( 1 . 1 3 % ) "0 0 2 ( . 4 7 % ) Boston. M assachusetts onlv 0 0 1 ( . 4 0 % ) 1 ( . 2 3 % ) A laska. U.S.A. onlv 1 ( . 5 6 % ) 0 0 1 ( . 2 3 % ) Sub-Total: One U .S. C ity only l 4 ( 7 . 9 1 % ) 1'4 ( 5 . 5 5 % ) 2 8 ( 6 . 5 3 % )

New York and New Orleans onlv 1 (.56%) 0 0 1 ( . 2 3 % ) Sub-Total: TWo U.S. C ities only 1 ( . 5 6 % ) 6 0 1 ( . 2 3 % )

Total: U.S. Locations only 15 . ( 8 . 4 7 % ) 14 (5.55%) 29 ( 6 . 7 6 % ) 349

Table 7, continued

M igration Locations M ales (177) Fem ales (252) T otal (429)

L ivlnaston, G uatem ala onlv 1 ( . 5 6 9 1 0 0 1 ( . 2 3 9 ) Stann C reek, B elize onlv 1 ( . 5 6 9 ) 2 ( . 7 9 9 ) 3 ( . 7 0 9 ) Belize Citv, Belize onlv 1 ( . 5 6 9 ) 1 ( . 4 0 9 1 2 ( . 4 7 9 1 lO tai: Foreign Locations only in which G arifuna C ulture is P r e s e n t 3 ( 1 . 7 0 9 ) 3 ( 1 . 1 9 9 ) 6 ( 1 . 4 0 9 )

Panama, C entral America onlv 0 0 1 ( . 4 0 9 ) 1 ( . 2 3 9 ) T otal: O ther Foreign Locations only 0 0 1 ( . 4 0 9 ) 1 ( . 2 3 9 )

New York (U .S.A .) and Tegucigalpa (Honduras) 2 (1.139) 0 0 2 ( . 4 7 9 ) New Xork (U .S.A .) and Progreso (Honduras) 1 ( . 5 6 9 ) 0 0 1 ( . 2 3 9 ) New york (U .S.A .) and Puerto O artes (Honduras) 1 ( . 5 6 9 ) 0 0 1 ( . 2 3 9 ) New York (U .S.A .) and San Pedro Sula (Honduras) 0 0 1 ( . 4 0 9 ) 1 ( . 2 3 9 ) New York (U .S.A .), San Pedro Sula (H onduras), and Tegucigalpa ( H o n d u r a s ) 2 ( 1 . 1 3 9 ) 1 ( . 4 0 9 ) 3 ( . 7 0 9 ) New York (U .S.A .), Tegucigalpa (Honduras), and Progreso (Honduras) 0 0 1 ( . 4 0 9 ) 1 ( . 2 3 9 1 SuO-TOtal: New York, U.S.A . and one or More Honduran Cities 6 (3.399) 3 ( 1 . 1 9 9 ) 9 ( 2 . 1 0 9 )

...... L os.A ngeles .tiJ.S .A .), raO itm (H onduras), T egucigalpa (Honduras), and San Pedro Sula (Honduras) 1 (.569) 0 0 1 ( . 2 3 9 ) Sub-Total: Los A ngeles, U.S.A. and One or More Honduran Cities 1 (.569) 0 0 1 ( . 2 3 9 )

T otal: One U .S. C ity and One or M ore H onduran C ities 7 ( 3 . 9 5 9 ) 3 ( 1 . 1 9 9 ) 1 0 ( 2 . 3 3 9 )

New York (U .S.A .), Los A ngeles (U.S.A.) and Livingston (Guatemala) 1 (.569) 1 (.409) 2 ( . 4 7 9 )

M iami (U .S.A . ) and M exico C ity ( M e x i c o ) 1 ( . 5 6 9 ) 0 0 1 ( . 2 3 9 ) T otal: One or More U.S. C ities and One N on-U .S. Foreign L o c a t i o n 2 ( 1 . 1 3 9 ) 1 ( . 4 0 9 ) 3 ( . 7 0 9 ) 350

Table 7, continued

Migration Locations Males (177) Females (252) Total (429)

New O rleans (U .S.A .), long Beacn, C alifornia (U .S.A .), Teguoigalpa (H onduras), T ela (Honduras), L ivingston (Guatem ala), a n d Panama (Central America) 1 (.56%) 0 (.40%) 1 (.23%) New ïo rlï (U .S.A .), LaCeiba (Honduras) San Pedro Sula (Honduras), Tegucigalpa (H onduras), Tteia (H onduras), L ivingston (Guatem ala) 0 0 1 ( . 4 0 % ) 1 ( . 2 3 % ) New York (U .S.A ), Tegucigalpa ( H o n d u r a s), Belize Citv (Be.lize) 1 (.56%) 0 0 1 ( . 2 3 % ) T otal: One o r More U.S. C ities, One o r More Honduran C ities, and One o r M ore Non-U.S. Foreign L o c a t i o n s 2 ( 1 . 1 3 % ) 1 (.40%) 3 (.70%)

Stann Creek (B elize) and LaCeiba ( H o n d u r a s ) 1 1 . 5 6 % ) 0 0 1 ( . 2 3 % ) Reliw City (Belize) and raCeiha

