Grammar of Euskara
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The Syntax of the Malagasy Reciprocal Construction: an Lfg Account
THE SYNTAX OF THE MALAGASY RECIPROCAL CONSTRUCTION: AN LFG ACCOUNT Peter Hurst University of Melbourne Proceedings of the LFG06 Conference Universität Konstanz Miriam Butt and Tracy Holloway King (Editors) 2006 CSLI Publications http://csli-publications.stanford.edu/ ABSTRACT The verbal reciprocal construction in Malagasy is formed by a reciprocal morpheme prefixing on the main verb with a corresponding loss of an overt argument in c-structure. Analyses of similar constructions in Chichewa and Catalan both treat the reciprocalized verb's argument structure as undergoing an alteration whereby one of its thematic roles is either suppressed or two thematic arguments are mapped to one grammatical function. In this paper I propose that the reciprocal morpheme in Malagasy creates a reciprocal pronoun in f-structure - thus maintaining its valency and leaving the argument structure of the verb unchanged, while at the same time losing an argument at the level of c-structure. 1. INTRODUCTION Malagasy is an Austronesian language and is the dominant language of Madagascar. The Malagasy sentences used in the analysis below are from the literature - in particular from a paper by Keenan and Razafimamonjy (2001) titled “Reciprocals in Malagasy” whose examples are based on the official dialect of Malagasy as spoken in and around the capital city Antananarivo. The Malagasy reciprocal construction is formed by the addition of a prefix -if- or -ifamp- to the stem of the verb accompanied by the loss of an overt argument in object position. Compare sentence (1a) below with its reciprocated equivalent (1b): (1) Malagasy a. N-an-daka an-dRabe Rakoto pst-act-kick acc.Rabe Rakoto V O S 'Rakoto kicked Rabe' b. -
The Strategy of Case-Marking
Case marking strategies Helen de Hoop & Andrej Malchukov1 Radboud University Nijmegen DRAFT January 2006 Abstract Two strategies of case marking in natural languages are discussed. These are defined as two violable constraints whose effects are shown to converge in the case of differential object marking but diverge in the case of differential subject marking. The strength of the case bearing arguments will be shown to be of utmost importance for case marking as well as voice alternations. The strength of arguments can be viewed as a function of their discourse prominence. The analysis of the case marking patterns we find cross-linguistically is couched in a bidirectional OT analysis. 1. Assumptions In this section we wish to put forward our three basic assumptions: (1) In ergative-absolutive systems ergative case is assigned to the first argument x of a two-place relation R(x,y). (2) In nominative-accusative systems accusative case is assigned to the second argument y of a two-place relation R(x,y). (3) Morphologically unmarked case can be the absence of case. The first two assumptions deal with the linking between the first (highest) and second (lowest) argument in a transitive sentence and the type of case marking. For reasons of convenience, we will refer to these arguments quite sloppily as the subject and the object respectively, although we are aware of the fact that the labels subject and object may not be appropriate in all contexts, dependent on how they are actually defined. In many languages, ergative and accusative case are assigned only or mainly in transitive sentences, while in intransitive sentences ergative and accusative case are usually not assigned. -
A Crosslinguistic Approach to Double Nominative and Biabsolutive Constructions
A Crosslinguistic Approach to Double Nominative and Biabsolutive Constructions: Evidence from Korean and Daghestanian∗ Andrei Antonenko1 and Jisung Sun2 Stony Brook University1,2 1. Introduction Distribution of case among distinct grammatical relations is one of the most frequently studied topics in the syntactic theory. Canonical cases are, in accusative languages, subjects of both intransitive and transitive verbs being nominative, while direct objects of transitive verbs are usually marked accusative. In ergative languages, subjects of intransitive verbs share properties with direct objects of transitive verbs, and are marked absolutive. Subjects of transitive verbs are usually ergative. When you look into world languages, however, there are ‘non-canonical’ case patterns too. Probably the most extreme kind of non-canonical case system would be so-called Quirky Subject constructions in Icelandic (see Sigurðsson 2002). This paper concerns constructions, in which two nominals are identically case-marked in a clause, as observed in Korean and Daghestanian languages. Daghestanian languages belong to Nakh-Daghestanian branch of North Caucasian family. Nakh-Daghestanian languages are informally divided into Nakh languages, such as Chechen and Ingush, spoken in Chechnya and the Republic of Ingushetia, respectively; and Daghestanian languages, spoken in the Republic of Daghestan. Those regions are located in the Caucasian part of Russian Federation. Some Daghestanian languages are also spoken in Azerbaijan and Georgia. This study focuses on Daghestanian languages, such as Archi, Avar, Dargwa, Hinuq, Khwarshi, Lak and Tsez, due to similar behaviors of them with respect to the described phenomenon. 2. Ergativity in Daghestanian Aldridge (2004) proposes that there are two types of syntactically ergative languages, based on which argument is performing functions typical for subjects. -
