' - ■■
« % B28
C VOLUME 1 NUMBER 2 & 3 JULY/AUGUST 1984
A^zapo raid was illegal, rules judge
Magazines to be returned, jude^ orders fditorial:
The nation-wide raid on leaders of the state. with Frelimo. Black Consciousness Movement on 22 May 1984 underlines yet again the In fact, BC takes Into account that Now that Frelimo, despite Its gallant fascist nature of the South African the central problem in any struggle anti-colonial efforts, has been forced regime. The crackdown on AZAPO is Is to find an antidote to fear. Crush to compromise with the rapacious directly linked to the Accord of ed by the realities of routine, we all white settlers, It seems that the Nkomati. hesitate to participate In the libera system once again hopes to erase tion struggle. We fear losing our BC. This Issue of Frank Talk focuses on samliy and our friends. We fear the Nkomati Accord and some of its wasting energy. We say that any attempt to eradicate Implications for the people of BC Is doomed to failure. BC Is a AZANIA. AZAPO Is a revolutionary movement revolutionary perspective that precisely because It calls for a break penetrates to the depths beneath the As the National Internal Summit call with routine, because It demands mask of blackness. As such, to ed at Edendale found, the Botha sacrifice In the present for a better eradicate BC one has to commit regime wishes to steamroli on all ef world In the future. genocide against the entire Black fective opposition. Nkomati allowed population In this land. them to silence the exiled No doubt, the sacrifice seems real movements for some time to come. and Immediate while the better world Frank Talk emphasizes that a vital appears distant and very uncertain. lesson of Nkomati Is that the libera After succeeding In this, the settler tion struggle Is a ceaseless struggle: minority focused on the spectrum of Steve Blko was absolutely correct It does not end with political ‘in black opposition Inside the country. when he wrote: dependence’. If the oppressed and Their choice of first target is not in exploited are thought that milk and significant: having studied all the "Powerlessness breeds e race honey will flow when there Is a movements Inside the country, the of beggars who smile at the takeover from a fascist regime, the settlers realized that enemy number enemy and swear at him In the costs for the liberation movement one was Black consciousness. As sanctity of their toilets; who will be very, very dear. This Is what the National Summit predicted, the shout ‘Baas' willingly during Frelimo is learning. system’s strategy Is first to ex the day and call the white man tinguish the true revolutionaries and e dog In their buses es they go We wish to warn that there Is no then woo the 'co-optables' to a Na home. Once again the concept "right moment” in revolutionary tional Convention. of fear Is at the heart of this struggle: every moment is the right two-faced behaviour on the part moment for something. Black Consciousness was bom and of the conquered Blacks." nurtured In the crucible1' of fire. And this Is the right moment for us Decapitation of leadership has, It Is to be noted that the Black Con to sit as one big unit under the leader however, always been costly for the sciousness nine, who were convicted ship of the black working class, and movement. When AZAPO was bom, on the State v Cooper and Others to use the very concept o BC to unite It measured the crucial need for an were convicted for celebrating the ac ourselves. We must cling to each overt liberation movement against cession to power of Frelimo in other with a tenacity that will shock the very predictable repression by the Mozambique and showing solidarity the perpetrators of evil.
CONTENTS?
UN • Breakthroughs.— ...------— ------Page 3 SUBSCRIPTION RATES One year — RIO,00 Azapo fights back------— ------— Page 4 Make cheques and postal orders payable to: AZAPO — FRANK TALK Economic blackmail— ------Page 7 •~-AU CORRESPONDENCE TO: FRANK TALK, P.O. BOX 18360 The National Question______Page 8 Dormerton 4015 x National Forum ------— ------Page 11 FnnfcTalfcls** ergrn e« AZAPO, ^ubiWwd by Azapo Central PJD. Bob 1S360, Donw rtow •nd prtnM by HnOrtg Worn*, 73 Stanhope P X y ftct t3Z7. Durban 400C, T«£ Peace — - for an appie— ...... — - — ~ ...... Page 12 Clash of cultures------Page 14 M anifesto______!------I— ~_~Page 16 U N Breakthrough - The Azanian Peoples’ Organisation made an Impressive breakthrough for the Black consciousness movement International when it recently won the right to ad dress a special session of the United nations during a conference held In recognition New York In June. branch of the BCM, Twiss Xiphu, said Imrann Moosa, the Natal vice presi ‘T h e pre-1977 BCM also succeeded the Invitation by the United nations dent of Azapo and editor of Azapo's where the other historical liberation to Azapo was the highest point In magazine, Frank Talk, spoke before movements had failed, It brought BCM's International diplomatic offen the United Nation's North American together all black people wherever sive launched last year when the na regional conference for action the system sought to label them ‘Col tional president Lybon Mabasa against apartheid, a conference oured', ‘Indian', ‘African’ or even sub toured Europe and the United States organized by the United Nations' divided them Into various ethnic to introduce Azapo and Its program Centre Against Apartheid, which also groups," he said. ‘T h e BCM also in mes to the International community. featured speakers from the African jected a remarkable vitality into Aza National Congress (ANC), the Pan nian politics. ‘T h e ground work has been laid for Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC) bigger things to come and we are and the South West African People's He also took a jab at the recent forging ahead In the International Organization (SWAPO). Nkomati Accord and the position of community," he said. the United States In the Southern African scene. ‘The Accord showed It was the first time that a member of Mr Mbasa spoke on the same day the umbrella Biack Consciousness that Pretoria Is playing the game ac that former US Ambassador to the cording to the dictates of Movement addressed the United Na UN Mr Andrew Young and South tions. According to the chairman of Washington, actually toeing the African poet, Dennis Brutus, also ad yankee imperialist policy towards our the UN's Centre Against Apartheid, dressed the conference. Moosa told Major-General J.N . Garba of Nigeria, region developed by Kissinger, the conference that the BCM emerg Reagan and Chester Crocker. the move surprised the African Na ed in South Africa to conquer fear tional Congress which, he said, and lead black people out of the grip planned to write a letter to the of a frightened paralysis which had organizing body protesting against been Internalized In the psyche of the participation of Azapo. black people because of the onslaught after Sharpville and The chairman of the United States Rivonla. Aims and Objects of Azapo - * • • -M* >------■ PREAMBLE Itself Into a political movement to ex their legitimate rights. press and manifest its aspirations, Whereas we, the Black People of Ideals and goals; Azania, conscious of the philosophy 2. To work towards the establish of Black Consciousness as a living ment of an educational system And further believing that Black Con force amongst the majority of our that will respond creatively sciousness be developed and main people, and recognising that Black towards the needs of Azanians. tained as a true philosophy for Workers particularly are responsible workers; for creating the wealth of our country; 3. T o promote an Interpretation of religion as a llberatory THEREFORE RESOLVE And whereas workers are subjected philosophy relevant to our •struggle.. to the most tnhuman and ruthless 1. ‘To found a political movement laws; which will