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Competition Among Pronouns in Chamorro Grammar and Sentence Processing1 Matt Wagers*, Sandy Chung*, and Manuel F

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Competition Among Pronouns in Chamorro Grammar and Sentence Processing1 Matt Wagers*, Sandy Chung*, and Manuel F “Pronouns in Competition,” UC Santa Cruz Competition among Pronouns in Chamorro Grammar and Sentence Processing1 Matt Wagers*, Sandy Chung*, and Manuel F. Borja° *Department of Linguistics, UC Santa Cruz; °Inetnun Åmut yan Kutturan Natibu, Saipan, CNMI Introduction Much work on Binding Theory has implicitly assumed that reflexive anaphors are morphologically distinct from ordinary pronouns, and indeed in most of the world’s languages this seems to be so (Faltz 1977). Research on the comprehension of reflexive anaphors has likewise been concerned with linguistic systems in which reflexives and ordinary pronouns are morphologically distinct. Nonetheless, there are languages in which reflexive anaphors have the same morphological realization as ordinary pronouns throughout the language. Some of these languages: - Old English (e.g. Faltz 1977, Keenan 2002, Bergeton & Pancheva 2011) - Samoan (Chapin, 1970), Tongan (Otsuka, 2006, fn. 7), a number of other Oceanic languages (Moyse-Faurie, 2008) - Chamorro, an Austronesian language of the Mariana Islands. Chamorro is a verb-first language in which direct object pronoun forms precede the subject. Reflexive anaphors look like ordinary overt pronouns. Although the language can use special morphology to mark a verb whose direct object is reflexive, this special morphology is optional. This talk investigates the syntax and processing of pronouns in Chamorro. On the syntactic side, we show: - Chamorro grammar treats reflexive anaphors differently from ordinary pronouns, despite the fact that they share the same morphological form. - These patterns support a competition-based theory of anaphora most similar to Safir’s (2014). On the processing side, we ask how comprehenders interpret morphological pronoun forms which are ambiguous between reflexive and disjoint readings. - In a picture-matching experiment on tablet computers, participants were first presented with visual and linguistic contexts introducing two characters, and then had to match a target sentence with one of two pictures, one depicting a reflexive event and the other, a disjoint event. - Perhaps the most surprising result: comprehenders prefer to construe overt pronoun forms as reflexive (bound) even when the grammar allows a disjoint construal. - We derive this result from a competition-based theory of anaphora, together with some of the Chamorro-specific facts just described. 1 April 27-28, 2018 A. Two Versions of Binding Theory Classical (e.g. Chomsky 1981) - anaphors are bound in some local domain (Principle A); ordinary pronouns cannot be bound in some local domain (Principle B) - Implicitly assumed: reflexive anaphors and ordinary pronouns are morphologically distinct (see e.g. Volkova and Reuland 2014 and, for typological support, Faltz 1977 a.o.) Competition-based, notably Safir 2014 - Bound variables which are c-commanded by their antecedents are minimal pronouns (= Safir’s D-bound); they originate with just an index feature (cf. Kratzer 2009’s minimal pronouns) and acquire phi-features later in the derivation. - In many languages, a minimal pronoun has a special morphological spell-out when it is in the same phase as its binder (cf. Charnavel and Sportiche 2016 on the relevance of phases). - When this happens, the result is: (x) reflexive anaphors that are morphologically distinct from ordinary pronoun forms and (y) Principle A effects. - Principle B effects arise because ordinary, ‘natural-born’ pronouns, which originate with phi-features, always lose in the competition with a minimal pronoun with the same construal (see Reinhart 1983, Wilson 2001, Kiparsky 2002, Safir 2004, among others, for other competition-based approaches to Binding Theory). - a key feature of this system: the morphological difference between reflexive anaphors and other pronoun forms arises only at spell-out. B. A Window of Opportunity Safir 2014’s approach explicitly allows for languages whose reflexive anaphors are not morphologically distinct from ordinary pronoun forms—languages in which the minimal pronoun has the same morphological spell-out as a natural-born pronoun, even when its antecedent is within the same phase (see Kiparsky 2002 for an OT approach with a similar window of opportunity; as well as Levinson 2000 and Kiparsky 2002 on other languages of this type). - Chamorro is a language of this type. 2 “Pronouns in Competition,” UC Santa Cruz C. The Forms of Chamorro Pronouns - Chamorro has three sets of pronoun forms: weak, independent, and null. - The choice between these sets of forms is determined by animacy and syntactic context. (1) Weak Independent 1 sg. yu’ guåhu 2 sg. hao hågu 3 sg. gui’ guiya 1 incl.pl. hit(a) hita 