( H o n d u r a s ) 1 ( . 5 6 % ) 0 0 1 ( . 2 3 % ) M exico C ity (M exico) and Tela ( H o n d u r a s ) 0 0 1 (.40%) 1 (.23%) Nova Scotia (Canada), San Pedro Sula (H onduras), and Puerto C ortes (Honduras) 1 ( . 5 6 % ) 0 0 1 ( . 2 3 % ) M exico C ity (M adco), Stann Creek ...... (Belize); Teouciqaloa (Honduras) 1 (.56%) 0 0 I ( . 2 3 % ) M exico C i^ (M exico), Livingston (G uatem ala), Stann Creek (B elize), T egucigalpa (H onduras), San Pedro Sula (Honduras). LaCeiba (Honduras) 1 (.56%) 0 0 1 ( . 2 3 % ) T otal: Cne or more Non-U.S. Foreign (Locations and Cne o r More Honduran C ities 5 ( 2 . 8 2 % ) 1 ( . 4 0 % ) 6 ( 1 . 4 0 % )

suo-iotai: persons wicn unitsa S tates M igration Bccerience 2 6 ( 1 4 . 6 9 % ) 1 9 (7.54%) 45 (10.49%) Sub-Total: A ll Persons w irn Foreion M ioration Exoerience 3 4 ( 1 9 . 2 1 % ) 2 4 ( 9 . 5 2 % ) 58 (13.52% ) T otal: A ll Persons w itb Migration EXnerience 95 ( 5 3 . 6 7 % ) 1 1 9 ( 4 7 . 2 2 % ) 214 (49.88% ) T otal: Persons W ithout M igration E x o e r i e n c e 8 2 ( 4 6 . 3 3 % ) 1 3 3 ( 5 2 . 7 8 % ) 215 (50.12% ) T otal: A ll Residents 1 7 7 ( 1 0 0 % ) 2 5 2 (100%) 429 (100%) 351

Table 8 >

Frequency With Which Migration Locations Are Chosen

Choices fay Migration Locations Choices by tales Total Fatales laCeiba, Honduras 30 (20.27%) 49 (29.34%) 79 (25.08%) San Pedro Sula, Honduras 32 (21.62%) 39 (23.35%) 71 (22.54%) Teoucioaloa, Honduras 34 (22.97%) 32 (19.16%) 66 (20.95%) Puerto Cortes, Honduras 4 (2.70%) 8 (4.79%) 12 (3.81%) Tela, Honduras 1 (.68%) 8 (4.79%) 9 (2.36%) Prooreso , Honduras 1 (.68%) 3 (1.80%) 4 (1.27%) Sub-Total: HOnduran Locations 102 (68.92%) 139 (83.23%) 241 (76.51%)

Livinoston, Guatenala 4 (2.70%) 2 (1.20%) 6 (1.90%) Stann Creek, Belize 4 (2.70%) 2 (1.20%) 6 (1.90%) Belize Citv, Belize 3 (2.03%) 1 (.60%) 4 (1.27%) Sub-Total: Central American Locations where Garifuna Culture is Present 11 (7.43%) 5 (3.00%) 16 (5.08%)

New York, New York 18 (12.16%) 13 (7.78%) 31 (9.84%) New Orleans, Louisiana 4 (2.70%) 3 (1.80%) 7 (2.22%) Los Anoeles, California 3 (2.03%) 4 (2.40%) 7 (2.22%) Miami, Florida 3 (2.03%) 0 0 3 (.95%) Boston, t&ssachusetts 0 0 1 (.60%) 1 (.32%) Lono Beach, California 1 (.68%) 0 0 1 (.32%) Alaska, U.S.A. 1 (.68%) 0 0 1 (.32%) Sub-dtotal; United states Locations 30 <20-27%4 21 (12.57%) 51 (16.19%)

%nama. Central America 1 (.68%) 1 (.60%) 2 (.63%) Mexico Citv, Mexico 3 (2.03%) 1 (.60%) 4 (1.27%) Nova Scotia, Canaria 1 (.68%) 0 0 1 (.32%) Sub-Total: Other Foreion Locations 5 (3.38%) 2 (1.20%) 7 (2.22%) Total; Frequency of Migration Choices 148 (100%) 167 (100%) 315 (100%) 352

Table 9 Marital Status and Presence of Resident Spouse

Consensual Unions 25 (58.54%) Marriages 17 (41.46%) Total: Coresiding Conjugal Couples 41 (100.0%)

Women with young children living with spouse 19 (35.85%) Women with young children living without spouse 34 (64.15%) Total: Women with young children 53 (100.0%) 353

Table 10

Spouses' Place of Birth in a Sample of 41 Couples

Place of Birth Female Male

Santa Fa, Honduras 37 (90.24%) 26 (63.41%)

San Antonio, Honduras 0 0 2 (4.88%)

Guadalupe, 'Honduras 0 0 3 (7.31%)

Punta Gorda, Honduras 0 0 2 (4.38%)

RioEstefaen, Honduras 0 0 1 (2.44%)

Nueva Armenia , Honduras 0 0 1 (2.44%)

Sangrelaya, Honduras 1 (2.44%) 0 0

Tocomacho, Honduras 0 0 1 (2.44%)

Sambo Creek, Honduras 0 0 1 (2.44%)

Corozal, Honduras 0 0 1 (2.44%)

Tornabe, Honduras 1 (2.44%) 0 0

Punta Piedra, Honduras 1 (2.44%) 0 0

La Ceiba, Honduras 0 0 1 (2.44%)

Cusuna, Honduras 0 0 1 (2.44%)

Juniapa, Honduras 1 (2.44%) 0 0

Stann Creek, Belize 0 0 1 (2.44%)

Totals 41 (100%) 41 (100%)

Husband and Wife Born in Wife Only Born in Santa Fe: Santa Fa: 25 (60.97%) 12 (29.27%)

Husband Only Born in Neither Born in Santa F e : Santa Fa: 1 (2.44%) 3 (7.31%) 354

Table 11 Key to Household Types

> Classification A from Gonzalez fl969: S8) : Consanguineal Households II: One woman plus children T2: Two or more women plus children 13: One or more women plus children, plus consanguineally related male(s)

Affinal Households III: One couple plus children, at least one of which is the child of both 112: One couple-no children 113 : One couple plus children of the woman only 114: One couple plus children belonging to neither 115: One couple plus children of the man and woman by their previous spouses

Solitary Households nil: One person only

Classification B from Kerns fl983: 121-122);

Nuclear Family Households II: Simple Nuclear: a conjugal couple and their children in common only 12: Modified Nuclear: including only a parent and children; siblings only; spouses only; or a conjugal couple, their children, and some of the woman's children by former unions

Extended Family Households III: Extended Simple Nuclear: simple nuclear plus residents not related to focal woman as child or spouse (grandchildren, nieces, nephews, cousins, etc.) 112: Extended Modified Nuclear: modified nuclear plus other residents not related to focal woman as child or spouse 113 : Extended Non-Nuclear: focal woman lives only with non-nuclear relatives