express and manifest 4. To promote and encourage the aspirations of the Black Peo research Into various problems And further realising that the op ple In Azania pressive system In Its effort to render affecting our people. the worker powerless and perpetual 2. T o found a movement that will 5. T o expose the oppressive and ex ly subservient, creates and utilises unite all and liberate all from the ploitative system In which our tactics of divide and rule that gave exploitative and oppressive people are denied basic human birth to factionalism and tribalism; shackles. -rights. And whereas the worker Is more AIMS AND OBJECTIVES determined to see freedom and 6. To work towards the unity of the justice, and desirous of occupying 1. To conscientlse, politicise and oppressed, for the just distribu- his rightful place In the land of his mobilise Black workers through . tion of wealth and power to all birth; And also that It Is an Inalienable the philosophy of Black Con people of Azania right of any community to organise sciousness In order to strive for 3 In Court Azapo fights back against State action On 10 March 1984, members of the Editorial Collective of Frank Talk visited Art Printing Press and loaded 1 138 copies of Frank Talk Volume 1 Number 1 Into a car. As the car left Fountain Lane, another car b e g a n chasing It. A high-speed chase en sued: finally, the car containing the copies of Frank Talk was boxed in and Warrant Officer De Wet, accom panied by a few non-white security policemen arrested members of the collective Including comrade Thabo Ndabenl (national organizer of (b) may afford evidence of the com AZAPO). The security policemen con mission or suspected commis fiscated every single copy of the first sion of an offence; or Issue of Frank Talk as well as many items belonging to individual (c) Is Intended to be used or Is on comrades. reasonable grounds believed to be intended to be used In the On 17 March 1984, an Interdict was commission of an offence. sought In the Durban Supreme Court before Judge Didcott for the Im De Wet considered that the publica mediate return of the copies of the tion of Frank Tslk contravened the magazine which were seized. It quoted section of the internal Securi became obvious from arguments Thabo Ndabenl ty Act and that the distribution of the presented by the system that there magazlng would also be an offence. were serious consequences to follow State conceded that this collection for the Black Consciousness Move was no longer banned. The Minister also put up the minutes ment in general and AZAPO In par of the second General Students ticular. The citation of the case is The contention was that these Council (GSC) of SASO held from the Thabo Ndabenl v the Minister of Law speeches were delivered at symposia 4th to the 10th Ju ly 1971 at the and Order and Warrant Officer De called by the South African Students University of Natal Black Section WeL Organisation (SASO) which is a bann (UNB). The relevant portion is the ed organisation. Thus De Wet con SASO Policy Manifesto which reads: De Wet stated in an affidavit that he cluded that he was entitled to seize Knew of the contents of Frank Talk all the copies of Frank Talk in terms 1. SASO Is a Black students before it was printed. Attached to his of Section 13(1XaXv) of the Internal organization working tor the affidavit were the copies of the first Security Act, Act No 74 of 1982. This liberation of the Black man first two articles, "The Definition of Black Section decrees that nobody may- from psychological oppression Consciousness” and ‘’White Racism by themselves through and Black Consciousness”. As "... advocate, advise, defend or - Inferiority complex and second Thabo Ndabenl stated in a replying encourage the achievement of ly from physical one occurring affidavit: "The originals of the said any of the ob/ects of the ■ out of living In a White racist (articles) must have been in the unlawful organization or ob society. possession of Art Printers and used jects similar to the ob/ects of by that company to print Frank Talk": such organization, or perlorm 2. We define Black people as those this became clear because the in any other act of whatever who are by law or tradition, scriptions and deletions on the ar nature which Is calculated to politically, economically and ticles were exactly the swne as the - -further the achievement of any ' ~ socially discriminated against one given to Art Printers. Since such object." as a group in the South African counsel for the State insisted that De society and Identifying Wet had seen these articles before Section 56(1Xa) of the same Act themselves as unit In the strug Frank Talk was printed, It does not makes It an offence to disobey this gle towards the realization of take much imagination to discover prohibition. The policeman purported their aspirations^ how De Wet obtained the articles. to act under Section 20, of the Criminal Procedure Act, Act N o 51 of 3. SASO believes that: The contention was that the two ar 1977. Briefly, section 20 entitles the ticles in question were written by the State to seize anything which: ~ ■ •• " ^b) South Africa Is a country in late Comrade Steve Biko and were which both Black and printed In a collection of Biko's (a) Is concerned In or Is on White live and shall con- writings (most of which appeared reasonable grounds believed to ^ tinue to live together. under the pseudonym “ Frank Talk") be concerned In the commission edited by Reverend Ian Stubbs and or suspected commission of any (b) the White man must be entitled *1 write what I like”. The offence; made aware that one la Azapo fights back either part of the solution or strove to outlaw trade unions part of the problem. because It felt unions Impede workers freedom. Organization A and (c) In this context, because of B are clearly at cross purposes the privileges accorded to despite their common slogan. It them by legislation and follows that the mere fact that both because of their continued SASO and AZAPO espouse BC Is maintenance of an op neither here nor there. pressive regime, Whites Judge Didcott conceded that distinc have defined themselves as tiveness Is by no means an exact part of the problem. criterion: “One can conceive of ob jects so mundane or Innocuous In (d) Therefore, we believe that themselves that, although they are In ail matters relating to the distinctive of some unlawful struggle towards realizing organisation, no Legislature, not our aspirations, Whites even a Legislature bent on destroy must be excluded. ing the influence of every such Blko and Barney Pity an a) were Includ In S v Nokwe and Others 1962 (3) SA organization, could have feared for a ed In the first Issue of Frank Talk moment that they strengthened Its 71, It was held that the achievement because of their historical Interest had to be of the specific unlawful pull. and that BC had developed since the days of SASO and BPC. • - organization, not the achievement of Using the 'Didcott test’, the Court the same object or objects by had to decide whether BC was The judge had the following to say somebody else working independent distinctive of SASO. The only defini about the SASO Policy Manilestc in ly of and lending no assistance to it. tion of BC given was that in the SASO relation to his test: Thus In 1963 Section 2 was amend Policy Manifesto. Judge Didcott ed and the words "... or to objects found that there was nothing in this "Paragraphs (i) end (v) did not real similar to the objects of any such Manifesto that distinguished SASO ly belong there. Paragraph (I) was organization,'' were added. eg. opposing Integration was com descriptive rattier than definitive, mon to SASO and, say, the Conser while paragraph (v) dealt not so Judge Dldcott pointed out that vative Party and the idea that Blacks much with the concept as with Its whatever objects were similar to the must be self-sufficient