Playboy Playmate Curves: Changes in Facial and Body Feature Preferences Across Social and Economic Conditions
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10.1177/0146167204264078PERSONALITYPettijohn, Jungeberg AND /SOCIALPLAYBOY PSYCHOLOGYPLAYMATE CURVESBULLETIN Playboy Playmate Curves: Changes in Facial and Body Feature Preferences Across Social and Economic Conditions Terry F. Pettijohn II Brian J. Jungeberg Mercyhurst College Past research has investigated ideals of beauty and how these ide- ronmental factors influence these trends, and how dif- als have changed across time. In the current study, facial and ferent theories can be used to explain these changing body characteristics of Playboy Playmates of the Year from preferences for facial and body characteristics in 1960-2000 were identified and investigated to explore their rela- women. tionships with U.S. social and economic factors. Playmate of the To explain how social preferences are affected by Year age, body feature measures, and facial feature measure- changing environmental security conditions, Pettijohn ments were correlated with a general measure of social and eco- and Tesser (1999) offer the Environmental Security nomic hard times. Consistent with Environmental Security Hypothesis. Building on existing evolutionary and social Hypothesis predictions, when social and economic conditions ecological theories (Buss, 1994; Cunningham, 1986; were difficult, older, heavier, taller Playboy Playmates of the McArthur & Baron, 1983; Zebrowitz, Fellous, Mignault, Year with larger waists, smaller eyes, larger waist-to-hip ratios, & Andreoletti, 2003), these researchers contend that smaller bust-to-waist ratios, and smaller body mass index values perceptions and feelings of environmental security influ- were selected. These results suggest that environmental security ence facial feature preferences. Specifically, when condi- may influence perceptions and preferences for women with cer- tions are threatening and uncertain, individuals with tain body and facial features. more mature facial features are preferred to a relatively greater extent compared to preferences in less threaten- ing conditions. Pettijohn and Tesser (1999) have found Keywords: facial features; body features; physical appearance; physi- evidence that popular American movie actresses from cal attraction; environmental security 1932-1995 with mature faces (small eyes, large chins, thin faces) are preferred to a relatively greater extent in For decades, psychologists have been studying the ide- social and economic hard times compared to social and als of beauty and what makes an individual physically economic good times. However, this same pattern of attractive. Researchers have provided detailed accounts preferences was not found in a sample of popular Ameri- of changing trends in U.S. history by studying the mea- can movie actors, suggesting that male appearance pref- surements of Playboy Playmates, Miss America contest erence patterns are not equivalent (Pettijohn & Tesser, winners, and models in popular women’s magazines 2003). In addition, Pettijohn and Tesser (2004) have (i.e., Vogue, Ladies Home Journal) and advertisements Authors’ Note: Preliminary findings of this research were presented at across time and their relationships to popular culture and the 15th annual American Psychological Society conference in Atlanta, dieting or clothing fads (Garner, Garfinkel, Schwartz, & Georgia, May 2003. Special thanks to Stephanie Dulaney for her assis- Thompson, 1980; Mazur, 1986; Owen & Laurel-Seller, tance in measuring model faces and Abraham Tesser for his comments 2000; Voracek & Fisher, 2002; Wiseman, Gray, Mosi- on the article. Correspondence concerning this article or reprint re- mann, & Ahrens, 1992). Continuous representations of quests should be addressed to Terry F. Pettijohn II, Department of Psy- chology, Mercyhurst College, Erie, PA 16546-0001; e-mail: terrypet@ women in the media provide a medium for studying usa.com. changes across time and conditions. Although these PSPB, Vol. 30 No. 9, September 2004 1186-1197 trends are intriguing, questions still remain regarding DOI: 10.1177/0146167204264078 why these trends occur, what societal and individual envi- © 2004 by the Society for Personality and Social Psychology, Inc. 1186 Pettijohn, Jungeberg / PLAYBOY PLAYMATE CURVES 1187 found that when participants were subjected to threat in indicated by the decreasing percentage of ideal body a lab setting, they showed a general preference to work weight, but the WHR remained relatively constant at .70. with a female partner with smaller eyes (a mature fea- But might these preferences be impacted by social and ture) over a partner with larger eyes (a neotenous fea- economic security factors? ture). These studies have focused on preferences for Consider work by