Single Person Households nil: Female Resident Onlv III2: Male Resident Onlv Table 12

Household Types and Population in

Three Honduran Garifuna Villages (Classification A)

Households Santa Fe Guadalune Crvstales

Consanguineal 40 51.28% 38 42.70% 164 56.94% Affinal 35 44.87% 41 46.07% 121 42.01% Solitary 3 3.85% 10 11.23% 3 1.04%

Total Households 78 100% 89 100% 288 100%

Santa Fe Guadalupe Crystales Households MF Total M F Total M F Total Consanguineal 77 137 214 81 138 219 376 490 866 47.83% 56.38% 52.97% 35.53% 46.15% 41.56% 53.79% 56.06% 55.05% Affinal 84 103 187 144 152 296 317 367 684 52.17% 42.39% 46.29% 63.16% 50.84% 56.17% 45.35% 41.99% 43.48% Solitary 0 3 3 3 9 12 6 17 23 0 1.23% .74% 1.32% 3.01% 2.28% .86% 1.95% 1.46% Total Household Membership 161 243 404 228 299 527 699 874 1573 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100%

Data for Guadalupe and Crystales from Gonzalez (1988; 158-159, 182) w ui ui 356

Table 13

Household Types in Santa Fe and Southern Belize (Classification B)

Santa Fe Belize

II 15(19.23%) 57 (23%) 12 25(32.05%) 53 (22%) Total Nuclear Households 40(51.28%) 110 (45%)

III 4(5.13%) 46 (19%) 112 22(28.20%) 38 (16%) 1X3 9(11.53%) 21 (9%) Total Extended Family Households 35(44.87%) 105 (44%)

IIIl 3(3.84%) 15 (6%) III2 0 (0) 12 (5%) Total Single Person Households 3(3.84%) 27 (11%)

Total Households 78 (100%) 242 (100%)

Data for Belizean villages from Kerns (1983): 122 Table 14

Residents in Conâanguineal, Affinial and Solitary Households

Hales Consanguineal Affinial Solitary Total Residents FTR PTR AR FTR • PTR AR FTR PTR AR FTR PTR AR 0-15 33 6 39 22 1 23 0 0 0 55 7 62 53.23% 9.68% 62.90% 35.48% 1.61% 37.10% 0% 0% 0% 88.71% 11.29% 100.0% 16-45 5 27 32 12 22 34 0 0 0 17 49 66 7.58% 40.91% 48.48% 18,18% 33.33% 51.52% 0% 0% 0% 25.76% 74.24% 100% 46-85 1 5 6 24 3 27 0 0 0 25 8 33 3.03% 15.15% 18.18% 72.73% 9.09% 81.82% 0% 0% 0% 75.76% 24.24% 100% All Males 39 38 77 58 26 84 0 0 0 97 64 161 24.22% 23.60% 47.83% 36.02% 16.15% 52.17% 0% 0% 0% 60.25% 39.75% 100%

Females Consanguineal Affinial Solitary Total Residents FTR PTR AR FTR PTR AR FTR PTR AR FTR PTR AR 0-15 32 7 39 30 3 33 0 0 0 62 10 72 44.44% 9.72% 54.17% 41.67% 4.17% 45.83% 0% 0% 0% 86.11% 13.89% 100% 16-45 28 34 62 17 27 44 2 0 2 47 61 108 25.93% 31.48% 57.41% 15.74% 25.00% 40.74% 1.85% 0% 1.85% 43.52% 56.48% 100% 46-85 31 5 36 25 1 26 1 0 1 57 6 63 49.21% 7,94% 57.14% 39.68% 1.59% 41.27% 1.59% 0% 1.59% 90.48% 9.52% 100% All Females 91 46 137 72 31 103 3 0 3 166 77 243 37.45% 18.93% 56.38% 29.63% 12.76% 42.39% 1.23% 0% 1.23% 68.31% 31.-69% 100%

All Residents Consanguineal Affinial Solitary Total Residents FTR PTR AR FTR PTR AR FTR PTR AR FTR PTR AR 0-15 65 13 78 52 4 56 0 0 0 117 17 134 48.51% 9.70% 58.21% 38.81% 2.99% 41.79% 0% 0% 0% 87.31% 12.69% 100% 16-45 33 61 94 29 49 78 2 0 2 64 . 110 174 18.97% 35.06% 54.02% 16.67% 28.16% 44.83% 1.15% 0% 1.15% 36.78% 63.22% 100% 46-85 32 10 42 49 4 53 1 0 1 82 14 96 33.33% 10.42% 43.75% 51.04% 4.17% 55.21% 1.04% 0% 1.04% 85.42% 14.58% 100% All Residents 130 84 214 130 57 187 3 0 3 263 141 404 32.18% 20.79% 52.97% 32.19% 14.11% 46.29% .74% 0% .74% 65.10% 34.90% 100% W FTR=fuU-Time Residents PTR=Part-Time Residents AR=All Residents Ul Table 15

Residents in Nuclear Family, Extended Family, and Single Person Households

Hales Nuclear Family Extended Family Single Person Total Residents FTR PTR AR FTR PTR AR FTR PTR AR FTR PTR AR 0-15 24 3 27 31 4 35 0 0 0 55 7 62 38.71% 4.84% 43.55% 50.00% 6.45% 56.45% 0% 0% 0% 88.71% 11.29% 100% 16-45 11 31 42 6 18 24 0 0 0 17 49 66 16.67% 46.97% 63.64% 9.09% 27.27% 36.36% 0% 0% 0% 25.76% 74.24% 100% 46-85 18 2 20 7 6 13 0 0 0 25 8 33 54.55% 6.06% 60.60% 21.21% 18.18% 39.39% 0% 0% ' 0% 75.76% 24.24% 100% Total Males 53 36 89 44 28 72 0 0 0 97 64 161 32.92% 22.36% 55.28% 27.33% 17.39% 44.72% 0% 0% 0% 60.25% 39.75% 100%

