Labour Party Gives Pie-In-The-Sky Promises, Chief Buthelezi Responds

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Labour Party Gives Pie-In-The-Sky Promises, Chief Buthelezi Responds political a'{$tems, forged in the warms Zulu hearts and thoe fires of paltry linle force in comparison tl1lumil:tic nature of the 19th Zulu South African patriotism are with the othoer lorces of history century global human experience. kindled. which did thoeir damnest to This building arises from the soil of annihilate Zulu idenlity and to Whether _like it or not, Zuluness KwaZulu to sland as a symbol of make It subse!'\lient to party politI_ amongst sill; million people is a the great achievements of the Zulu cal needs. profound reality in this country. people in the past, the achieve­ One cannot lalk Zuluness out of There is absolutely nothing incom­ ments of which we are proud and the hearts and souls of 6 million patible between Zulu pride and .chi_mentS which will yet people. What is commonly termed South African patriotism. There is emerge as one of the most the Black Consciousness Move· nothing inhoerently wrong in valuable ingrediants in national ment in the company of While Zuluness which disqualifies those reconciliation. This building intellectuals and the fully who are ZUlu from playing stal'lds BS a Zulu national achieve· mobilised support from the national roles. ment of political solidarity. It is for ElCternal Mission of the ANC or a this reason that this building LABOUR PARTY GIVES PIE-IN-THE-SKY PROMISES, CHIEF BUTHELEZI RESPONDS ULUNDI - Mr Neil Kinnock, the leader of the Labour Party of Britain, is reported to have made a promise that when the Labour Party returns to power, it will reverse the policy of the Conservatives "which has been to protect. encourage and co-operate with South Africa". During a 50 minute meeting of the House of Commons with Mr Oliver Tambo, the leader of the ANC External Mission, Mr Kinnock also said that the Labour Party's approach would be to "isolate apartheid South Africa and to promote effective action to hasten liberation." After the meeting, the Anti-Apartheid Movement distributed a statement, wherein Mr Kinnock stated that he was very delighted to have met MrTambo and express "the solidarity of the Labour Party with the South African liberalion Movement" in person. He said We are agreed that while apartheid remained, nobody in Southern Africa can be truly free". '. • ": What Afrikaners are nowallempt­ "',',.'• l.,••• ••..lU-~.• "..' , ' ' ..:: .. Ing to do by trying to incorporate a :' big chund of our territory.lngwa­ • vuma, into Swaziland with no regard to our feelings about the matter is something which u former subjects of Brilain thoey learnt from Britain. We were betrayed yet again when Britain gave South AIrica autonomy through the Statute of West· minster unconcernad about whether or not we had a vote in the Union of South AIrica. This Prince 0, M.G. Butheleli. PresH;lent of Inkatha. was a monumental betrayal of us waged a full·scale war against us by Great Brilain. Wewere nolcon­ Prince Or M.G. B1/theleli, the quered by the Afrikaners here. Pr'''Oent of INKATHA and Chief in 1B79, It was Britain who first betrayed us by succumbing to the B,it"in handed us over to the Minister of KwaZulu responded to Afrikaroars on a silver platter. Mr Kinnock end said. , . Nual Colonial Governmenl's pressures to take away KwaZulu's Our own King Cetshwayo 'We in This House need to remind protectorate status. It was Britein travelled to Britain and informed Great Britain and Mr Kinnocl<; that who anneKed KwaZulu and the British Government about the it was not the Boers who included us as part of Colonial state of affairs hera, and the destroyed the Zulu Kingdom. It Natal. Had this not been done we various delegations which the was Brilain &Cting on the edviceof would today probably be in the Africen National Congress sent to her representatives "to destroy SlIme position as Lesotho, Britain also informed the British ZUlu IlOWer once and for all" who Swaziland and Botswana. Government of our views at the, time of the Act of Union. Britain South Africa to its knees by the yearJ of apartheid rule that verbal simply ignored our pleas and use 01 sanctions if the Wilson condemnation alone does not do abandoned us to the late we have Government could not discipline much to allllr our Situation. We suffered ever since. Ian Smith after he mad4l his have always apprecilltedwhllt the I respect the Labour Party's stand unilateral declaration of inde_ BritiSh Government has been against apllrtheid, uid Chiel pendence? The British Govern­ doing Ihrough the British Courw::il. Ih~1 Buthelezi. bur Mr I<innoelt must ment then did not