Is also pro popularisation. That left paragraphs objects of an unlawful organization pounded by, say, Inkatha. What the (II), (III) and (iv). These were the cannot be determined unless the ob court really needed, said Judge Did paragraphs which defined lha jects of the unlawful organization cott, was expert evidence as to what philosophy, according to SASO. were themselves first Identified and BC is and how BC distinguished understood. SASO (if It did). That alarm bells go "I could not conclude from the In off In some people’s minds with the formation at m y disposal that the The Court said that It had no way of mere mention of BC Is hardly suffi propagation o 1 Black Con knowing why an unlawful organiza cient to say that BC per n is tion has been declared unlawful. sciousness, as thus defined, was an unlawful. SASO was declared unlawful in terms object In the least distinctive of of Proclamation R293 of 1977. No The Judge made the telling point dur SASO. The definition was broad and grounds were furnished. The court ing argument that If this was a general. So were the various Ideas warned that even If reasons are given criminal trial, a discharge of the ac- tt expressed and marshalled. ' I In a Proclamation, the real objects of -- cused at the and of the State case would not have been surprised to the organization must be establish would be quite Inescapable. There la learn that these were taken for ed. And the test postulated by Judge not even a prima tacit case • there Is granted nowadays by most Didcott Is whether an object is an ob no case at all! thoughtful groups and Individuals ject distinctive of the particular within the Black community, In organization to an extent and to a The Judge accepted that De Wet cluding a large number whose degree suflclent to tie an object with acted In good faith, but that he did political convictions were tar from not act as a ‘reasonable man’ would the organization. radical, whose sympathies have have acted. never lain with SASO, yet who felt Examples given by the Judge during that some such frame of mind was the course of argument are Il Counsel for Ndabenl suggested that required If Blacks were to overcome luminating. Say an object of SASO In order to contravene Section the demoralizing effects of subser w 8S that workers must get a f i r wage 13(1XaXv). a person must be acting In vience and rebuild their self- and say XYZ Industries has the same the interests of the unlawful confidence, their pride. object: should XYZ Industries be con organization as such. victed for furthering the alms of An order was made by the Durban SASO? Since an examination of the two ar Supreme Court restoring all but 25 ticles revealed that care had been copies of Frank Talk to AZAPO. Judge Didcott went on to say that on taken to remove every reference to The State Is seeking leave to appeal the evidence before him Le. the €ASO the articles could not advise, •gainst Oldcott’s decision on the SASO Policy Manifesto, BC Is a - encourage or defend the achieve following bases: slogan, a label rather than an object. ment of any of the objects of SASO MS such. He took the example of two organiza 7. The Court should not have decid tions both operating on the slogan ed on the lawfulness of the reten "Workers Freedom”: Organization A The point was strongly made that the tion but only of the seizure. aimed at ensuring that the means of articles by Blko (In fact, the article production was In the hands of the “White Racism and Black Con 2. A reasonable man would have working class while Organization B sciousness” was a Joint effort by 5 Battle in the Courtroom concluded that one of the grounds viz that both SASO and reasons tor S ASO ’s banning was AZAPO believed In BC. The that it promoted BC, thus any court held that assuming that person promoting BC Is con this common belief exists, end travening Section 13(1XbX*) of that the understanding of BC Is the Internal Security Act. precisely the same, the mere sharing of the belief Is quite In If these grounds of appeal are treated sufficient to say that the one seriously, It means that the system organization Is coming out of wishes to ban a philosophy. the ob/ects of the other. On Tuesday 22 May 1984 there was •'/ ruled then that the ground In a nationwide raid on the homes of question did not end could not leading AZAPO office-bearers and without anything more amount members. Every search warrant to reasonable grounds for the stated that the police were busy In belief In question. As long as blame If the court finds there Is vestigating a contravention of Sec that decision stands It Is the nothing In their hands at all. tion 13(1XaXv) of the Interna) Securi law - In this province at any ty Act. The criminal trial promised at event. The same section of the AZAPO will now proceed to recover the Ndabenl hearing seemed police force features In the pre articles seized In Cape Town, Paai, Imminent. sent case, some of the same of ficers, the same organisation Port Elizabeth, Nelsprult 8nd Pietersburg. The scene Is set for in The raids were particularly vicious In end the seme banned organisa teresting new developments. that they denuded the AZAPO head tion. If the state relied on office: police took away everything something other than common Including filing cabinets and pencils. aftiliatlon to BC, It would be In the affidavits In these pro On 29 May 19S4, an action was ceedings ... brought by AZAPO against the Con The state's application for leave to trol Magistrate of Durban to have the The opinions of experts are en appeal against the judgment setting search warrants used by the titled to some respect. There Is ' aside the search warrants has been policemen declared Invalid. The war no case at all where the opinion rants used were In terms of Section of the expert, however eminent, turned down. 25 of the Criminal Procedure Act., , however experienced, however well-versed can bind the court. In the meantime the security police The Durban Supreme Court held that The expert has to assist the ... returned the bulk of goods seized during their searches. the test to be used Is whether there court - (His mere word) is are reasonable grounds for believing _ worth nothing at all If It Is sup• At the time of going to press, AZAPO In a certain state of affairs I.e. a ported by no evidence officials were still busy sorting danger to the securiy of the state. whatsoever. The magistrate Is not a rubber-stamp, through boxes of papers In an at tempt to ensure that the police had he must make up his own mind The personnel of (AZAPO) are not forgotten to return aome Independently. being harassed. The police say that (AZAPO) Is breaking the ' ‘ documents. The magistrate refused to reveal the law or Is preparing to do so In grounds upon which he came to the a way that Is dangerous. The conclusion that AZAPO was further police exist to enforce the law, Contributions ing the object of a banned organisa the court exists to uphold the tion. All the state put up were two af law. The court will never for future fidavits by “experts” who claimed hamper the police In the proper that they had reached the conclusion performance of Its duties. If issues that AZAPO furthered the objects of there Is Indeed a case against • banned organisations. (AZAPO) or It there are true grounds egalnst (AZAPO) ft Is In welcomed. Part of Judge Didcott’s lucid and the Interests of justice to bring hard-hitting Judgment are paraphras (AZAPO) to court _ Send ail ed below. If the police are on (AZAPO’s) contributions - I find It Incredible to be told back for no other reason than that there might be grounds harassment, It Is time they got to: which (the state) do not want to off Its back. (Harassment) Is not tell the court (The magistrate a proper police function. The . seemed to) rely on no Informant police must disclose their Frank Talk, beyond the bare belief of the . ^ hand. They are