Females Nuclear Family Extended Family Single Person Total Residents FTR PTR AR FTR PTR AR FTR PTR AR FTR PTR AR 0-15 27 3 30 3S 7 42 0 0 0 62 10 72 37.50% 4.17% 41.67% 48.61% 9.72% 58.33% 0% 0% 0% 86.11% 13.89% 100% 16-45 21 20 41 24 41 65 2 0 2 . 47 61 108 19.44% 18.52% 37.96% 22.22% 37.96% 60.19% 1.86% 0% 1.86% 43.52% 56.48% 100% 46-85 24 3 27 32 3 35 1 0 1 57 6 63 38.10% 4.76% 42.86% 50.79% 4.76% 55.55% 1.59% 0% 1.59% 90.48% 9.52% 100% Total Females 72 26 98 91 51 142 3 0 3 166 77 243 29.63% 10.70% 40.33% 37.45% 20.99% 58.44% 1.23% 0% 1.23% 68.31% 31.69% 100%

All Residents Nuclear Family Extended Family Single Person Total Residents FTR PTR AR FTR PTR AR FTR PTR AR FTR PTR AR 0-15 51 6 57 ,66 11 77 0 0 0 117 17 134 38.06% 4.48% 42.54% 49.25% 8.21% 57.46% 0% 0% 0% 87.31% 12.69% 100% 16-45 32 51 83 30 59 89 2 0 2 64 110 174 18.39% 29.31% 47.70% 17,24% 33.91% 51.15% 1.15% 0% 1.15% 36.78% 63.22% 100% 46-85 42 5 47 39 9 48 1 0 1 82 14 96 43.75% 5.21% 48.96% 40.63% 9.38% 50.00% 1.04% 0% 1.04% 85.41% 14.58% 100% Total Residents 125 62 187 135 79 214 3 0 3 263 141 404 30.94% 15.35% 46.29% 33.42% 19.55% 52.97% .74% 0% .74% 65.10% 34.90% 100%

FTR=FuU-Tin>e Residents PTR=Part Time Residents AR=All Residents w Ul 0 3 Table 16

Number of Full-Time and Part-Time Residents In One, Two> Three, and Four Generation Households

Ficnialest A%e Generation 1U> Generations Tltrca Generations Ftxir Generations Jtitala 6 Percent of Ago Range Ago Full-Tiiit Part-Time Ibtal rull.^ lac Part-Time Tbtal Full-Time Part-Time Total Full-Time Part-Tlno Total Full-Time Part-Tinc TfaUl Resiilentt Residents Resident!, Residents Residents Residents Resl.Ients Residents Residents RcaldcnlB Res(dents Residents iUisiUcnts Rcsliients Residents 0 29 d Is ' 25 4 29 0 62 10 72 0-15 0 0 101 (01 (0) (40.284) (8.114) (48.614) J l l j p (5.564) (40.284) _106.1l%l (loot) 0 7 j r 48 48 40 ------l08 16-45 ? J6 (6.4841 <01 (6.481) (18.52) (25.914 (44.444) (12.964) (24.074) (17.044) (5,564) _16j4841 J i i p i j i î g ü . (56,481) _ lio o y — IÔ l7 1 lo 25 7 77 46-85 Id 0 (15.0741 (01 (15.874) (26.984) (4.764) (11.754) (19.684) (3.174) (47.864) (7.944) (1.594) (9.524) (9,523) (100%) Females: 17 0 17 66 ■ 17 101 64 12 96 19 8 . 27 166 77 243 All (01 (7.004) (27.164) (15.214) (42.194) (26.144) (11.174) (19.514) (7.824) (1.294) (11.114) (68.31%) (31.69%) (100%) Ages (7.0041

Idlest a:e Generation IVo Generations Itiree Generations Four Generations Total a & Percent of Age Range Age Pull-Time Part-Time Total Full-Time Part-Time Total Full-Time Part-Tlau Total FUll-Tlsc Part-Tinc Total Rill-Tinc Part-Tinc Total Rono Generation IVo Generations Tltree Generations Four Generations Totals 4 Percent of Age lUnge Aïja Full-Time Part'Tinii total Full-Time Part-Time Total Full-Time Part-Time Total FUll-Tlme Part-Tlno Total FulHrlme Part-Tinc Total Range Residents Residents Residents Residents Residents Residents Residents Residents Residents Residents Residents Residents Reslilcnts Residents Residents 0 do 10 70 45 52 12 0 12 117 134 0-15 0 0 7 (01 (01 (0) (44,784) (7.464) (52.244) (11,584) (5.224) (18,814) (8.964) (0) (8.964) Jâ2|3l%i (100%) - -jj- 16-45 7 0 7 11 do ir 40 58 d 10 id 174 (4.0241 (01 (4.024) (18.974) 04.484) (51.454) (10.344) (22.994) i î i = | i î L (1.454) (5.754) (9.204) (36.?ai) _(5 i|2 2 4 , 41001) 19 i 18 14 4 11 H 8 d 1 7 82 96 46-05 (17.7141 (1.041) (18.754) (10.2)4) (4,174) (14.184) (11.254) (8.114) (39.50%) (6.254) (1.044) (7.291) (85.42%) (100%) All Resi lient M 1 34 1 25 122 74 196 91 55 140 24 11 35 263 141 404 M l (5.9441 (.25») (6.194) (10.204) (18.124) (48.514) (21.024) (11.614) 06.634) (5.944) (2.724) (0.6611 (65.10%) (34.90%) (100%) . 1 .

w ui VO Table 17

Kin Types in 78 Households of Focal Women

Daughter; 109 32.15%

Daughter's Daughter; 39 11.50% Daughter's Daughter's Daughter; 8 2.36% Sub-Total; Female Lineal Relatives Related through Ego's Daughters; 47 13.86% Daughter's Son; 20 5.90% Daughter's Daughter's Son; 4 1.18% Sub-Total; Male Lineal Relatives Related through Ego's Daughters; 24 7.08% Total; Lineal Relatives Related through Eijo's Daughters: 71 20.94%