have the gulSto We wish it would do more fOt send the army into Zimbabwe to understand that we see this our atudents. We wish that it did promise to Mr Tambo in the con· deal with Ian Smith. I believe a more for our development in tellt of Britain's past performar>ee great many lives were lost be­ general, whether it be in the area over many generations in this pert cause Britain had cold feet at the of agriculture. he~lth or educa· time. Rhodesia was in fact a 01 Southern Africll. The SoUlh tion. We do not underestimate Alrican apartheid regime hasbeen BritiSh colony 81 the time and had what h8S been done, snd legitimate sovereign rights to deal al the helm for the last 36 yurs. continues to be done, but we do During thllt time various Labour wiTh Ian Smith end to calla halt to need less radical rhetoric and GovernmenlS were in power from what he was doing. Ironically. it more action on the ground. was the Conservative Thatcher time to time. Mr I<innock muS! I am pleallfld to notice. $lIid Chief Government which linally hed the understand that we are sceptical Buthelezi, that Mr I<innocll has at guts to sort out Zimbabwe'spaliti_ of British promises and wIlat they last grasped the truth of what I cal problems. are worth to the oppresllfld people have been stilting over many in South Africa. We are sick and Zimbabwe withstood the use of years. This is that the true libe­ tired of pie-in-the sky promises by unctions against her (on which ration of Southern Africa will only British politicians. wa are not im­ even Britain cheated) for 110 long like piece when South Africa is pressed when they promise us because she was propped up by liberated. Mr I<innock must ask something while they sit on oppo. South Africa because of her himself to what eKtent his sition bel"lChes, but which they economic muscle: I would like to proposed actions to isolata South cannot deliver once they become suggest, said Chief Buthelezi, that Africa will IIlso harm the people of the ruling Party. Mr I<innock visits South Africa to MocembiQue, Botswana, Swazi­ see the situelion here for him­ We are not impressed by the per· land end Lesotho. He mustdoso in formances of consecutive British self before he makes excethedra the context of the Nkomati Accord Governments, including the statements on what a Labour lind in the conlext of his own state· Labour Government's perfor­ Government should or should not ment thet while epartheid reo mances, when 200000 White do if and when he takes over the msined nobody in Southern Africa BritiSh reigns. We blacl<s 01 South settlers in Zimbabwe held our can be truly free. Is itnota fact that Africa are no longer impressed by people to ransom for so many the precarious position 01 s years. Mr I<innock needs to be re­ mere words, wo«ls and words. We country soch as lesotho necessi· minded of this. He needs to be know from experience. particu­ tates the budgetary grants which asked what Great Britain did to larly after Zimbabwe. thet the Great Britian even now gives implement unctions a~inst Zim· British people are human beings them? Is Mr I<lnnock not satisfied babwe? He needs to be remindoad like us, They are no angels and are thllt lhe monster of apartheid has of what the Bingham report tells heirs 10 all human fllilings. No sharp and dangerous teeth which amount of unrealistic pontifi­ us. He needs to be asked what is bared only II lew months ago reason we have to believe that a cations will satisfy us IIny longer. wilen the borders of lesotho were closed by South Africa? Can I<innock government will impose Britain has her own economic pro­ Britain afford to tllke Botswana, sanctions on SouthAfrica?We are blems. Would the British voters Lasotho and Swaziland on to her aware 01 how poor Britain has ~ltow Mr I<innock to compound lap il South Africa again slams her become atter the loss 01 her them for our sakes when he takes doors in the faces of our brothers possessions in farllway lands as a over? Does Mr Kinnock love us so snd sistera in these countries? result of the decolonisation much that he eKP&Cts ustobelieve process. him when he SIlYS that he will be What Mr I<innock offered our able to make BritiSh voters sacri­ brothers in the External Missionof At present, British investments in fice their interests for our ANC is more than yet another pie­ South Africa are estimated tObe in inlereslS? Where doea this neWly. in-the_sky promise. The inter· Ihe order of live to six Thousend found love come from in view of national community. including million Rand and Briton's ellport me historyI have iust recalled. Has Great Britain, has offered us these trade to South Africa is worth Britain 81 last discovered her pies in the sky for generations.
