Memphis In The First Two Millennia
August 14 and 15 2008
The Australian Centre for Egyptology Macquarie University Sydney Australia Memphis in the First Two Millennia
Venue Robert Menzies Chapel Macquarie University
Convener Linda Evans
Host The Australian Centre for Egyptology Division of Humanities Macquarie University Sydney NSW 2109 Australia Telephone: (+612) 9850-8848 Email: [email protected]
Conference Web Site http://galliform.bhs.mq.edu.au/~ace/
Cover Photograph: © Leonie Donovan Acknowledgements
Preparations for Memphis in the First Two Millennia have been greatly assisted by a number of organisations and enthusiastic individuals.
We would like to acknowledge the Australian Research Council's Discovery Projects funding scheme, which has supported our studies of the Memphite region for the past four years. We also offer our sincere thanks to Professor Stephen Schwartz, Vice- Chancellor of Macquarie University, for hosting a welcome reception for our speakers on August 13, and to members of the Vice-Chancellor's staff - particularly Bronwyn Forster and Kris Kolc - for their cheerful assistance. We greatly appeciate the friendly advice provided by Vicky Deane of Robert Menzies College and Jennifer Hearn of Dunmore Lang College regarding the venue and catering.
We are particularly grateful to Faye Sutherland of the Co-op Book Shop (Macquarie University) for generously supplying book bags and bookmarks for all of our conference registrants. We also thank Marie Carter for providing back-issues of Archaeological Diggings magazine, and the Sydney Convention and Tourist Bureau for issuing us with The Official Guide to Sydney.
Special thanks go to the volunteers in the Australian Centre for Egyptology office – Carmel Amos, Carol Allen, Janet Condon, Joyce Swinton, Tom Lockley, and Bob Parker – for their help with many aspects of the conference organization during the past year. However, we are particularly indebted to Kathy Parker for her tireless efforts and attentive care in ensuring that the registration process ran smoothly and efficiently. We also wish to thank Ambrose Chong in the Division of Humanities for providing patient financial advice and help, Leonie Donovan for assistance with the abstract book, Stephen Renton for AV assistance during the conference, and Chris Evans, Director of CISAB (Macquarie University), for hosting our conference website.
We also thank and welcome our eight keynote speakers who have journeyed here from across the world to share their research with us: • Miroslav Bárta (Czech Institute of Egyptology, Prague) • Beatrix Gessler-Löhr (Egyptological Institute, University of Heidelberg) • Yvonne Harpur (Oxford Expedition to Egypt, University of Oxford) • David Jeffreys (Institute of Archaeology, University College London) • Audran Labrousse (French Archaeological Mission at Saqqara) • Jaromir Malek (Griffith Institute, University of Oxford) • Adela Oppenheim (Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York) • Alain Zivie (CNRS, Paris) Finally, we would like to express our gratitude to the Rundle Foundation for Egyptian Archaeology for financial assistance, and to Janet Gale, whose boundless generosity has enabled us to bring our esteemed guests to this meeting. We thank her unreservedly for her continued support of the Australian Centre for Egyptology.
Naguib Kanawati Christiana Köhler Boyo Ockinga Pr o g r a m
THURSDAY, AUGUST 14
Opening Remarks
9:00 – 09:05 Steven Schwartz, Vice-Chancellor, Macquarie University Official opening of Memphis in the First Two Millennia
9:05 – 09:10 Naguib Kanawati Welcome and announcements
Session 1: Settlement Patterns
9:10 – 9:40 Jaromir Malek Memphis and its environs: The historical footprint
9:40 – 10:10 David Jeffreys Scaling the White Walls: Latest work of the EES Survey of Memphis
10:10 – 10:40 Christian Knoblauch Memphis: Provincial centre of the FIP and MK
10:40 – 11:00 Morning tea
Session 2: Administration
11:00 – 11:30 Naguib Kanawati The Memphite control of Upper Egypt in the 6th Dynasty
11:30 – 12:00 Beatrix Gessler-Löhr Some Memphite officials of the pre-Amarna, Amarna and post-Amarna periods
12:00 – 12:30 Alain Zivie The growing importance of western Memphis under the reign of Amenhotep III
12:30 – 01:00 Susanne Binder "I will tell you what happened to me...... ": Memphite officials and the Gold of Honour
1:00 – 02:00 Lunch
Session 3: Religion and Iconography
2:00 – 2:30 Lesley Kinney Six butcher queens of the 4th and 5th Dynasties: Their association with the Acacia House and the role of butchers as performers
1 2:30 – 3:00 Rehab Hema Hathor's cult at Memphis
3:00 – 3:30 Abeer El Shahawy Thebes-Memphis: An interaction of iconographic ideas
3:30 – 4:00 Katherine Eaton Memphite, Theban and Heliopolitan gods of rule in the New Kingdom: Memphite perspectives on their relationships
4:00 – 4:30 Afternoon tea
Session 4: Texts and Artefacts
04:30 – 05:00 Jana Jones The Early Dynastic Memphite 'linen lists': Text and textile reconciled
5:00 – 5:30 Linda Evans Micro-Memphis: The representation of invertebrates in Egyptian art
5:30 – 6:00 Colin Hope A Memphite origin of blue-painted pottery?