Son; 94 27.73%

Son's Son; 5 1.47% Sub-Total; Male Lineal Relatives Related through Ego's Sons; 5 1.47% Son's Daughter; 1 .29% Sub-Total: Female Lineal Relatives Related through Bgo‘s Sons; 1 .29% Total; Lineal Relatives helated through Ego's Sons; 6 1.77%

Motlier's Sister's Daughter; 2 .59% Mother's Sister's Daughter's Daughter; 1 .29% Sub-Total; Female Collateral Relatives Related through Ego's Mother; 3 .88% Motlior's Sister's Daughter's Son; 1 .29%' Sub-Total: Male Collateral Relatives Related through Ego's Mother; 1 .29% Total: Collateral Relatives Related through Ego's Motlier 4 1.18%

Father's Brother; 1 .29% Sub-Total; Male Collateral Relatives Related through Ego's Father; 1 .29% Sub-Total; Female Collateral Relatives Related through Ego's Fatlier; 0 0 Total; Collateral Relatives Related through Ego's Father; 1 .29%

w a\ o Table 17, continued

Sister 4 1.18%

Sister's Daughter: 1 .29% Sister's Daughter's Daughter: 1 .29% Sister's Son's Daughter: ; 1 .29% Sub-Total: Femle Collateral Relatives Related through Ego's Sister: 3 .88% Sister's Son: 1 .29% Sid3-Total: Kile Collateral Relatives Related through Eqo*s Sister: 1 .29% Total: Collateral Relatives Related through Ego's Sister: 4 1.18%

Brother: 3 .88%

Total: Collateral Relatives Related through Ego's Brother: 0 0

Husband: 35 10.32% Daughter's Husband: 5 1.47% Daughter's Daughter's Husband: 1 .29% Sub-Total: ^ble Affinal Relatives: 41 12.09% Husband's Daughter: 1 .29% Sub-Total : Female Affinal Relatives : 1 .29% Total: Affinal Relatives 42 12.39%

Godmother (Ceremonial kinship) 1 .29%

Total: Lineal Relatives: 280 82.60% Total: Collateral Relatives: 16 4.72% Total; Affinal Relatives: 42 12.39% Total: Ceremonial Relatives: 1 .29% Total: All Relatives Residing in Households of Focal Women: 339 100%

H 362

Table 18

Types of Adult Relatives Present Full-Time In the Households of Individual Children

S 4J ü J 1 . s a i a & | | 1 g a a s 1 Types o£ A dult 0 g ■ s ' S s * 0 0 . R elatives Present :: * 8 « Full-Tim e in the l â H ouseholds of ■ § g Individual l â Î 1 i C h i l d r e n il i'ëi 5 6 5 II II i 2 9 1 1 7 1 9 II6 2 4 5 1 0 5 5 8 8 Il 4 3 M o t h e r ( 6 9 . 3 5 % ) ( 3 0 . 6 5 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 8 1 . 8 2 % ) ( 1 8 . 1 8 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 7 5 . 2 1 % ) ( 2 4 . 7 9 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) 2 0 4 2 6 2 1 1 4 4 5 5 3 1 8 6 1 1 7 M other’s M other ( 3 2 . 2 6 % ) ( 6 7 . 7 4 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 2 0 . 0 0 % ) ( 8 0 . 0 0 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 2 6 . 5 0 % ) ( 7 3 . 5 0 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) 1 3 4 9 6 2 i l 4 4 5 5 2 4 9 3 1 1 7 M other's S ister ( 2 0 . 9 7 % ) ( 7 9 . 0 3 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 2 0 . 0 0 % ) ( 8 0 . 0 0 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 2 0 . 5 1 % ) ( 7 9 . 4 9 % ) ( 1 0 0 % M o t h e r ' s M o t h e r ' s 6 5 6 6 2 2 5 3 5 5 3 1 0 9 1 1 7 M o t h e r ( 9 . 6 8 % ) ( 9 0 . 3 2 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 3 . 6 4 % ) ( 9 6 . 3 6 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 6 . 8 4 % ) ( 9 3 . 1 6 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) 1 6 1 6 2 5 5 0 5 5 6 1 1 1 1 1 7 S i s t e r ( 1 . 6 1 % ) ( 9 8 . 3 9 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 9 . 0 9 % ) ( 9 0 . 9 1 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 5 . 1 3 % ) ( 9 4 . 8 7 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) 1 6 1 6 2 4 5 1 5 5 5 1 1 2 1 1 7 F ather's M other ( 1 . 6 1 % ) ( 9 8 . 3 9 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 7 . 2 7 % ) ( 9 2 . 7 3 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 4 . 2 7 % ) ( 9 5 . 7 3 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) M other's M other's 1 6 1 6 2 0 5 5 5 5 1 1 1 6 1 1 7 S i s t e r ( 1 . 6 1 % ) ( 9 8 . 3 9 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 0 ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( . 8 5 % ) ( 9 9 . 1 5 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) M other's M other's S i s t e r ' s 1 6 1 6 2 0 5 5 5 5 1 1 1 6 1 1 7 D a u q h t e r ( 1 . 6 1 % ) ( 9 8 . 3 9 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 0 ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( . 8 5 % ) ( 9 9 . 1 5 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) 0 6 2 6 2 1 5 4 5 5 1 1 1 6 1 1 7 Father's S ister ( 0 1 ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 1 . 8 2 % ) ( 9 8 . 1 8 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( . 8 5 % ) ( 9 9 . 1 5 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) F ather's M other's 1 6 1 6 2 0 5 5 5 5 1 1 1 6 1 1 7 S i s t e r ( 1 . 6 1 % ) ( 9 8 . 3 9 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 0 ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( . 8 5 % ) 1 9 9 . 1 5 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) F ather's W ite 1 é l 6 2 0 -55" " ' S ’ ■ ' “ 1 1 1 6 l l 7 (Stetnother) ( 1 . 6 1 % ) ( 9 8 . 3 9 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 0 ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 1 0 0 % % - ' ( : 8 5 % ) ( 9 9 . 1 5 % ) - ( 1 0 0 % ; Father's W ife's D a u q h t e r 1 6 1 6 2 0 5 5 5 5 1 1 1 6 1 1 7 (S tcosister) ( 1 . 6 1 % ) ( 9 8 . 3 9 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 0 ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( . 8 5 % ) 1 9 5 . 1 5 % ) ( 1 0 0 % )