required to be police — candid about the tacts and grounds on which they rely so P.O. Box 19360, This ease has a background that these can be examined In .which supports this contention ; , the light of day. H they persist , . Dormerton " _ fln T b abo Ndarenl v the In playing poker (with AZAPO) Minister of law > Order I * while not divulging their hand 4015 Another) the state gave they have only themselves to Economic Blackmail The so-called “non-aggression" The victims of Pretoria pacts in vogue In Southern Africa cannot wipe off the legacy of the col onial domination and exploitation In the region. Such pacts are definitely a setback to the cause of the oppressed of the world as the unfolding drama of Lebanon is amply demonstrating. The victor In the contest of Southern Africa is the white racist and unrepresentative minority Pretoria regime and the cause of both im perialism and neo-imperlallsm. The Komatipoort pact signing Is not great mass of people Is a deciding the liberating efforts of those for the comfort and progress of our factor for the solution of this coun movements operating within the people in Southern Africa and Africa try’s problems. country. as a whole. This country’s offensive coupled with It is indeed foolhardy of this coun This regime has perfected Its Ignoble its racist internal political machina try’s present rulers to regard their art of blood-suing. In the wake of Its tions can be summed up as a time- problems as externally motivated and de-mobilising strategy, It has left buying device. therefore needing an external political observers confused. solution. The work of the military security This country has not Introduced a police and intelligence networks^as We must, however, realise that the new element in its pursuit of war In not blunted or numbed black peo reasons which made South Africa Southern Africa and thus to talk of ple’s quest for the true humanity In anathema remain true as those we South Africa's “peace initiative” Is a the country. hold against Nazi Germany and Its gross distortion of the forces locked gas chambers. in a death struggle In the region. This has never, and shall never, be cause for despair and apathy. We cannot, however, expect Africa to Jhls country** warlords have long aubmit to South Africa's military, perceived that economic blackmail The clock seems to have turned full technological and economic and direct military Invasion and ag circle among the Frontline States. advantage. gression constitute their twin weapons. - Dr Hastings Banda, Malawi's Presi We must at all times be aware that dent and strongman, and a few the present regime cannot in the Diplomatic political stunts only servb unstable African leaders fell victims aame breath be surrogates for efforts as a smokescreen to hide the real of South Africa's abortive detente ex of change. • ' nature and development of the ercise In the 70s. conflict. They are only capable of bringing Time, however, will tell how many about reform, which by and large, is The primary conflict In South Africa this time will follow Banda to “dine aimed at perpetrating their class Is that of land and all attempts to with the devil as long as It will bring ideology and control. reduce the struggle to one for civil prosperity and gain to my people and rights or anti-apartheid, can only buy country". Reform is not aimed at making the time for those who wield powerl oppressed totally free but to make Maybe for Banda It was an oppor them unwilling partners of their own One black Azanlan aptly stated this tunistic voluntary action. oppressors. as follows: “The black man’s strug gle can never be won or lost outside The situation today is different, most At best It teaches them to adapt to the borders of the country.” Southern African states have been their situation of oppression, in keep battered to submission through what ing with the philosophy of making The Inevitable resolution of Southern is perceived to be the ultimate pood out of a bad situation. Africa's dilemma shall come only on realisation of economic priorities and terms set. by the black man. Internal stability — and all the time This Is what this year's ethnic elec Pretoria is calling the tune. tions are all about. The problem Is Internal and Is that of the oppression and exploitation of The recent happenings are Indeed a It Is with this in mind that black peo millions of black people. setback to the liberation movement ple are wary of all efforts by the in general, but It must be pointed out unrepresentative government and the Whichever way one looks at It, this that this will only help to accelerate elite white capitalist class at reform. National Question The National Question involves the solution of national contradictions, the resolution of the problems of op Stalin offers the following definition pression of one nation by another, of a nation: that “A negro tribe must be chastis and the form that the future nation ed by setting Its villages on fire, A nation Is a historically evolv should take. because that Is the only remedy ed stable community of people which Is effective.”! besed on community of The Social Question Is the resolution language, territory, economic There Is nothing wrong in using the of social contradictions which have life and psychological make-up terminology of "democracy” and “na as their base the prevailing mode of manifested In a community of tional self-determination" If one production and production relation culture. understands them In their revolu ships which mould and condition History contains numerous examples tionary senses. A struggle for full social relations. democratic rights mutt be linked to of long-established boundaries of a socialist revolution. Victorious countries being changed and of in Briefly put, the National Question in socialism must practise the fullest habitants of countries refusing vestigates oppression and the Social democracy. morally to accept the nationality Im Question investigates exploitation — posed by a country. Stalins's defIni-. In Its hunt for superprofits Im oppression and exploitation were tlon is dogmatic, restrictive and rigid. perialism dispossessed the married In the temple of imperialism. The nation Is not simply a collection aborigines (Indigenous owners of the of abstract, external criteria. In fact, land) as a people. The consequence, The designations “tribe" “nationali - political philosophers have sought In whether-In Australia, Japan or ty" and “nation" are transient vain to find an objective definition of Palestine was to pit Black against historical social group forms. At the a nation. The subjective element I.e. white. Dispossession led to the root of their definition lies the com the consciousness of a national iden super-exploltation of Black people. munity of economic life that binds tity, a national political movement, Is For the colonial world, race determln- together members of each transient ~no 4ess Important. It 1s not a doc -*ed class: whites were the privileged social form. Language, territory, trinaire expert armed with a list of group and blacks the underdogs. Ex mores, national consciousness are “objective criteria” who will deter ploitation is here directed against a simply ethnic features of a nationali mine whether a community con phenotyplcally distinct and iden ty/nation. . stitutes a nation or not, but the com tifiable people, leading to elaborate munity Itself. political-administrative structures to For example, In a capitalist society keep them subject. This coupled with the community of economic life for The popular expression of bourgeois European chauvinism leads to the the bourgeoisie consists in the fact Ideology today is “ human liberty, relentless oppression of the subject- that they own the means of produc human rights. . . regardless of race, people. tion and the wealth so produced at colour or creed . . . under a free the expense