Anderson, Crawford, Nadeau, and facial features under conditions of threat but have not Lindberg (1992), which found that the amount of tested changing preferences for mature body features. female body fat considered most attractive varies across The current study was undertaken to provide additional cultures. In cultures where women have limited eco- support for the Environmental Security Hypothesis by nomic opportunities and wealth, body fat is considered replicating previous findings using an alternative sample attractive and negatively correlated with women’s politi- and by expanding the set of predictions to investigate cal power and economic resources. The terms “fat” and preferences for mature body features under conditions “curvaceous” are not interchangeable, but they are of threat. related (Singh, 1993). Because women generally store The Environmental Security Hypothesis considers fat in their hips, buttocks, and breasts, increasing body evolutionary theory and further adjusts evolutionary fat tends to increase curvaceousness, or the difference predictions of preferences within specific conditions of between bust and waist and waist and hips. Larger bust- historical and cultural variation. Evolutionary mate to-waist ratios and smaller waist-to-hip ratios would selection theories (Buss, 1989; Buss & Barnes, 1986; therefore denote greater degrees of curvaceousness. Symons, 1979) suggest that men and women select mates Research also suggests that greater curvaceousness in to maximize reproduction success and cues of reproduc- women is quite attractive to men (Furnham, Hester, & tive value in women are largely determined by physical Weir, 1990; Singh, 1993; Singh & Young, 1995). appearance. Preferences for specific facial and body fea- Silverstein, Peterson, and Perdue (1986) investigated tures that signal health and reproductive promise have changes in curvaceousness across time by measuring been explained in the context of evolutionary theory models in Vogue and Ladies Home Journal between 1901 (Buss, 1994; Fink & Penton-Voak, 2002; Singh, 1993; and 1981. They found that when more women gradu- Thornhill & Grammer, 1999). Many studies have cited ated from college or entered the job market, the stan- the importance of neotenous facial features in determin- dard of attractiveness presented in popular women’s ing female attractiveness and have found support for magazines was less curvaceous. To support their predic- these ideas cross-culturally, suggesting this preference is tions, they explained that women with different body related to evolutionary influences (Cunningham, Rob- shapes may develop different mating strategies and erts, Barbee, Druen, & Wu, 1995; Jones, 1995; Zebrowitz, means for obtaining economic resources. Curvaceous 1997). The Environmental Security Hypothesis suggests women, which are more attractive to men, can use mar- that within these evolutionary preference findings, spe- riage to gain resources for childrearing. Noncurvaceous cifics of attractiveness may in part depend on how secure women are not as attractive to men so they must use alter- people feel in their surroundings. Additional social native strategies and obtain economic independence influences and contextual information may help to through their own means. In some cultures, marriage is explain the variability within these sets of evolutionary the only economic strategy for women, but in the United preferences across time. States, women can pursue careers and have children. For example, Singh (1993) has examined the prefer- Barber (1998a) tested the idea that the male standard ence for a certain waist-to-hip ratio (WHR) by conduct- for a woman’s attractiveness is more curvaceous than the ing studies in which men rated the attractiveness of female standard by measuring bust-to-waist ratios of Play- female figures, which varied in total fat and WHR. Men boy models, Miss America winners, and models appear- found the average figure to be the most attractive, and ing in Vogue magazine across time. Consistent with pre- regardless of the total amount of fat of the figures, men dictions, the male standards (Playboy models and Miss found the figures with a low WHR most attractive. As America winners) varied less than the female standard WHR increased, suggesting a less curvaceous and more (Vogue), suggesting standards of attractiveness are influ- tubular figure, attractiveness ratings decreased. Figures enced by evolutionary factors. Barber (1998b) also sup- with a low WHR also were rated as healthier and of ported his assertions by finding correlations between greater reproductive value than those with a higher curvaceousness of models in Vogue and Playboy with eco- WHR. Singh also analyzed Playboy centerfolds and win- nomic growth (Standard and Poor’s index, per capita ners of Miss America beauty contests in the