Recommended publications
  • Land Reform from Post-Apartheid South Africa Catherine M
    Boston College Environmental Affairs Law Review Volume 20 | Issue 4 Article 4 8-1-1993 Land Reform from Post-Apartheid South Africa Catherine M. Coles Follow this and additional works at: http://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/ealr Part of the Land Use Law Commons Recommended Citation Catherine M. Coles, Land Reform from Post-Apartheid South Africa, 20 B.C. Envtl. Aff. L. Rev. 699 (1993), http://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/ealr/vol20/iss4/4 This Comments is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Boston College Environmental Affairs Law Review by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LAND REFORM FOR POST-APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICA Catherine M. Coles* I. INTRODUCTION...................................................... 700 II. LAND SYSTEMS IN COLLISION: PRECOLONIAL AND COLONIAL LAND SYSTEMS IN SOUTH AFRICA. 703 A. An Overview of Precolonial Land Systems. 703 B. Changing Rights to Landfor Indigenous South African Peoples Under European Rule. 706 III. THE INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF RACIAL INEQUALITY AND APART- HEID THROUGH A LAND PROGRAM. 711 A. Legislative Development of the Apartheid Land Program. 712 B. The Apartheid System of Racial Zoning in Practice: Limiting the Land Rights of Black South Africans. 716 1. Homelands and National States: Limiting Black Access to Land by Restricting Citizenship. 716 2. Restricting Black Land Rights in Rural Areas Outside the Homelands through State Control. 720 3. Restricting Black Access to Urban Land..................... 721 IV. DISMANTLING APARTHEID: THE NATIONAL PARTY'S PLAN FOR LAND REFORM............................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report: Volume 2
    VOLUME TWO Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report The report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was presented to President Nelson Mandela on 29 October 1998. Archbishop Desmond Tutu Ms Hlengiwe Mkhize Chairperson Dr Alex Boraine Mr Dumisa Ntsebeza Vice-Chairperson Ms Mary Burton Dr Wendy Orr Revd Bongani Finca Adv Denzil Potgieter Ms Sisi Khampepe Dr Fazel Randera Mr Richard Lyster Ms Yasmin Sooka Mr Wynand Malan* Ms Glenda Wildschut Dr Khoza Mgojo * Subject to minority position. See volume 5. Chief Executive Officer: Dr Biki Minyuku I CONTENTS Chapter 1 Chapter 6 National Overview .......................................... 1 Special Investigation The Death of President Samora Machel ................................................ 488 Chapter 2 The State outside Special Investigation South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 42 Helderberg Crash ........................................... 497 Special Investigation Chemical and Biological Warfare........ 504 Chapter 3 The State inside South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 165 Special Investigation Appendix: State Security Forces: Directory Secret State Funding................................... 518 of Organisations and Structures........................ 313 Special Investigation Exhumations....................................................... 537 Chapter 4 The Liberation Movements from 1960 to 1990 ..................................................... 325 Special Investigation Appendix: Organisational structures and The Mandela United
    [Show full text]
  • Report Special Committee