of the producers i.e. the modem democracy" etc. Only the T o speak of Azania before the advent working class. bourgeoisie enjoy these “universal" of settier-colonlalism is somewhat freedoms but It is cautious enough . misleading because the present The community of economic life for to be discreet, hence one Is constant borders are of recent historical origin the working class consists in the fact ly reminded of the “universality” to and were drawn up by aettler- that it does not own the means to the point of Indoctrination. So It is colonialism. We do not have reliable produce wealth but has to make do that bourgeois ideology has sources of Information and have to with a wage, it should be pointed out developed the slogans of democracy make do with rather rudimentary In that there are points In the develop and the right of self-determination. formation. We may say that pre- . ment of society where tribes develop Even In South Africa with outrageous colonial Azania was Inhabited by peo into nationalities and nationalities comedy, the caretakers of col ple whose mode of production had develop into nations but these points onialism speak of national self- not gone beyond the primitive com are never easy to specify; suffice ft determination in the bantustans. munal stage. All In an these to say that the old (natlonaRty) is the Things have certainly changed since economies had only achieved private new (nation) in embryo. Treltschke wrote (nineteenth century) property In the ownership of stock but not of land. Social relations were is shared between Boer and British. ment of his people: not at all as antagonistic as we know When the hungry black people try to If they (the soldiers) drive away them to have been In Europe. At the retrieve their plundered cattle, the your people at the point of the advent of settler-colonlalism In settler-thieves accuse them of cattle- bayonet, edvlse them to go over Azania, tribes were Just moving theft and send out troops to destroy the Kieskamma peaceably. If towards . the formation _of sleping villages. Gunpowder, fire and they come and take away your nationalities. famine are the order of the day. The cattle, tuffer them to do tt The Dutch were the first to send a farmers who have stolen the land cry without resistance. If they bum garrison of men to the Cape In 1652. out for labour they obtain It from the your huts, allow them to do so The White settlers launched many plundered. When the Dutch grab the — and I am convinced you will wars of aggression In order to gain land, the British "find themselves have no occasion to repent of land, livestock, grain and slave labour compelled" to protect the "Natives” ! having followed my advice. from the black people. Hypocrisy Is a wonderful Western The Christianization and "emancipa trait I British capitalism subsequently tion" of the colonial slave had began entrenching itself In South Dr Phillip, the Superlntendant of the nothing to do with liberating him but Africa and it was evidently incompati London Missionary Society, clearly on the contrary had everything to do ble with the backward feudalism of states in Researches In South Africa: with subjugating him. There was no the Dutch. The white settlers allied While our missionaries are milk of human kindness animating themselves against blacks, but con everywhere scattering the the heart of the missionary: the glory tinued to wage wars against each seeds of civilization... they are of God meant the profit of England. other simultaneously. extending British Interests, The Zulu nationality under Shaka saw We must pause here and look at the British Influences and the a need for black unity. Shaka set out modus operandl of imperialism's British Em pire... Wherever the to forge unity by force. Thus left In most far-sighted ideologist, the missionary places his standard Its wake a destruction that boggles Christian missionary. The missionary among a savage tribe, their pre the imagination. Society was In a first approaches the chief humbly, Bi judices against the colonial state of agonizing flux. ble in hand, and asks for a small government give way, their piece of land to set up his mission dependence upon the colony Is The missionary's station comprised station. At his heels hastens the increased by the creation ol ar a church, a trading store and fields for cultivation. Blacks began produc trader, the purveyor of small goods. tificial w ants... Industry, trade The Bible and the bale of Lancashire and agriculture spring up. ing for personal consumption: the cotton become the invidious seeds of black peasant's way of Hie revolved devastation of the black way of life. Dr Phillip did this work amongst the around producing for the market. His An "agreement" follows between the Xhosa, Revs Kitchener and Edwards sense of spatial belonging transcend chief and the Governor whereby the amongst the Abathwa, Revs Read ed the limited tribal world as he wor British become the “friend and pro and va Kemp amongst the Kholkhol, ried about the disruptive effects of tector" of the chief. There follows Moffat among the Tswanas and Rev war to his trade with distant Cape war and looting by the British leading Owen among the Zulus. Liberalism Town, say. His whole frame of to a “treaty” In which the chief served the British empire well and Its reference geared him towards paying agrees (sic) to a large piece of land first apostles In Azanla were the mis allegiance to an as yet ill-defined ter belonging to his tribe. In return he sionaries. Phillip tupra clearly states ritorial entity. The tribe had grown in receives a magistrate and a now- that the transition from tribalism to . to the nationality. arrogant missionary. Other mission capitalism must be engendered by ,4. W* sea that imperialism manifested stations are set up and In their train the missionary. The Christian convert Itself in Azanla in Its worst form viz come more traders. The invaded ■will want to dress, sat and otherwise settler-colonlalism. Not content with tribes are split asunder, “divide and act like his teacher. the appropriation of raw materials, rule” under the capable hands of the And note this classic piece of advice their processing In Its own industries missionaries Is fatally disruptive. In from Phillip In the face of Maqoma's and Its eventual sale to the subject the “confiscated territory" the land complaint about the governor's treat- gnation at exorbitant prices, im perialism took over occupancy, possession and ownership of the land. In fact, this was absolutely necessary for Imperialism to survive. Plainly the colonizers were white and the col onized were black: the blacks natural ly aeek to redress their historical grievances and thus a primary goal of struggle in Azanla Is repossession of the land. Control of the Azanlan masses was achieved by military Invasion, by the imposition of taxes, by the Institution of fixed tenure, by laws providing for .the disarming of black people, by • pass laws. Only the white settlers are regarded as citizens of South Africa. Poverty: A way o f Ufe W e come to a crucial point: the gran- ting of Independence to the colony landiessness and structured proper- of the emergent Azanlan nation. The meant no actual change to the social tylessness, constitute a single black former settler-colonlallsts will have order. Britain simply relieved herself nationality I.e. nation In embryo. The to re-orientate themselves to become of the admlnlstrative-dutles of the repossession of land and the conse Azanlans. Their acceptability to colony, allowing the settlers to be quent seizure of political power Is an Azania Is conditional on their will their own administrators. Britain absolute necessity for the achieve ingness to accept the reality of th6 would no longer send administrators ment of nationhood In the specific new state. The BC Movement sees to SA: Instead, she would send conditions of