6:00 – 6:30 Mark Eccleston Household production of faience and bronze at Memphis in the New Kingdom
FRIDAY, AUGUST 15
Session 5: Tomb Architecture
9:00 – 9:30 Angela La Loggia Architects, engineers and builders of Early Dynastic Memphis
9:30 – 10:00 Christiana Köhler Come to the other side! The orientation of cult niches in Early Dynastic mastabas at Helwan
10:00 – 10:30 Adela Oppenheim The false door walls in the pyramid temple and north chapel of Senwosret III at Dahshur
10:30 – 11:00 Morning tea
Session 6: Predynastic and Old Kingdom Archaeology
11:00 – 11:30 Lisa Mawdsley Tarkhan and its role in the Memphite region during the Naqada III period
2 11:30 – 12:00 Gae Callender Another look at George Reisner's family tree for the 4th Dynasty
12:00 – 12:30 Miroslav Bárta New Memphite cemetery of the 5th and 6th Dynasties in Abusir South
12:30 – 01:00 Audran Labrousse Recent discoveries at the necropolis of king Pepy I
1:00 – 2:00 Lunch
Session 7: New Kingdom Archaeology and Old Kingdom Art
2:00 – 2:30 Karin Sowada Mortuary landscapes and social change in the Teti Cemetery at Saqqara
02:30 – 03:00 Boyo Ockinga The Teti Pyramid Cemetery North – the New Kingdom occupation phase: Insights from excavations conducted in Jan/Feb 2007 and 2008
3:00 – 3:30 Yvonne Harpur Past, present and future of a new resource: The Oxford Expedition Scene-Details Database
3:30 – 4:00 Christopher Davey Old Kingdom Memphite metallurgical scenes
4:00 – 4:30 Afternoon tea
Session 8: Old Kingdom Art (cont.)
4:30 – 5:00 Ann McFarlane The Old Kingdom carrying chair: From here to there
5:00 – 5:30 Michelle Hampson "A prince of a find": The lost scenes of craftsmen in the tomb of Kuenre
5:30 – 6:00 Sophie Winlaw The prominent appearance of mothers in the tombs of their sons and its significance in the Old Kingdom
6:00 – 6:30 Alexandra Woods The tomb of Hetepet at Giza: Chronological considerations
6.30 – 6:35 Naguib Kanawati, Christiana Köhler, Boyo Ockinga Closing remarks
3 4 Miroslav Bárta Czech Institute of Egyptology, Charles University in Prague, Czech Republic New Memphite cemetery of the 5th and 6th Dynasties in Abusir South
Over the past few years, major discoveries were made in the cemetery of Abusir South. During the course of archaeological excavations, some 5th and 6th Dynasty previously unknown tombs could be unearthed, documented and analysed. These tombs may be characterised by several unique features such as an unusually high degree of preservation of architectural details and decoration, and lavish burial equipment including some burial chambers found in situ.
In this talk I shall present and discuss in brief three principal monuments: a mastaba tomb belonging to the mortuary priest Neferinpu and his family; one of the largest rock-cut tombs of the Old Kingdom belonging to an anonymous priest; and a family complex of the vizier Qar. Analysis of their principal components and burial equipment shows major differences that governed ancient Egyptian society of the day. It will be shown that during the examined period a major development in terms of the burial equipment, social status and concept of the afterlife had been made. Principal attention will also be paid to the mechanism of social stratification within a single tomb and the reflection of an individual´s social standing through specific items of material culture capable to reflect the power and identity of a given tomb/shaft holder.