    REPORT OF THE SPECIAL COMMITTEE AGAINST APARTHEID GENERAL ASSEMBLY OFFICIAL RECORDS: THIRTY·NINTH SESSION SUPPLEMENT No. 22 (AJ39/22) UNITED NATIONS New York,1984 LETTER OF T l. lNTRO NOTE II. RE.'VlEW Symbols of United Nations documents are composed of capital letters combined with A. Re figures. Mention of such a symbol indicates a reference to a United Nations document. th of B. Ac in c. Ac co 1. 2. D. La Ap E. No Ap F. Co Li G. Ac tir H. Ac 1- 2. 3. l. Ac 1. [Original: English] [31 october 19841 CONTENTS Paragraphs page LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• vi i 1. INTRODOCTION ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 1 - 9 1 II. REVIEW OF THE WORK OF THE SPECIAL COMMITTEE •••••••••••••••• 10 - 136 3 A. Resolutions adopted by the General Assembly at its thirty-eighth session on the item "policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa" ••••••••••••••••••••• 10 3 B. Action against South Africa's aggression against independent African States ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 11 - 16 3 c. Action taken against military, nuclear and economic collaboration with South Africa •••••••••••••••••••••••• 17 - 27 4 1. Hearing on the arms embargo against South Africa ••• 18 - 20 4 2. Other action "'." 00 ••••••••••••••••••••••••• 21 - 27 5 D. Latin American Regional Conference for Action against Apartheid ..........................................•... 28 - 34 6 E. North American Regional Conference for Action against Apartheid G ••••••••••••••••••••••• 35 - 45 8 F. Conference of Arab Solidarity with the Strugqle for Liberation in Southern Africa ••••••••••• , •••••••••••••• 46 - 51 9 G. Action taken against the so-called constitutional "reforms" in South Africa ••.•••••.••.•••••••••••••••••• 52 - 58 10 H. Action against apart.heid in sports ••••••••••••••••••••• 59 - 65 11 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Root Causes of Terrorism: Myths, Reality and Ways Forward
    Root Causes of Terrorism Addressing the causes of a problem is often more effective than trying to fight its symptoms and effects. In Root Causes of Terrorism, a team of international experts analyses the possibilities and limitations of preventing and reducing terrorism by addressing the factors that give rise to it and sustain it. The questions raised include: • What are the main circumstances that provide preconditions for the emergence of various types of terrorism? • What are the typical precipitants that trigger terrorist campaigns? • To what extent is it possible to reduce the problem of terrorism by influencing these causes and circumstances? • Should we address those factors that sustain terrorist campaigns rather than root causes? Tore Bjørgo is Senior Research Fellow at the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI), and Research Director and Professor of Police Science at the Norwe- gian Police University College. Root Causes of Terrorism Myths, reality and ways forward Edited by Tore Bjørgo First published 2005 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 270 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2005. “To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor & Francis or Routledge’s collection of thousands of eBooks please go to www.eBookstore.tandf.co.uk.” © 2005 Tore Bjørgo for selection and editorial matter; individual authors for their contributions All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
    [Show full text]
  • WHAT DO WE THINK? a Survey of White Opinion on Foreign Policy Issues
    DIE SUID- AFRIKAANSE INSTITUUT VAN INTERNASIONALE AANGELEENTHEDE "A ARCHIVES REMOVE geleentheidspublikasie occasional paper THE SOUTH AFRICAN WHAT DO INSTITUTE WE THINK? OF A survey of white opinion INTERNATIONAL on foreign policy issues AFFAIRS No. 3 DEON GELDENHUYS DECK GELDENHUYS is Professor and Head of the Department of Bolitical Science at the Rand AfriJcaans University, Johannesbarg. He was formerly Assistant Director (Research) of the SA institute of International Affairs. He is the author of The Diplomacy of Isolation: South African Foreign Policy Making, published in 1S84 for the SAIIA by Maanillan South Africa (Pty> Ltd. Tfce first two surveys of white opinion on foreign policy issues, also entitled What Co We Think?, were published by the SAIIA in 1982 and 1984. The present Paper is the third in what is intended to be a biennial series of similar surveys. It should be noted that any opinions expressed in this Paper are the responsibility of the