Azania. Note that the that It Is necessary to wed the Social capital for Investment. Many other achievement of political power does w ith the National Question In order British colonies eg Nigeria were not necessarily mean the achieve to guarantee that the gains of the granted "Independence" but remain ment of nationhood. Zambia, Uganda revolution will not be sabotaged by ed neo-colonies. There was only a etc have gained political In treacherous petlt-bourgeois change of face where the darker hued dependence long before the process leadership. became caretakers of colonialism. of nation-building reached maturity. W hen Imperialism began exploiting After 1910 white settlers still main The acquisition of state power Azania's mineral wealth, there was an tained their privilege as colonial should speed up unity and Identifica Influx of skilled white workers to the masters. The •‘Republic of SA" tion with a clearly defined territorial country. This group was in no time declared In 1961 further froze this entity. elevated to a labour aristocracy and position: blacks were and are still ex BC has long emphasized the National protected from competition by the cluded as citizens. Question. The records In S v black workers. The Industrial Con One must here note that the settler COOPER * OTHERS at page 61 ciliation Act of 1913 legalized this regime deliberately attempts to quotes a resolution proposed by Tiro division, formally drawing the white distort history by saying that the ar in 1973 which says: labour aristocrat into the ruling class. Thus the white labour aristocrat par rival of blacks in SA coincided with That this GSC noting that ticipated in legitimizing land robbery the arrival of the Dutch (In fact blacks SASO's policy with regard to and arrogating to white settlerdom arrived at least eight centuries ownership and political 87% of Azania. before!) and by calling the people all character of this country can be sorts of derogatory names eg Bantu exploited by our enemies tor We re[ect the notion of Internal col (people), ••Bushmen" and/or "Hotten their own ends. onialism because it is based on the tots" while referring to themselves as false assumption that the whites are the “afrlkaners" i.e. Africans (this Therefore wishes to explicitly natives of Azania. The absence of a deliberate terminology Is meant to state that: this country belongs metropolitan power makes SA a suggest that the settlers o w n the to Black people and to them semi-colony. Doctrines like Internal land and that the black people are alone. Whites will live In or colonialism are unsubtle conces Immigrants). leave this country on terms laid sions to the heightened con The •‘legalized'’ UDI that was the Act down by Blacks and on eondl- sciousness of the black people. Euro of Union was Inspired by the Bam- - - tlon that they respect the Black pean chauvinism simply refuses to bata Rebellion. The last war of people. recognize the right of national self- . resistance (1906) spurred the Im This should not be construed determination amongst blacks. In perialists Into uniting the settlers. as antbwhltism: It only means Azania, the multi-racialists or Bambata aaid “the African people that In as much as Black peo- progresslve-democrats (the modem lost the land on the battlefield and pie live In Europe on terms laid day missionaries) try to propagate can only regain It on the battlefield." down by Europeans, whites .jthst Azania “belongs to all who live *-^~shatl be sub/ected to the tame In It, black and white". We repeat that The 1910 Act, then, served to seal the .conditions. • > Azania is not a prostitute which partnership o Boer and Briton and Is We further wish to state that In . belongs to all or everybody. Azania a vestige of colonialism. It con our operation we shall always _ belongs to the black people. BC Is of solidated the dispossession of the be pro-Black. the view that Invariably the most black people politically (and formal radical amongst the whites is Imbued ly extended the dispossessed to In The BC Movement has consistently with racism and that no black person clude the so-called Indian). Note that opposed the balkanization of Azania can wish away his practical ex even by English common law prin Into bantustans. In doing this the rul perience at the hands of white ciples (nemo dat quod non habet) this ing class Is attempting to Impose Its “transfer of land” to the Anglo-Boers Idea of who or what constitutes the society. was Invalids armed robbers cannot - NATION. To »ay that there are W hites who claim that they are com have a valid title to other robbers. various ‘national groups’ In South mitted to seeing a total transforma Africa (multi-nationalism, multi- tion of this society must slough off Colonialism also further balkanlzed racialism or non-racialism) Is to pro Azanla by creating the “protec the layers of ruling clas racist indoc pagate the same ruling class Idea. trination and self-induced racialist torates” of Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland. Note well that these peo BC, by contrast, has long employed prejudice and begin actively to de the banner slogan ONE AZANIA, nounce their heritage of land-njfbery, ple actually asked the British to pro ONE NATION. The BC Movement tect them bom the boersl The col and proclaim the legitimacy of na- asserts that Black nationalism is the * ■ tional eeH-determlnatlon led by the onial consolidation programme was driving force of the struggle. black working class, submerge their completed by “benevolent" Britain Instinctive herrenvolk and hegemonic without the need to fire a single BC asserts that blacks suffer from desires. When such primary stages of bullet _ / _;.... national oppression and class ex re-socializaton are totally experienc We may argue that the so-called ploitation and that the black working class Is the vanguard of the struggle. ed, such persons are on the road to Xhosas, Sothos, Coloureds, Indians, becoming Azanlans. Tswanas etc., because of their The black people constitute the core National Forum Africa shall be free when Azania is liberated This position statement emerged as a result of the deliberations held at the National Internal Summit on the Nkomati Accord at Edendale on 21-22 April 1984. The road The NFC appreciated FRELIMO’S dilemma and em phasized that the Black people of Azania need to gather ahead their vital resources • only the liberation of Azania can mean liberation for Africa. We, the oppressed and exploited Manifesto of 1959 that the destabilis e The leadership of the black people of Azania, are witnessing the ing efforts and accords in the region working class; Intensification of the Imperialist to contradict even the moderate sen assault and hegemonic Interests in timents of that manifesto. e A socialist character end the region which is aimed at stemm content. ing the tide of the total liberation of We also wish to Impress upon the the people of South Africa. Frontline States that the political e Anti-Imperialism developments In this country have We note with concern the role some reached a point where it is necessary statesmen In Southern Africa have for them to reassess their position S. The forces ol liberation played in that they have become and to take heed and not dilute and tools of imperialism by promoting the distort the aspirations and ideas of We view the struggle for liberation as general project of weakening the the oppressed and exploited masses. a single struggle waged by various liberation movement end entrenching liberation forces and we see the racism In South Africa. 