Dative (First) Complements in Basque
Dative (first) complements in Basque BEATRIZ FERNÁNDEZ JON ORTIZ DE URBINA Abstract This article examines dative complements of unergative verbs in Basque, i.e., dative arguments of morphologically “transitive” verbs, which, unlike ditransitives, do not co-occur with a canonical object complement. We will claim that such arguments fall under two different types, each of which involves a different type of non-structural licensing of the dative case. The presence of two different types of dative case in these constructions is correlated with the two different types of complement case alternations which many of these predicates exhibit, so that alternation patterns will provide us with clues to identify different sources for the dative marking. In particular, we will examine datives alternating with absolutives (i.e., with the regular object structural case in an ergative language) and datives alternating with postpositional phrases. We will first examine an approach to the former which relies on current proposals that identify a low applicative head as case licenser. Such approach, while accounting for the dative case, raises a number of issues with respect to the absolutive variant. As for datives alternating with postpositional phrases, we claim that they are lexically licensed by the lower verbal head V. Keywords Dative, conflation, lexical case, inherent case, case alternations 1. Preliminaries: bivalent unergatives Bivalent unergatives, i.e., unergatives with a dative complement, have remained largely ignored in traditional Basque studies, perhaps due to the Journal of Portuguese Linguistics, 11-1 (2012), 83-98 ISSN 1645-4537 84 Beatriz Fernández & Jon Ortiz de Urbina identity of their morphological patterns of case marking and agreement with those of ditransitive configurations. -
Further Remarks on Reciprocal Constructions (To Appear In: Nedjalkov, Vladimir P
1 Further remarks on reciprocal constructions (to appear in: Nedjalkov, Vladimir P. (ed.) 2007. Reciprocal constructions. Amsterdam: Benjamins.) MARTIN HASPELMATH In view of the breathtaking scope of the comparative research enterprise led by Vladimir P. Nedjalkov whose results are published in these volumes, I have no choice but to select and highlight a few topics that I find particularly interesting and worthy of further comment and further study. I will focus here on conceptual and terminological issues and on some phenomena that have been discussed in the literature but are not so well represented in this work. I will also try to summarize some of the major known generalizations about reciprocals, as discussed in this work and elsewhere, in the form of twenty-six Greenberg-style numbered universals. 1. Reciprocal, mutual, symmetric Let us begin with a terminological discussion of the most basic term, reciprocal. In the present volumes, this term is used both for meanings (e.g. reciprocal situation, reciprocal event) and for forms (e.g. reciprocal construction, reciprocal marker, reciprocal predicate). In most cases, the context will disambiguate, but it seems to be a good idea to have two different terms for meanings and for forms, analogous to similar contrasts such as proposition/sentence, question/interrogative, participant/argument, time/tense, multiple/plural. Since all reciprocals express a situation with a mutual relation, I propose the term mutual for the semantic plane, reserving the term reciprocal for specialized expression patterns that code a mutual situation. A similar terminological distinction is made by König & Kokutani (2006), Evans (2007), Dimitriadis (2007), but these authors propose the term symmetric for meanings, reserving reciprocal for forms. -
Verb Agreement and Case Marking in Burushaski
Work Papers of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, University of North Dakota Session Volume 40 Article 5 1996 Verb agreement and case marking in Burushaski Stephen R. Willson SIL-UND Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.und.edu/sil-work-papers Part of the Linguistics Commons Recommended Citation Willson, Stephen R. (1996) "Verb agreement and case marking in Burushaski," Work Papers of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, University of North Dakota Session: Vol. 40 , Article 5. DOI: 10.31356/silwp.vol40.05 Available at: https://commons.und.edu/sil-work-papers/vol40/iss1/5 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by UND Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Work Papers of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, University of North Dakota Session by an authorized editor of UND Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Verb Agreement and Case Marking in Burushaski Stephen R. Willson 1 Burushaski verb agreement and case marking phenomena are complex and have not been described adequately by any current theory ofsyntax. In particular, no explanation has yet been given as to why a variety of nominals can trigger agreement in the verbal prefix. In some cases the apparent subject triggers this agreement, in others the direct object appears to do so, in others the indirect object, in others the possessor of the direct object, in others a benefactive or source nominal. Also, the constraints on the usage of ergative, absolutive and oblique case, and other indicators ofgrammatical relations on nominals, have been insufficiently characterized in the literature on Burushaski. -