author and not of the SAIIA. WHAT DO WE THINK? A survey of white opinion on foreign policy issues No. 3 DEON GELDENHUYS ISBN: 0-908371-45-4 May 1986 The South African Institute of International Affairs Jan Smuts House PO Box 31596, Braamfontein 2017, South Africa CONTENTS PAGE 1. INTRODUCTION 1 2. SURVEY" METHX 3 3. CARRY A BIG STICK IN A DANGEROUS WORLD: PERCEPTIONS OF THREAT AND COUNTER-MEASURES 5 3.1 Some still lite us (just the way we are) 5 3.2 The threat that can never be taken too seriously ... Iteagan's efforts notwithstanding 7 3.3 The threat frcm across the Limpopo 9 3.4 Marxists were among our best friends 10 3.5 On sanctions, retaliation and reform 12 3.6 The hottest pursuit 13 3.7 Don't feed the hand that bites 14 3.8 SWAPO: jaw, jaw or ver, war 15 3.9 Cross-tabulation: checking on consistency 18 4.
    [Show full text]
  • COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OR TAMBO on the Nkomati Accord
    DfN COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OR TAMBO On the Nkomati accord On the allegation that the ANC uses Mozambique as a springboard "... it is simply not true that the African National Congress has been launching attacks on South Africa from Mozambique. There is not a single occassion when we did. Of course, we went through Mozambique, an African country, as we have gone through other African countries, to reach our own country. We have launched no attacks from any country into South Africa. This is South African propaganda." On transit to South Africans going back to their own country "What are we going to do about clauses in this 'non-aggression' pact which forbids Mozambique to allow transit to South Africans going back to their own country? Well, we have had many problems like that in the past and that is how we relate to it - as a problem to be solved. What we do now is that our actions have been planned and staged in South Africa. We will continue to do that. We will find a way of intensifying those actions. In fact this agreement is a challenge to the victims of the apartheid system. Our people are ready to meet this challenge. "If we are required to stand alone, first alone, as the British once did faced with an offensive from the Nazis, then that is what we are going to do. We are absolutely confident about it. Our people are ready to meet this chal­ lenge. It has never been the policy of the African National Congress to burden the neighbouring states of Southern Africa with sacrifices that have to be made in order to destroy the apartheid system.
    [Show full text]
  • An Agricultural Law Research Article Land Reform for Post-Apartheid South Africa
    University of Arkansas System Division of Agriculture [email protected] | (479) 575-7646 An Agricultural Law Research Article Land Reform for Post-Apartheid South Africa by Catherine M. Coles Originally published in BOSTON COLLEGE ENVIRONMENTAL AFFAIRS LAW REVIEW 20 B.C. ENVTL. AFF. L. REV. 699 (1993) www.NationalAgLawCenter.org LAND REFORM FOR POST-APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICA Catherine M. Coles' I. INTRODUCTION ..... .........................•..•.....••..•..•....... 700 II. LAND SYSTEMS IN COLLISION: PRECOLONIAL AND COLONIAL LAND SYSTEMS IN SOUTH AFRICA. ......•.••.•..• •....••.................. 703 A. An Overview of Precolonial Land Systems. ..................... 703 B. Changing Rights to Land for Indigenous South African Peoples Under European Rule. .......................................... 706 III. THE INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF RACIAL INEQUALITY AND APART­ HEID THROUGH A LAND PROGRAM.................................. 711 A. Legislative Development of the Apartheid Land Program. 712 B. The Apartheid System ofRacial Zoning in Practice: Limiting the Land Rights of Black South Africans. ........................... 716 1. Homelands and National States: Limiting Black Access to Land by Restricting Citizenship. ............................. 716 2. Restricting Black Land Rights in Rural Areas Outside the Homelands through State Control. ........................... 720 3. Restricting Black Access to Urban Land..................... 721 IV. DISMANTLING APARTHEID: THE NATIONAL PARTY'S PLAN FOR LAND REFORM............. ..••.. ..•............. ..••..•.••