Bibliography M. BÁRTA, 'Archaeology and iconography: Bedja and aperet bread moulds and 'Speisetischszene' development in the Old Kingdom', SAK 22 (1995), 21–35. M. BÁRTA, 'Architectural innovations in the development of the non-royal tomb during the reign of Nyuserra' in: P. JÁNOSI (ed.), Structure and Significance: Thoughts on Ancient Egyptian Architecture (Wien, 2005), 105–130. M. BÁRTA, 'Non-royal tombs of the Old Kingdom at Abusir' in: H. BENEŠOVSKÁ and P. VLČKOVÁ (eds.), Abusir: Secrets of the Desert and the Pyramids (Prague, 2006), 122–145. M. BÁRTA, 'The Sixth Dynasty tombs in Abusir: Tomb complex of the vizier Qar and his family', in: M. BÁRTA (ed.), Old Kingdom Art and Archaeology Proceedings (Prague, 2006), 45-62. M. BÁRTA et al., Abusir XIII. The Cemeteries at Abusir South 2. The Tomb Complex of the Vizier Qar and His Family 1 (Prague, forthcoming). M. BÁRTA and A. BEZDĚK, 'Beetles and the decline of the Old Kingdom,' in M. BÁRTA and H. VYMAZALOVÁ (eds.), Chronology of the Late Fourth and the Third Millenniums B.C.E. Proceedings of the Conference held in Prague, June 11–14, 2007 (Prague, forthcoming).
5 Susanne Binder Australian Centre for Egyptology, Macquarie University, Sydney, Australia "I will tell you what happened to me …": Memphite officials and the Gold of Honour
During the New Kingdom, numerous officials associated with the capital Memphis are attested as having received the Gold of Honour from their king, a prestigious reward mainly in the form of gold collars. Among the recipients are not only high-profile members of society like the General Horemheb, the treasurer Maya, the overseer of the harim Hormin, and some High Priests of Ptah, but also persons of lesser rank like the chief goldsmith Amenemone and the wet-nurse Maya.
This paper aims to assess the inscriptional and iconographic evidence for these officials and place them into the wider context of the New Kingdom tradition of this honour. Generally speaking, the recipients of the Gold of Honour held positions in all occupational sectors and come from all ranks within the social stratification of New Kingdom society. How do the Memphite officials compare with other contemporary recipients or with officials from different reigns? Why did they receive the gift of gold as opposed to other possible material favours from their king?
The results of research will be presented showing that each ruler of the New Kingdom used this institution in an individual way that reflects the priorities and concerns of their reign. Insight will be gained into the stratification of New Kingdom society and into an honours system completely under the control of the king. It enables him to override any traditional role-based or kinship-based ranking in society and to raise the status of even lower ranking officials. Based on the analysis of texts, the reasons for the distribution of the Gold of Honour will be explored. This reward emerges as the powerful symbol of a special status, conveying that the official has received royal recognition and is personally known to the king.
Bibliography S. BINDER, The Gold of Honour in New Kingdom Egypt, Australian Centre for Egyptology Studies 8, (Oxford, in press).
6 V.G. Callender Another look at George Reisner's family tree for the 4th Dynasty
In the 1950s, after exemplary excavation of the temples of Menkaure/Mycerinus and the Giza Cemetery around Khufu's pyramid, George A. Reisner published his opinions concerning the identity and position of the people buried in the necropolis, particularly his studies on Giza Cemetery A. From archaeological clues found in this place and further contemplative studies, he constructed a family tree for the royal family in the 4th Dynasty. His ideas have formed the basis of Old Kingdom histories for nearly all scholars working in this period. However, closer examination will reveal that these constructs may not have the validity that recent publications have given them. This lecture looks at some areas badly in need of revision.
Bibliography H. ALTENMÜLLER, 'Die Stellung der Königsmutter Chentkaus beim Übergang von der 4. zur 5. Dynastie', CdE 45 (1970), 223-235. W. HAYES, Scepter of Egypt, vol. 1 (Boston, Mass, 1959). N. GRIMAL, Histoire de l'Égypte Ancienne (Paris, 1988). W. HELCK, Geschichte des alten Ägyptens (Leiden (1968). T.G.H. JAMES, Cambridge Ancient History (3rd ed.) vol. 2, Part 1 (Cambridge, 1973), 289-308. J. MALEK, 'The Old Kingdom (c.2686-2125 BC)' in: I. SHAW (ed.), The Oxford History of Ancient Egypt (Oxford, 2000), 96 and passim. G.A. REISNER, Mycerinus. The Temples of the Third Pyramid at Giza (Cambridge, MA, 1931). G.A. REISNER, A History of the Giza Necropolis, vol. 1 (Cambridge, MA, 1942). R. STADELMANN, 'Khaefkhufu - Chephren: Beiträge zur Geschichte der 4. Dynastie', SAK 11 (1984), 165-172.