1 9 4 3 6 2 1 7 3 8 5 5 3 6 8 1 1 1 7 F a t h e r ( 3 0 . 6 5 % ) ( 6 9 . 3 5 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 3 0 . 9 1 % ) ( 6 9 . 0 9 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 3 0 . 7 7 % ) ( 6 9 . 2 3 % ) ( 1 0 0 % )

5 5 7 6 2 6 4 9 5 5 1 1 i 0 6 ri7 B r o t h e r 1 8 . 0 6 % ) ( 9 1 . 9 4 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 1 0 . 9 1 % ) ( 8 9 . 0 9 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 9 . 4 0 % ) ( 9 0 . 6 0 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) 3 5 9 6 2 3 5 2 5 5 6 ' l ' i l ' 1 1 7 M other's B rother ( 4 . 8 4 % ) ( 9 5 . 1 6 % ) 1 1 0 0 % ) ( 5 . 4 5 % ) ( 9 4 . 5 5 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 5 . 1 3 % ) ( 9 4 . 8 7 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) 5 5 7 6 2 0 5 5 5 5 S LÏ2 l l 7 M other's Father 1 8 . 0 6 % ) ( 9 1 . 9 4 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 0 ) 1 1 0 0 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 4 . 2 7 % ) ( 9 5 . 7 3 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) M other's Husband 2 6 0 6 2 3 5 2 5 5 5 l l 2 l l 7 (Stepfather) ( 3 . 2 3 % ) ( 9 6 . 7 7 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 5 . 4 5 % ) ( 9 4 . 5 5 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 4 . 2 7 % ) ( 9 5 . 7 3 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) M otlier's S iste r's 5 5 7 6 2 0 5 5 5 5 5 1 1 2 1 1 7 H u s b a n d ( 8 . 0 6 % ) ( 9 1 . 9 4 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 0 ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 4 . 2 7 % ) ( 9 5 . 7 3 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) M other's M other's 1 6 1 6 2 ■ 1 " 5 4 5 5 2 lis 1 1 7 F a t l i e r ( 1 . 6 1 % ) ( 9 8 . 3 9 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 1 . 8 2 % ) ( 9 8 . 1 8 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 1 . 7 1 % ) ( 9 8 . 2 9 % ) ( 1 0 0 % M other's M other's 2 6 0 6 2 0 5 5 55 2 1 1 5 1 1 7 H u s b a n d ( 3 . 2 3 % ) ( 9 6 . 7 7 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 0 ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 1 . 7 1 % ) ( 9 8 . 2 9 % ) ( 1 0 0 % 363

Table 19

Constellations of Adult Relatives'Present Full-Time In All Female Adult Households of Individual Children

F e m a l e M a l e A l l Tvces of A dult R elatives Present in H ouseholds of Individual C hildren Q i i l d r e n C h i l d r e n C l i l d r e n 8 1 0 1 3 M other Present O nlv (12.90S) (18.135) ( 1 5 . 3 3 % )

3 2 5 Mother and Mother's Mother (4.84%) ( 3 . 6 4 % ) ( 4 . 2 7 % ) . 3 0 3 Mother and Mother's Mother's Mother's (4.84%) (0) (2.56%) 1 0 1 Mother. Mother's Mother. Mother's Mother's Mother (1.51%) ( 0 ) ( . 8 5 % ) 1 1 2 M other, M other's S ister, M other's M other's M other ( 1 . 5 1 % ) ( 1 . 8 2 % ) ( 1 . 7 1 % ) 8 3 1 1 Sub-% tal: M other and K item al R elatives Present in Household ( 1 2 . 9 0 % ) (5.45%) (9.40%) 1 1 2 M other and S ister O nlv ( 1 . 5 1 % ) ( 1 . 8 2 % ) ( 1 . 7 1 % ) 0 2 2 M other and M other's G odirother ( 0 ) (3.64%) (1.71%) 9 6 1 5 lO tal: M other P resent in Household w ith Female A dults Onlv ( 1 4 . 5 2 % ) ( 1 0 . 9 0 % ) ( 1 2 . 3 2 % )

5 5 1 0 M other's M other O nlv ( 8 . 0 6 % ) ( 9 . 0 9 % ) ( 8 . 5 5 % ) 2 1 3 M other's M other and M other's S ister ( 3 . 2 3 % ) (1.32%) (2.555) 1 0 1 M other's M other's S ister Onlv ( 1 . 5 1 % ) ( 0 ) ( . 8 5 % ) 1 0 1 M other's M other's S iste r's D auqhter Onlv ( 1 . 5 1 % ) ( 0 ) ( . 8 5 % ) Sub-TO tal: M other A bsent, M aternal A dult Fem ales O nly Present 9 6 1 5 in H ousehold ( 1 4 . 5 2 % ) ( 1 0 . 9 0 % ) ( 1 2 . 8 2 % ) “L 3 4

F ath er's M other O nlv ( 1 . 6 1 % ) ( 5 . 4 5 % ) ( 3 . 4 2 % ) 0 1 . . 1 F ather's M other and F ather's S ister ( 0 ) ( 1 . 3 2 % ) ( . 8 5 % ) i 0 1

F ather's M other's S ister Onlv ( 1 . 6 1 % ) ( 0 ) ( . 8 5 % ) Sub-'Dotal: M other A bsent, P aternal A dult Fem ales Only 2 4 6 Present in Household ( 3 . 2 3 % ) ( 7 . 2 7 % ) ( 5 . 1 3 % ) T otal: M other A bsent, Fenale A dults Ctily Present 1 1 1 0 2 1 Present in Household ( 1 7 . 7 4 % ) ( 1 3 . 1 8 % ) ( 1 7 . 9 5 % ) 2 8 2 6 5 4