    [Show full text]
  • The Role of African Internationalists Used to Carry Heavier Equipment Across Have Had Similar Experiences to My Own in Our Liberation Struggle
    INTERNATIONALISM training areas in the Frontline States. UNDERGROUND operations IN THE MK’s command structure sat in Lusaka, Zambia, with regional structures in the Frontline States and clearly defined © Shutterstock.co.za FRONTLINE states operational structures in the “Forward Areas” that were linked to operations inside South Africa. In 1985 Swaziland was in the The role of African frontline of the battle against the Apartheid South African regime. The battle against Apartheid was a battle of Internationalists life and death which claimed lives and limbs, destroyed homes and families in South Africa and in the neighbouring states or Frontline States as they were called. Swaziland was one of the Frontline States, a “forward area.” It is one of Africa’s smallest countries, a former British protectorate and one of the remaining monarchies in Africa. A country with some of the oldest mountains in the world endowed with breath-taking beauty ranging from misty mountains to hot brush-covered lowveld plains. A country with few natural resources, a relatively small population; and trapped between South Africa and Mozambique. In 1985 Swaziland was nominally ruled by the Queen Mother and driven by a council of men who seemed to The Swazi internationalists, if we wish to use have moved away from the late King Sobhuza’s attempt to steer a middle that term, were the water in which the MK road between the demands of the resource-rich apartheid South Africa swam like fish. We were at home. They, for and the wider African nationalist agenda of the rest of Africa. The move all intent and purposes, were our comrades.
    [Show full text]
  • The Transnational Role and Involvement of Interest Groups in Water Politics: a Comparative Analysis of Selected Southern African Case Studies
    University of Pretoria etd – Meissner, R (2005) THE TRANSNATIONAL ROLE AND INVOLVEMENT OF INTEREST GROUPS IN WATER POLITICS: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF SELECTED SOUTHERN AFRICAN CASE STUDIES by RICHARD MEISSNER Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Doctor Philosophiae (International Politics) In the Faculty of Humanities UNIVERSITY OF PRETORIA October 2004 University of Pretoria etd – Meissner, R (2005) ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to give praise and thanks to God, who has bestowed upon me the talent as a researcher and a scientist. Throughout the research endeavour, I always turned to Him for guidance, inspiration, strength and advice. Many persons played a central role in the preparation and subsequent presentation of the research results contained in this thesis. I shall be forever in their debt. I would also like to thank my wife, Colleen, to whom this thesis is dedicated. Not only has she supported my endeavours every step of the way, but she has also been part of the work from beginning to end. She has had to put up with periods of frustration, but shared in my joy at the end. I will be forever in her debt for her loving support and on occasion her practical advice. Professor Anton du Plessis, from the Department of Political Sciences at the University of Pretoria (UP), was always willing to contribute to the understanding of the different nuances contained in this study. Professor Maxi Schoeman, head of the Department of Political Sciences at UP, had a central role in my academic ‘up-bringing’. To professor Deon Geldenhuys, professor at the Department of Politics and Governance at the Rand Afrikaans University (RAU), a special word of thanks, for his assistance in analysing political events.