7 Christopher J. Davey Australian Institute of Archaeology, La Trobe University, Australia Old Kingdom Memphite metallurgical scenes
The types of crucibles used in Old Kingdom metal working including the scenes from the tomb of Mereruka will be reviewed noting the correlation with Gardiner's hieroglyphic sign N34 (Davey 1983, 1985). The crucible types found in other ancient Egyptian contexts will be mentioned by way of contrast including Buhen (Emery 1979), Tell el-Dab'a (Philip 2006), Qau and Serabit el-Khadim (Davey 1985, 2008), Tomb of Rekhmire (Davies 1943) and el-Amarna (Eccleston forthcoming).
The objects used for melting metal depicted in other Memphite Old Kingdom tomb scenes will be discussed describing the significance of the differences from the Mereruka scenes in relation to chronology and technology. These have previously been considered (Scheel 1985, 1989; Garènne-Marot 1984) but without the evidence provided by the Tell edh-Dhiba'i finds (Davey 1983).
The author recently recreated the copper melting and casting scenes found in the tomb of Mereruka and as a result has argued for their technical accuracy (Davey 2008). With this experience the paper will explore the technological plausibility of the Old Kingdom tomb depictions of metal melting and will seek to explain the reasons for the differences in relation to the types of metal being processed and the nature of the operation itself that may be smelting, refining or melting.
The amount of copper alloy found in New Kingdom levels of Kom Rabia led the excavators to the conclusion that copper-smithing was common in some parts of Memphis (Giddy 1999: 176-193). It will be argued that this was probably also the case in earlier times and that the tomb scenes of metal working probably depict activities common in industrial and even urban parts of Old Kingdom Memphis and not the actions of miners and smelters at remote locations.
This conclusion is not entirely straightforward as the technology of the Mereruka crucible type was probably originally associated with a particular ethnic group, who may have been Semitic. However the adoption of the profile of the crucible as a symbol for copper reveals a commonality that implies a wider knowledge of the technology. It will also be suggested that the archaeological evidence for these activities in Nile Valley contexts may be limited given the poorly fired fabric of most crucibles and the nature of the firing process.
Bibliography C.J. DAVEY, 'The metalworkers' tools from Tell edh Dhiba'i', Bull. Inst. Arch. Univ. Lond. 20 (1983), 169-185. C.J. DAVEY, 'Crucibles in the Petrie Collection and hieroglyphic ideograms for metal', JEA 71 (1985),142-148. C.J. DAVEY, 'Tell edh Dhiba'i and the southern Near Eastern metalworking tradition', in: R. MADDIN (ed.), The Beginning of the Use of Metals and Alloys (Cambridge, Mass, 1988), 63-68. C.J. DAVEY and W.I. EDWARDS,'Crucibles from the Bronze Age of Egypt and Mesopotamia', Proc. Roy. So. Vic. (in press). N.G. DAVIES, The Tomb of Rekh-mi-re at Thebes (New York, 1943).
8 W.B. EMERY, H.S. SMITH, and A.R. MILLARD, The Fortress of Buhen: The Archaeological Report (London, 1979). L. GARENNE-MAROT, 'Le cuivre en Égypte pharonique: Sources et métallurgie', Paléorient 10 (1984), 97-126. L. GIDDY, Survey of Memphis II: Kom Rabi'a. The New Kingdom and Post-New Kingdom Objects, EES Excavation Memoir 64 (London, 1999). G. PHILIP, Tell el-Dab'a, Metalwork and Metalworking Evidence of the Late Middle Kingdom and the Second Intermediate Period (Wien, 2006). B. SCHEEL, 'Studien zum Metallhandwerk im Alten Ägypten I. Handlungen und Beischriften in den Bildprogrammen der Gräber des Alten Reiches', SAK 12 (1985),117-177. B. SCHEEL, Egyptian Metalworking Tools (Risborough, 1989).
9 Katherine Eaton Memphite, Theban and Heliopolitan gods of rule in the New Kingdom: Memphite perspectives on their relationships
Seti I gave three major gods of state – Ptah of Memphis; Amun-Re of Thebes; and Re-Horatkhte of Heliopolis (also manifested as Atum and Kheperre) – major roles in the architectural and decorative programs of his well preserved monuments at Thebes, Abydos, and in the eastern desert at Kanais. Memphis, Egypt's most ancient capital city, was an important focus of Seti I's building activity and its god, Ptah, was an essential player in his vision, as adapted at sites throughout Egypt. Seti I's building program was a physical manifestation on earth of united divine support for his young dynasty, and may have been part of a larger plan to connect the major cult centers of these gods of rule and to assert more control over local deities.