T otal: Female A dults Onlv Present in Household ( 4 5 . 1 6 % ) ( 4 7 . 2 7 % ) ( 4 6 . 1 5 % )

T otal: A ll H ouseholds of Individual C2iildren including Fem ale A dults O nly Present and H ouseholds W ith A dult 6 2 5 5 1 1 7 M ales and Fem ales Present ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) ( 1 0 0 % ) 364

Table 20

Constellations of Adult Relatives Present Full-Time in

Households of Individual Children where Adult Males and

Females are Present

Types of Adult Relatives Present Female Male All in Households of Individual Child Child Child Children ren ren ren

Mother and Father Present Only 17 17 34 27.42% 30.91% 29.06% Mother, Father, Mother's Mother, and Mother's Father 1 0 1 1.61% 0 .35% Total: Households with Mother and Father Present 13 17 35 29.03% 30.91% 29.91%

Mather and Mather's Husband (Stepfather) Only 1 2 3 1.61% 3.64% 2.56% Mather, Mother's Husband (Stepfather) and Brother 1 1 2 1.61% 1.32% 1.71% Total: Mather and Mather's Husband (Stepfather) Present 2 3 5 3.23% 5.45% 4.27%

Father, Father's Wife (Stepmother) and Father's Wife's Daughter 1 0 1 1^61% 0 .. . .35% Total: Father and Father's. Wife (Stepmocher) Present 1 0 1 1.61% 0 .85%

Mather, Brother and Sister 0 1 1 0 1.32% .35% Mather and Brother 4 4 3 6.45% 7.27% 6.84% Mouher, Morher's Mocher, Mother's Sister, Mother's Brother 1 3 4 1.61% 5.45% 3.42% Mather, Mother's Mother's Mother, Mother's Mother's Father 1 1 2 1.61% 1.32% 1.71% Total: Mother and Maternal Males and Females Present 2 4 6 3.23% 7.27% 5.13% 365

Table 20, continued

Types ot Adult Relatives Present Female Male All in Households of Individual Child-' Child Child Children ran ren ren

Mother's Mother, Mother's Sister, Mather's Father, and Mother's Sister's Husband 4 0 4 S. 45% 0 3.42% Mather's Mother, Mother's Sister, Mother's Brother, and Mother's Sister's Husband 1 0 1 1.61% 0 .35% Mother's Mother, Mother's Sister, and Mother's Mother's Husband (Stepgrandfather) 2 0 2 3.23% 0 1.71% Total: Both Parents Absent, Maternal Adult Males and Females Present 7 0 7 11.29% 0 5.98%

Total: Male and Female Adults Present in Household 34 29 63 54.84% 52.73% 53.85%

Total: All Households of Individual Children Including Female Adults Only Present and Households with ..... Adult .Hales and Females Present 62 55 117 100% 100% 100% Appendix B

Data Relative to Chapter IX

366 367

Table 21 I Distribution of Ages When ■Gubida Illness Occurred for .57 Cases

Age Range Females Males Total

0-5 2 (4.65%) 2 (14.29%) 4(7.02%)

6-10 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0)

11-15 0 (0) 2 (14.29%) 2 (3.51%)

16-20 6 (13.95%) 0 (0) 6 (10.53%)

21 -25 3 (6.98%) 0 (0) 3 (5-26%)

26-30 8 (18-60%) 2 (14.29%) 10 (17.54%)

31-35 3 (6.98%) 1 (7.14%) 4 (7.02%)

36-40 3 (6.98%) 0 (0) 3 (5.26%)

41-45 2 (4.65%) 0 (0) 2 (3.51%)

46-50 3 (6.98%) 2 (14.29%) 5 (8.77%)

51-55 3(6.98%) 1 (7.14%) ■ 4 <7.02%)

56-60 0 (0) 2 (14.29%) 2 (3.51%)

61-65 5 (11.63%) 0 (0) 5 (8.77%)

66-70 4 (9.30%) 2 (14.29%) 6 (10.53%)

71-75 1 (2.33%) 0 (0) 1 (1.75%)

Total Cases 43 (100%) 14 (100%) 57 (100%) 368

Table 22

Relatives Named as Causes of Gubida Illness

T o t a l Tim es Named in Czses o f Times Named in Cases of T i m e s R e l a t i v e Fertiles w ith Gubida Illn ess M ales w ith Gubida i^lness N a m e d

H a c h e r 9 f 1 6 . 0 7 9 1 4 (25.00%) 13 (18.00%) M ocner’s S iscer 2 (3.57%) 0 (0) 2 ( 2 . 7 8 % ) H om er's M other 4 ( 7 . 1 4 % ) 1 4 (25.00%) 8 ( 1 1 . 1 1 % ) K ücner's M other's M omar 1 ( 1 . 7 9 % ) 1 1 ( 6 . 2 5 % ) 2 ( 2 . 7 8 % ) H ocner's H acner's Facner' S i s c e r 1 ( 1 . 7 9 % ) 0 ( 0 ) 1 ( 1 . 3 9 % )

Sub-'total: Fem ale Ha te rra i R elatives 17 (30.36% ) 9 (56.25%) 26 (36.11%)

H acner's B rotner 2 (3.57%) 1 0 (0) 2 (2.78%) H acner’s Fanner 5 ( 8 . 9 3 % ) 1 3 (IE.75%) 8 (11.11%) H acner's Facner's Father ) (1.79%) 1 1 (6.25%) 2 ( 2 . 7 8 % ) M ocner's M other's B rother 2 (3.57%) ) 0 (0) 2 (2.78%) H acner's M ocner's Facner 2 (3.57%) ) 1 (6.25%) 3 ( 4 . 1 7 % )

Sub-Tacal: M aie M aternai B elacives 12 (21.43% ) 1 5 (31.25%) 17 (23.61% )

F a c n e r 9 (16.07%) 1 (6.25%) 10 (13.39%) Father’s Facner 7 ( 1 2 . 5 0 % ) C ( 0 ) 7 ( 5 . 7 2 % ) Facner's Facner's Facner 1 ( 1 . 7 9 % ) 0 (0) 1 (1.39%) Facner's M ocner's Facner 1 ( 1 . 7 9 % ) 0 ( 0 ) 1 ( 1 . 3 9 % )