    [Show full text]
  • South Africa and Its Sadcc Neighbours
    The African e-Journals Project has digitized full text of articles of eleven social science and humanities journals. This item is from the digital archive maintained by Michigan State University Library. Find more at: http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/ Available through a partnership with Scroll down to read the article. 159 SOUTH AFRICA AND ITS SADCC NEIGHBOURS by J.c. Chipasula and K. Miti. Introduction The Portuguese coup d'etat of April 1974 unleashed a chain of events that were to lead to a complete transformation of the Southern African subcon- tinent. Up till that time the white's control of the region appeared unassailable. The Americans had by 1969 come to the conclusion that: The whites (in Southern Africa) are here to stay and the only way that constructive change can come about is through them. There is no hope for blacks to gain the political rights they seek through violence, which will only lead to chaos and increased opportunities for the communists (Lemarchand 1981. 35). A number of African countries had also come to a similar conclusion and had by 1970 began to call for dialoque with South Africa. The call for dialoque that began with Ivory Coast's President Houphouet-Boigny's announcement on 6th November 1970 that "we will not achieve the solution to the problem of apartheid in South Africa by resorting to force of arms" was premised on the following arguments: 1. The African states both lacked the military and economic resources to challenge South Africa successfully; 2. The trade embargo against South Africa was bound to fail since powerful non African powers such as the U.S.A, Britain, France, the Federal Republic of Germany and Japan have maintained their Pula: Botswana Journal of African Studies Vol.
    [Show full text]
  • Ufahamu: a Journal of African Studies
    UCLA Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies Title South Africa: On the Verge of Revolution Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2d3649kd Journal Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies, 15(1-2) ISSN 0041-5715 Author Magubane, Bernard Publication Date 1986 DOI 10.5070/F7151-2016992 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California SOUTH AFRICA: ON THE VERGE OF REVOLUTION? Bernard Magubane Between the anvil of mass United action and the hammer of armed struggle, we shall crush white minority rule. Nelson Mandela History will remember the years 1975 and 1985 as a period of far-reaching upheavals in Southern Africa. They are the years when the white re-doubt began to crumble as tumultuous struggles shook the minority regime to its very foundation . Today, the white settler state of South Africa is like a city built on a fault-line -- every shift of the rocks weakens the foundations of every structure, and not just parts of it. An editorial in the Sunday Tribune (1/20/85) summing the current political crisis 1n South Africa states that: The sixties were the granite years of apartheid. Those ye1rs are decfdedly out, for no longer does the Government hold with righteous fervor the belief that the equitable solution to race differences is the policy of separation. The apartheid creed, however, has been surely eroded, not replaced. The talk of reform is all flim-flam: it is the grudging make-do solution of the solely pressed, rather than a clear vision based on the philosophical rejection of racial domination.
    [Show full text]
  • Contents/Lnhoud South Africa and Mozambique Ca Flora Bassa A
    SOUTHERN AFRICA RECORD Number Thirty-seven, December 1984 Contents/lnhoud South Africa and Mozambique Ca flora Bassa A. Background to the Cahora Bassa Project page 3 B. Agreement between the Governments of the Republic of South Africa, the People's Republic of Mozambique and the Republic of Portugal, in Cape Town on 2 May 1984 page4 C. Statement by the South African Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Hon R.F. Botha page 11 D. Address by the Mozambican Minister of Planning, the Hon Mario Machungo page 12 E. Address by the Portuguese Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Hon Dr Jaime Gama page 13 South Africa, Namibia and Angola A. Proposals conveyed by the South African Government to the Government of the United States, at the US Embassy in Pretoria on 15 November 1984 page 16 B. Message elated 20 November 1984, from the Angolan President, the Hon Jose Eduardo Dos Santos, to the United Nations Secretary-General, on the problems of Southern Africa (UN Docu- ment No.) page 18 C. Message from the South African Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Hon R.F. Botha, to the United Nations Secretary-General, on 26 November 1984 (UN Document No. A/39/689) page 24 United States and Southern Africa "Major Objectives of US Policy Toward South Africa": Testimony by Assistant Secretary of State, Dr Chester Crocker, before the US Senate Sub-Committee on Africa, on 26 September 1984 page 26 Zimbabwe Address by the Zimbabwean Prime Minister, the Hon Robert Mugabe, inaugurating a series of lectures on "The Construction of Socialism in Zimbabwe", in Harare on 10 July 1984 page 34 Zimbabwe and South Africa A.
    [Show full text]