3. On the national convention and the Nkomati accord and related events In civil rights struggle. Swaziland, Lesotho and other coun For this reason the National Internal tries as a temporary setback. Summit called by the National Forum We reject the Idea of encouraging a Committee has examined the follow national convention as a strategy by We, therefore, consider the weaken- ing issues end passed the following the ruling class and their allies which -Ing of any of these as a blow to the resolutions: . will entrench power In the hands of entire liberation movement. the racist capitalist regime and their 1. Our resolve In regard to the puppets, and thereby betray the & The road ehead. Frontline states. struggle for total liberation. In the light of the Nkomati Accord the We acknowledge that the Frellmo It Is In this context that the reduction focus of our struggle will undoub- Government despite Its valiant strug of the struggle for national self- tabiy shift onto the Internal arena. In gle against Portuguese colonialism determination to a mere civil rights this circumstance the liberation and Its support for liberation strug campaign Is condemned as a gross forces are presented with an historic gles In South Africa was compelled misrepresentation of the revolu opportunity to turn a weakness Into to sign the Nkomati Accord under ex tionary character of the struggle! ‘ a strength. treme pressure. Constrained by the heritage of their colonial past and by 4. National self-determination. More than ever before It Is Incumbent economic and military considera on us to promote practical principl tions beyond their control, they We reiterate that our struggle Is one ed unity of all organisations of the chose this dangerous path of placing for national self-determination which oppressed and exploited poeple. their faith in the hands of South Is characterised by: Africa’s designs end American The Nkomati Accord Indirectly ex Imperialism. tends the reservoir of cheap black a The nconquest of the labour on which the racist, capitalist 2. Warning to Frontline States. land; regime thrives and this threat to the . labour movement must be met by In Against this background we wish to • The building of an Azanian tensifying organisation and struggle strongty remind the Frontline states nation through an ongoing pro In trade unions and other working and other signltories to the Lusaka cess of struggle; class structures. Dead men tell no tales "I understand that the people are hungry, Comrade, but I have a pro mise of six million tons of the choicest of Cape apples If only you will be prepared to be seen with your arch-enemy Boater In public. I have It here, In writing, that If you can sign some document or other we will ali begin eating a little bit more,” Joac quim said. Samora knew It too, knew fully well that If he signed along the dotted line he would In a way be “opening sesame” for himself. But unlike Joac- quim, he was also aware that such a seemingly Innocent exercise like million,” he cooed. In a big hurry because, you see, you scrawling his Initials on papers people mut answerr that we must drafted in Pretoria had its own Samora's taste buds were already meet at the Nkomatl place otherr« dangers. tingling to the imagined taste of the rwise we come again and destroy fruit, though he would not admit It yourrr places. You see?" "I have always said it will definitely outright. be a long spoon that I will need to But Joacquim had seen too much sup with any devil. I have also always destruction of his fatherland to care . Instead he said: “Alright. I will sign stressed the care to be taken when about any more bombings. He was the imperialist-inspired papers. I will accepting bullets coated with sugar, not about to tell "Boater" over the sign for the apartheid apples. It will for they are as lethal as those of lead. phone what he had. Have you not yet learnt that It Is be done in the name of peace, and we foolhardy to accept any gifts from the might just appease he peasants. But He wanted a good excuse to go to what if Lenin turns in his grave once Greeks?” Inquired Samora. Pretoria for some more good food he discovers that we are given apples and wines and he would not throw “ Be very careful, Comrade. Boater Is by the capitalists and colonialists of -away such a magnificent opportuni this world?" not a Greek. He and his people have ty by saying anything over the made it clear that they will die to telephone. Joacquim did not bother about what preserve their national identity. He Is Lenin might do. He was a firm Afrikaner,” retorted Joacquim, “Baas, I have good news. I want to believer in the theory that dead men classics never having been one of his be started, but was cut short. tell no tales. AH he Wanted to hear passions. had been said, and the'apples would “Alright man. I am sending an tmpaia soon be rolling over the waves of the Samora Ignored him and thought of flghterrr plant to pick you up now, Indian Ocean In their millions. another obstacle. see? I will be waiting for you and I want good news. The radio and televi Quick as a flash he bolted Inside "If we sign that thing, Joacquim, do sion peoples here want news Samora's palace and made for the you realise we will have nobody left positively, see? There are also these telephone. His hands were trembling to blame? Whom will we start calling newspaperrr peoples, see?” and he could scarcely hold the instru the “forces of darkness” and “runn ment because of his excitement. ing dogs of the system?” Whom will Jo a cq u im W8S by now beside we start labelling an “imperialist ag himself. He said: “Baas, I am coming, gressor?” Whom will we accuse of He dialled Pretoria and es soon as please have the T-Bone steak, the colonialism, because having signed the connection was made he rasped rice, custard and jelly, ice-cream, will have made us their colony? Think into the mouthpiece, “is that Baas milkshakes, strawberry jam, those bright, man, and earn your escudos,” Boater, please? I want to apeak to yellow peaches In syrup, the said Samora. Baas Boaterl" koeksusters that the Missus bakes so nicely But the lure of the apples had got The man on the other end said, “ it is hold of Joacquim, and he was not to Baas Botha. Praat, Jong!" The other man was equally delighted, be put of by any amount of chiding. but for other reasons. He saw that the Just as the Biblical Eve fell for the Joacquim could no longer hold his carrot and stick method was still an magical charms of the fruit, so did excitement: “Oh, my baas I Oh, my effective weapon, even though the gullible minister for other lands. great baas! When can I come to see bombs every now and then settled you again? Today, perhaps? This most disputes even If the disputes "The apples, Samora, the apples! afternoon? Please, baas!” were of an Imaginary nature. ' “ Just think about Itl Six million tons of those sweet little things! My soul I “ In connection wfth what is It, man? "Right, Joacquim, right. You will eat Six million tons, Samoral Six You Is not talking propemrfy, and I am like a good boy tonight. Totsiens." The Conflict Understanding the nature of psychological oppression to discover A clash of cultures precisely where one fits In the scheme of things In an unequal realised that there was much to be history was the meeting of two dif society requires that we briefly ex reaped from the land they stepped up ferent ways of living. The one more amine the history of the conflict that their campaigns against the Kholsan militarily and technically advanced; has developed between the oppress and eventually defeated them. the other still emerging from It’s own ed and the oppressor. feudal development. The Kholsan people were literally In 1652 Jan van Riebeeck and his par wiped off the face of the earth by the Not only was this a clash of two dif ty landed at the Cape. That date colonisers who used a variety of tac ferent economic systems; but It was signified for the peoples of this coun tics to win their battles for also a clash of two different cultures, try the beginning of the battle bet supremacy, and lost little time In sub two different value systems. ween the indigenous people and the jugating the Indigenous people In white colonisers from