Sub-Ibcal: M aie Paternal R elatives 18 (32.14%) 1 (6.25%) 19 (26.39%) *

Facner's M ocner 4 ( 7 . 1 4 % ) 0 ( 0 ) 4 ( 5 . 5 6 % ) Facner's M other's Siscer 1 ( 1 . 7 9 % ) 0 ( 0 ) 1 ( 1 . 3 9 % ) Facner's Facner's Siscer 1 ( 1 . 7 9 % ) 0 ( 0 ) 1 ( 1 . 3 9 % )

Sub-Tbcal: Penml* Paternal R elatives 6 ( 1 0 . 7 1 % ) 0 ( 0 ) 6 ( 8 . 3 3 % )

S i s c e r I 1 (1.79%) 0 (0) 1 ( 1 . 3 9 % ) Brotner 1 0 (0) 1 (6.25%) 1 ( 1 . 3 9 % )

Sub-Tocal: Sihliros 1 1 (1.79%) 1 (6.25%) 2 (2.78%)

Husnaro 2 (3.57%) ------( 0 ) 2 1 2 . 7 8 % 1

Suo-Tocal: Fenale M aternai H "” ’ R e l a t i v e s 14 (25.00% ) 9 ( 5 6 . 2 5 % ) 23 (31.94% )

Suo-Tocal: M aie M acem al L ineal R e l a t i v e s 8 ( 1 4 . 2 9 % ) 5 ( 3 1 . 2 5 % ) 13 (18.06% )

TOcai: M acemal Lineal R ela"ves 22 (39.29% ) 14 (87.50% ) 36 (50.00% ) 369

Table 22, continued

T o t a l Times Named in C ases of Times Named in Cases of T i m e s R e l a t i v e Fem ales wiidl G ubida M ales w ith Gubida T U ress N a m e d

Suo-îbtai: reoiaie Paternal L ineal Relatives 4 (7.14%) 0 (0) 4 (5.56%)

Suo-Tctal: M aie Paternal Lineal Relatives 18 (32.14%) 1 ( 6 . 2 5 % ) 19 (26.39% )

Total: Paternal Lineal R elatives 22 (39.29% ) 1 ( 6 . 2 5 % ) 23 (31.94% )

Suo-Ttotal: Female T-ineai R elatives tM aternel and Paternal) 18 (32.14% ) 9 ( 5 5 . 2 5 % ) 2 7 3 7 . 5 0 % ) Suo-Total: Maie L ineal R elatives fM aternai and Paternal) 25 (46.43% ) 6 (37.50%) 32 (44.44%)

Suo-Tstai: Female M aternai C ollateral R e l a t i v e s 3 ( S . 3 6 % 1 C ( 0 ) 3 ( 4 . 1 7 % ) Sun-Tbtal: Haie M aternai O sU acsral R e l a t i v e s 4 ( 7 . 1 4 % ) 0 ( 0 ) 4 ( 5 . 5 5 % )

Suo-Total: Female Paternal C ollateral R e l a t i v e s 2 ( 3 . 5 7 % ) 0 ( 0 ) 2 ( 2 . 7 8 % ) Suo-Totai: Haie Paternal C ollateral R e l a t i v e s 0 10) 0 ( 0 ) 0 ( 0 )

T otal: A li Oeceasea 1 Relatives Named 56 (100%) 1 6 ( 1 0 0 % ) 7 2 ( 1 0 0 % ) Table 23 Symptoms/Signs Reported in 12 Cases of Gubida Illness

Total Cases Cases of Cub da Illness (Sex a id Age of Occurrence) Symptoms/Sign» Symptom/Sign F F F F F F F F F H F F Reported 40 75 65 73 54 21 IB 61 28 58 22 17 Dreams ot dead relatives and IIF FUS FllF FH miFS 11 MF lUM MF identity of the deceased FF IMF FM IMF 9 / HFF Presence of upsetting emotional 12 stressors prior to onset XX XXXXX X X XXX l)Worry over physical illness or symptoms which have not X XXXXX X 7 responded well to treatment 2)Fear of being forgotten or rejected by relatives XX X 3 • 3)Horry over poverty or •• scarceness of food XX 2 4)Marltal problems X X 2 3)l.uiieliness after death of a spouse X X 2 6)Depression about life in Keneral X X 2 7)Loneliness after death of a child (young or adult) X 1 8)Uorry over health or behavior - of child (young or adult) X 1 9)Physical abuse by husband X 1 10)Alienation: feeling that one is different from others, does X 1 not make friends easily ^ Zabeza volando: upsetting and 6confused thoughts XXX XX X 6confused Severe headaches XXXXX X 6 Difficulty or Inability to get out.of bed XXX XX X 6 ialestar de todo el cuerpo (aches and tiredness all XXXX X 5 over the body)

w o Table 23, continued

Symptoos/Signs Cas 3 of Cub Ida n i n e s (Sa and ge of Occur ence) Total Cases •F: F F F F F F F F M F F Symptom/Sign 75 65 73 54 21 18 61 28 58 22 17 Reported Speaking aloud to spirits of dead relatives XX X 3 Difficulty or inability to walk X X X 3 / Fever or sensation of fever XXX 3 Stomach ache X XX 3 Visions of dead people while awake X X X 3 Not sneaking to other people XX 2 Nightmares other than those of dead relatives X 1 Running into the bush with visions of dead people X 1 Running Into the sea with visions of dead people X 1 Climbing up In the rafters with visions of dead people X 1 Swelling of legs or feet X X X 3 Pains in the legs X 1 Difficulty moving arms X 1 boss of appetite X 1 Loss of weight X - l Puncture wound in the foot that does not heal X 1 Internal swelling and infection X l Liver illness X l Asthma X 1 Ither medical condition possibly relevant but nor a symptom (pregnant) X X 2 Spirits believed responsible HFMM MM FMS FH FM MMF FM HHB MM MMH MF for the condition FF FMF FF HFF M MF MMF M.F MMFS FFF

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