Comparing the Basque Diaspora
COMPARING THE BASQUE DIASPORA: Ethnonationalism, transnationalism and identity maintenance in Argentina, Australia, Belgium, Peru, the United States of America, and Uruguay by Gloria Pilar Totoricagiiena Thesis submitted in partial requirement for Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The London School of Economics and Political Science University of London 2000 1 UMI Number: U145019 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U145019 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Theses, F 7877 7S/^S| Acknowledgments I would like to gratefully acknowledge the supervision of Professor Brendan O’Leary, whose expertise in ethnonationalism attracted me to the LSE and whose careful comments guided me through the writing of this thesis; advising by Dr. Erik Ringmar at the LSE, and my indebtedness to mentor, Professor Gregory A. Raymond, specialist in international relations and conflict resolution at Boise State University, and his nearly twenty years of inspiration and faith in my academic abilities. Fellowships from the American Association of University Women, Euskal Fundazioa, and Eusko Jaurlaritza contributed to the financial requirements of this international travel. -
Sentence Negation in Basque
".' ; Sentence negation in Basque ITZIAR LAKA (M.I.T.) This paper presents an analysis of sentence negation in Basque!. Basque negative sentences show a differentpattern from non-negative ones with respect to the placement of the inflected verb. This particular pattern displays an interesting asymmetry depending on the clause type. The phenomena are explained in terms of head movement. The negative particle ez 'not' is analyzed as a head, in the spirit of Pollock (1989). This head takes IP as its complement and projects a Neg Phrase. At S-struc ture, INFL adjoins to negation; the fact that negation is initial unlike the rest of the heads in Basque creates the 'dislocated' pattern of matrix sentence negation. In embedded clauses, the complex [NEGATION/INFL] adjoins to CaMP, which is final. This latter movement is the source of the asymmetry between matrix and embedded sentence negation. The paper also explores grammatical constraints on sentence negation in natural languages. It is argued that Negative Polarity ltems(NPI) are licensed by negation under c-command at S-structure, and that sentence negation must be c-commanded by Tense also at S-structure. The first condition is shown to account for NPI licensing by negation in Basque and English. The second condition which is named the Tense C-command Condition (TCC) is proposed based mainly on evidence from Basque. Some cross-lin guistic evidence is shown to support the hypothesis as universal. The paper is organized as follows: The first section presents some general properties of Basque grammar relevant for the analysis. The second section describes the phenomena induced by negation both in matrix and embedded clauses. -
Dative Overmarking in Basque: Evidence of Spanish-Basque Convergence
Dative Overmarking in Basque: Evidence of Spanish-Basque Convergence Jennifer Austin University of New Jersey, Rutgers. [email protected] Abstract This paper investigates a recent change in the grammar of spoken Basque which results in the substitution of dative case and agreement for absolutive case and agreement in marking animate, specific direct objects. I argue that this pattern of use is due to convergence between the feature matrix of the functional category AGR in Spanish and Basque. In contrast to previous studies which point to interface areas as the locus of syntactic convergence, I argue that this is a change affecting the core grammar of Basque. Furthermore, I suggest that the appearance of this case marking pattern in spoken Basque is probably attributable to recent changes in the demographics of Basque speakers and that its use is related to the degree of proficiency in each language of adult bilingual speakers. Laburpena Lan honetan euskara mintzatuaren gramatikan gertatu berri den aldaketa bat ikertzen da, hain zuzen ere, kasu datiboa eta aditz komunztaduraren ordezkapena kasu absolutiboa eta aditz komunztaduraren ordez objektu zuzenak --animatuak eta zehatzak—markatzen direnean. Nire iritziz, erabilera hori gazteleraz eta euskaraz dagoen AGR delako kategori funtzionalaren ezaugarri taulen bateratzeari zor zaio. Aurreko ikerketa batzuetan hizkuntza arteko ukipen eremuak bateratze sintaktikoaren gunetzat jotzen badira ere, nire iritziz aldaketa horrek euskararen gramatika oinarrizkoari eragiten dio. Areago, esango nuke kasu marka erabilera hori, ziurrenik, euskal hiztunen artean gertatu berri diren aldaketa demografikoen ondorioz agertzen dela euskara mintzatuan eta hiztun elebidun helduek hizkuntza bakoitzean daukaten gaitasun mailari lotuta dagoela. Keywods: Bilingualism, syntactic convergence, language contact. -