1 excl.pl. ham(i) hami 2 pl. hamyu hamyu 3 pl. siha siha - A pronoun must be null when it is (a) inanimate or (b) cross-referenced by agreement in person. - Possessors and subjects of transitive verbs are always cross-referenced by agreement in person, so pronouns in these positions are always null. - Otherwise, animate pronouns can either be null or realized as weak pronouns when they are direct objects or intransitive subjects; animate pronouns in any other position are realized as independent pronouns. (2) a. Kao la’mun hao nu guiya? Q AGR.responsible you OBL him/her ‘are you responsible for him/her/*it?’ b. Kao un arerekla (gui’) esta? Q AGR fix.PROG him/her already ‘Have you already fixed him/her/*it up?’ c. Ti måttu yu’ gi gipot-mu sa’ un na’bubu yu’. not AGR.come I LOC party-AGR because AGR make.angry me ‘I did not come to your party because you made me angry.’ (CD, entry for na’bubu) 3 April 27-28, 2018 D. Chamorro Strategies for Realizing ‘Reflexives’ - Let’s use the term ‘reflexive’ for Chamorro pronouns that are bound by a c-commanding subject in the same phase. - a reflexive direct object is realized simply as an ordinary (weak) pronoun. (3) a. Put ennao na hu sakrifisia yu’. because that COMP AGR sacrifice me ‘For that reason, I sacrifice myself.’ (CD, entry for put ennao) b. Ha gosa gui’ gi giput. AGR enjoy him LOC party ‘He enjoyed himself at the party.’ (CD, entry for gosa) c. Mayulang i pesadót anai ha talang gui’ si Pedro. AGR.PASS.break the scale when AGR weigh him UNM Pedro ‘The scale broke when Pedro weighed himself.’ (CD, entry for pesadót) Juan Malimanga Clothilde Gould/Roger G. Faustino, 1982, Pacific Daily News Juan, siña chumefla hao ya un papaini hao? Juan, can AGR.whistle you and AGR comb.PROG you “Juan, can you whistle and comb yourself [at the same time]?” 4 “Pronouns in Competition,” UC Santa Cruz - Verbs with a reflexive direct object can optionally be modified by the adverb maisa, which forms a prosodic word with the verb (bracketed below). (4) a. Ha [ tokcha’ maisa ] gui’ ni pakin tokcha’. AGR spear self him OBL gun.L spear ‘He poked himself with the spear gun.’ (CD, entry for pakin tokcha’) b. Ha [ ritiran maisa ] gui’ si Joanne gi espitåt. AGR dismiss.L self her UNM Joanne LOC hospital ‘Joanne dismissed herself from the hospital.’ (CD, entry for ritira) c. Hu [ atan mamaisa ] yu’. AGR watch self.PROG I ‘I’m looking at myself.’ - In other contexts, maisa means ‘(by) oneself’ (and is prosodically independent). (5) Diahlu ya hågu ha’ un hånao na maisa. no.thanks and you EMP AGR go L self ‘No, just go by yourself.’ (CD, entry for diahlu) - a reflexive that is some other argument of the verb is realized simply as an ordinary (independent) pronoun. (6) a. Manápatti ni i salåppi’ intri siha. AGR.divide OBL the money among them ‘They divided the money amongst themselves.’ (CD, entry for ápatti) b. Si Jose ha na’takkilu’ i aliña giya guiya. UNM Jose AGR make.high the pride LOC him ‘Jose takes pride in himself.’ (CD, entry for aliña) - a reflexive possessor is realized as an ordinary (null) possessor pronoun. (7) Ha po’lu gi buti-ña pro. AGR put LOC boat-AGR ‘Hei put it in hisi boat.’ (from a tape-recorded narrative) - Generalizing: Every reflexive has the same morphological realization as an ordinary pronoun. Somewhat awkward for classical Binding Theory—though not for Safir 2014 or Kiparsky 2002. 5 April 27-28, 2018 E. Q & A - Q: Could it be that Chamorro simply “doesn’t have binding”, meaning that all pronouns— including those in (3) and (6), simply pick up their reference from discourse or the nonlinguistic context, so that the appearance of coindexing in (3) and (6) is accidental? - a: No. Chamorro does have binding. See below. F. Evidence that Chamorro Treats Reflexives Specially - Despite the fact that every reflexive has the same morphological realization as an ordinary pronoun, other aspects of Chamorro grammar do treat them specially (Chung 1989). Pronoun forms again - a reflexive that is a complement of the verb cannot be null; it must be realized as an overt pronoun form. (8) a. Hu arerekla yu’ / *pro esta. AGR fix.PROG I already ‘I already fixed myself up.’ b. Ha arekla gui’ / *pro para i misa. AGR fix her for the mass (‘She fixed herself up for mass.’) - Therefore, a reflexive that is an inanimate direct object must be realized as a weak pronoun, even though otherwise, inanimate pronouns are null. (9) a. I tiempun uchan ha tutuhun gui’ gi Agostu na mes. the time.L rain AGR begin it LOC August L month ‘The rainy season begins on the month of August.’ (CD, entry for tiempun uchan) b. Ha kandålun maisa gui’ i petta. AGR lock.L self it the door ‘The door locked itself.’ c. Ha baba gui’ i petta dispues di hu huchum (#gui’). AGR open it the door after AGR close it ‘The door opened (itself) after I closed it.’ Person-animacy hierarchy - Chamorro systematically disallows transitive clauses with certain combinations of subject and direct object.
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