Europe. whom they saw a ready labour force. The powerful system was able to defeat the weaker one. After the From the outset there developed a As It has been seen throughout the defeat of the weaker system the con conflict of Interests in that the col world where Europeans Invaded queror set about a task of complete onisers sought to exploit the wealth other lands, the colonisers had a par ly destroying the vestiges of that of the land at the expense of the In ticular view of the original Inhabitants system. It did so to more easily con digenous people. of the land. trol and manipulate the defeated peo ple so that they could be oppressed The Indigenous people themselves For Jan van Riebeeck and his party, and exploited to maintain the power saw the colonisers as a threat to their the inhabitants of this land were and the privilege of the stronger continued existence and their ‘savages’, ‘simple-minded’, ‘dirty’, system. rightful ownership of the land. ‘quarrelsome’, and a ’nuisance'. Therefore, the Indigenous people However, unlike In the other areas began to resist the efforts of the col They also regarded them as ‘pagans’ where there was a clash of systems, onisers to encroach upon what was (non-Christian) and thus looked down In South Africa the conquerors did rightfully theirs. upon the people they came Into con not develop an assimilative strategy, tact with In this part of the world. l.e. they did not Incorporate sections In the beginning the conflict took the of the defeated people Into their form of a series of skirmishes bet This superiority complex gave the system. Rather they opted for a ween the Khol and San people colonisers the excuse that they re system of exclusion where the against the Dutch colonisers. The quired to be able to oppress the peo defeated people became the hewers skirmishes followed upon disputes ple and exploit the land. They believ of wood and the drawers of water. over land and cattle. ed that they had the authority from God to 'civilize' the Indigenous peo A clear division was marked between These military attacks were bound to ple who had become the children of the ruler and the ruled based upon end with the colonisers being more satan. - the colour of the skin. Whites were successful because of their superior the rulers and blacks were the ruled. military power. As the colonisers What we witnessed in this part of our Who needs the civilisation of the oppressor? THE CHURCH The first step of the conqueror was to break down the beliefs of the con We have seen that the rulers had a Clash quered, and the church led the way certain view of the ruled. They saw In this. The next step was to break the ruled as non-Christian, and so down the language, the dress, educa they brought in the church to effect of tion process and the cultural a campaign of ‘missionising’ the in traditions. digenous people. cultures The Christian Church was used as a ed upon to reject the traditional MENTAL CRIPPLING tool to 'civilize' the Indigenous peo methods of worship, to hate their ple, in that It broke down the tradi past, themselves and their own This process led to the mental crip tional value systems within the In people. pling of the Indigenous people. No digenous community and replaced longer were the people allowed to them with the values and ideas of the Everything had to be redefined in make decisions about their lives. Christian world. terms of Christianity. However, the Now they found that decisions were indigenous people found It difficult being made for them. And whenever This meant that the indigenous peo to come to terms with a religion that the people resisted, the military ple were urged to reject themselves called upon them to relinquish might of the conqueror came down and their own way of looking at the ‘material things' and live In the hope heavily upon them. world and see themselves as they of a pleasant ‘hereafter*. • were defined by their new teachers. All the while the conquerors were tak They could not come to terms with ing away the land, and recruiting from The church's role did not begin after the jealous God who took everything the conquered for their labour. This the military campaign but in some in away from them and gave nothing caused, withing the black people, the stances went ahead of the militarists. concrete in return. And when the peo development of an illness - a type of ple rejected the Christian teachings culture shock - where they found that Missionaries such as David Liv the military might of the Europeans their history, their culture, their ingstone are good examples of the moved In. language and their wealth was slow forebearers of the ‘Christian word'. ly disappearing. They came to Africa In the belief that Having been defeated the people they were charged with a mission by were forced to reject themselves; and Thus, In their minds the people God to 'civilize' the people of Darkest were forced to accept the dictates of became lost They did not know what Africa * the rulers. The way of life determin to do. In most societies where the ed by the Christian found the coloniser had defeated the will of the Their task lay In persuading the In defeated people always In a position people there developed a number of digenous people to define of subservience because they could syndromes which we ahall discuss In themselves In terms laid down by the not do anything without being told by the next Issue. gospel of Christianity. They were call- their masters. (To be continued) % \ * >.v The Manifesto ■' ‘.i.T-.v v.'?;>v^ v7 - -.; \"> '.» .^ -i. Our struggle for national liberation is -.oppression, and exploitation by the .-" towards liberating the Azanlan - J j. directed against -the historically 'J white ruling class. ... people - from all oppression, ex v '* evolved system of racism and ~.vi'~ •• '"'• ------V.V- ploltatlon end Ignorance. '*}':$ tr^ capitalism which holds the people of OUR PRINCIPLES Azanla In bondage lor the benefit of • State provision of ade- ."--■quate end decent housing for ■ '[- the small minority of the population, 'Successful conduct of the national I.e. the capitalists and their allies, the liberation struggle depends on the \J 1 j - -L"';*. 'v v ' white workers and the reactionary firm basis of principle whereby we ‘ V. • State provision of free sections of the middle classes. The -will ensure that the liberation strug- - v health, legal, recreational and - y struggle against apartheid, therefore, ' gle will not be turned against our peo- • .' ’other com m unity services that is no more than the point of depar • pie by treacherous and opportunistic - - wIII respond positively to the ture for ourJlberatory efforts. ^ -.“ leaders" and liberal Influences. The . -<■ needs of the people. most Important of these principles o The Black working class Inspired by revolutionary consciousness driving force of our struggle tional self-determination in Azanla. They alone can system as It stands today because '.Anthcoilaboratlon with the?Z& they alone have nothing ; loose.' They have a world 1 democratic, anti-racist and socialist Azanla, where the interests of the x.va;r* Viindependent -.working •->' ^-Jr discriminate egaJnst our people tii workers shall be paramount through class organization, tree from ..j/T^v-^ron th e basis o f cotour. eexp, Viand and ail,that belongs to It *he wholly owned and controlled jV accordance wVth these principles - Collection Number: AK2117 DELMAS TREASON TRIAL 1985 - 1989 PUBLISHER: Publisher:-Historical Papers, University of the Witwatersrand Location:-Johannesburg ©2012 LEGAL NOTICES: Copyright Notice: All materials on the Historical Papers website are protected by South African copyright law and may not be reproduced, distributed, transmitted, displayed, or otherwise published in any format, without the prior written permission of the copyright owner. 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