Basque Education Rights and European School Systems
Universal Journal of Educational Research 3(1): 13-23, 2015 http://www.hrpub.org DOI: 10.13189/ujer.2015.030103 Basque Education Rights and European School Systems Fito Rodríguez Bornaetxea Department of Theory and History of Education, Faculty of Philosophy and Educational Sciences, University of the Basque Country (UPV/ EHU), Donostia/San Sebastian, 20018, Spain Copyright © 2015 Horizon Research Publishing All rights reserved. Abstract It is impossible to achieve the normalization of excluded from the official public education system. This is Basque schools when they are subjected to five sets of by no means the only example of the use of a school system regulations on the use of the Basque language in different to force an alien culture on people. In the United Kingdom, parts of Euskal Herria. Instead of an education system that for exlample, Gaelic, Scots Gaelic and other Celtic differentiates between various language models, what is languages were excluded from the public school system; in needed is a school system that recognises the right of all Belgium, Flemish (Dutch) did not receive proper treatment Basque children to be educated in Basque and provides the in public education until Belgium became a federal kingdom necessary means to achieve this. As in Finland, Quebec or (in 1932, in Flanders, there were 108 public schools and 101 Belgium, so in Euskal Herria too it should be a given that all private schools, all of which only taught French) (Rodriguez, future university graduates must know the national language. [10]). The road to independence is incomplete without education The French national education system has never consented in Basque. -
Berkeley Linguistics Society
PROCEEDINGS OF THE THIRTY-SECOND ANNUAL MEETING OF THE BERKELEY LINGUISTICS SOCIETY February 10-12, 2006 GENERAL SESSION and PARASESSION on THEORETICAL APPROACHES TO ARGUMENT STRUCTURE Edited by Zhenya Antić Michael J. Houser Charles B. Chang Clare S. Sandy Emily Cibelli Maziar Toosarvandani Jisup Hong Yao Yao Berkeley Linguistics Society Berkeley, CA, USA Berkeley Linguistics Society University of California, Berkeley Department of Linguistics 1203 Dwinelle Hall Berkeley, CA 94720-2650 USA All papers copyright © 2012 by the Berkeley Linguistics Society, Inc. All rights reserved. ISSN 0363-2946 LCCN 76-640143 Printed by Sheridan Books 100 N. Staebler Road Ann Arbor, MI 48103 ii TABLE OF CONTENTS A note regarding the contents of this volume ........................................................ vi Foreword ............................................................................................................... vii GENERAL SESSION Verb Second, Subject Clitics, and Impersonals in Surmiran (Rumantsch) .............3 STEPHEN R. ANDERSON Cross-linguistic Variation in a Processing Account: The Case of Multiple Wh-questions ..........................................................................................................23 INBAL ARNON, NEIL SNIDER, PHILIP HOFMEISTER, T. FLORIAN JAEGER, and IVAN A. SAG Several Problems for Predicate Decompositions ...................................................37 JOHN BEAVERS and ITAMAR FRANCEZ Wh-Conditionals in Vietnamese and Chinese: Against Unselective Binding .......49 BENJAMIN BRUENING -
Russian Peripheral Reciprocal Markers and Unaccusativity
Empirical Issues in Syntax and Semantics 8 O. Bonami & P.Cabredo Hofherr (eds.) 2011, pp. 313–332 http://www.cssp.cnrs.fr/eiss8 Russian peripheral reciprocal markers and unaccusativity Alexander Letuchiy∗ Introduction In the last few decades, the unaccusativity hypothesis and notion of unaccusativity has been widely discussed in linguistics. The hypothesis, as formulated by Perlmut- ter (1976), Rosen (1984), Mithun (1991), and others, says that the class of intransitive verbs is not homogenous. Different syntactic criteria show that in many languages one observes two classes of intransitives: unaccusative verbs and unergative verbs. The for- mer are, roughly speaking, ‘patientive’ verbs which denote a situation which the sub- ject does not control – in other words, the subject is a patient rather than an agent, since the absence of control, according to Dowty (1991) and Ackerman & Moore (2001) characterizes prototypical patients, and not prototypical agents. Structurally, accord- ing to Perlmutter (1976), the subject of unaccusatives at some level of representation occupies the same place as the object of transitive verbs. In contrast, the core of the unergative class includes situations controlled by the subject (thoughother verbs join the unergativeclass as well). In the syntactic structure, the subject occupies the same place as the subject (agent) of transitive verbs. In this paper, I discuss ‘peripheral’ reciprocal markers in Russian1. First, I analyze the grammatical properties of the prefix vzaimo- ‘mutually’. Surprisingly, this prefix, which cannot be the sole reciprocal marker in the verb form, can serve as the sole marker in nouns and even in participles. I am trying to explain this difference between verbs vs.