Local considerations at Thebes and Abydos required that relationships between deities were expressed in very different ways. For example, Seti I's Theban memorial temple has one central daily ritual chapel devoted primarily to the dominant local and state deity, Amun-Re. In this chapel, other gods, including Re-Horakhte and Ptah, appear essentially as aspects of Amun-Re. Seti I's expression of the unity of the gods of Egypt within the god Amun became standard for Ramesside memorial temples at Thebes. In contrast, at Abydos each of the major gods of state and the members of the local triad, Osiris, Isis and Horus, has his or her own daily ritual chapel in which he or she is the central focus. These deities maintained their individual identities, being presented side-by-side in almost equal relationship. However, Seti I's program at Abydos does not appear to have been embraced by his son, Ramesses II, who chose to devote his memorial temple almost exclusively to Osiris and his followers.
Although Seti I also incorporated both Theban and Heliopolitan deities into his monuments at Memphis, we should not expect that this program followed patterns displayed at either Thebes or Abydos. In this talk, I will review the New Kingdom evidence for devotion to the Theban and Heliopolitan gods of rule at Memphis. Then I will explore the varied relationships between these deities and Ptah and Sokar of Memphis from possible Memphite perspectives.
Bibliography H. ALTENMÜLLER and A. MOUSSA, 'Die Inschrift Amenemhets II. aus dem Ptah-Tempel von Memphis: Ein Vorbericht', SAK 18 (1991), 1-48. R. ANTHES et al., Mit Rahineh 1955 (Philadelphia, 1959). R. ANTHES et al., Mit Rahineh 1956 (Philadelphia, 1965). J. BERLANDINI, 'La chapelle de Séthi I nouvelles découvertes: Les déesses Tsmt et mn-nfr', BSFE 99 (1984), 28-49, pls. 1-3. J. BERLANDINI, 'Problématique des monuments du secteur de la chapelle de Séthi I à Memphis' in: A.-P. ZIVIE (ed.), Memphis et ses Necropolis au Nouvel Empire (Paris, 1988), 35-36, pl. 3. C. BLEEKER, Egyptian Festivals: Enactments of Religious Renewal, Supp. to NUMEN 13 (1967). P. BRAND, The Monuments of Seti I: Epigraphic, Historical and Art Historical Analysis, PdÄ 16 (2000). J. CLÈRE, 'Un dépôt de fondation de Séthos Ier' in: F. GEUS and R. THILL (eds.), Mélanges Offerts à Jean Vercoutter (Paris, 1985), 51-57. K. EATON, 'The festivals of Osiris and Sokar in the month of Khoiak: The evidence from Nineteenth Dynasty royal monuments at Abydos', SAK 35 (2006), 75-101. 10 K. EATON, 'Memorial temples in the sacred landscape of Nineteenth Dynasty Abydos: An overview of processional routes and equipment' in: Z. HAWASS and J. RICHARDS (eds.), The Archaeology and Art of Ancient Egypt: Essays in Honor of David B. O'Connor (Cairo, 2007), 231-250. R. ENGELBACH et al., Riqqeh and Memphis VI, ERA 19 (1915). G. GABALLA and K. KITCHEN, 'The festival of Sokar', Or 38 (1969), 4-76. L. GIDDY, 'The Ptah temple complex', BACE 1 (1990), 38-41. L. GIDDY, 'The Ptah temple complex, Memphis: 1992 season', BACE 5 (1994), 27-35. L. GIDDY, Survey of Memphis II: Kom Rabi'a. The New Kingdom and Post-New Kingdom Objects, EES Excavation Memoir 64 (London, 1999). F. GOMAA, Chaemwese, Sohn Ramses’ II und Hoherpriester von Memphis, ÄA 27 (1973). C. GRAINDORGE-HÉREIL, Le dieu Sokar à Thèbes au Nouvel Empire, Vols. 1-2, GOF 28 (1994). G. HAENY, 'New Kingdom 'mortuary temples’ and 'mansions of millions of years’ in: B. SHAFER (ed.), Temples of Ancient Egypt (Ithaca, NY, 1997), 86-126 and 270-281. W. HELCK, 'Zu Ptah und Sokar' in: Religion und Philosophie: Festgabe Derchain, OLA 39 (1991),159-164. D. JEFFREYS, Survey of Memphis I: The Archaeological Report, EES Occasional Publications 3 (1985). D. JEFFREYS, 'The topography of Heliopolis and Memphis: Some cognitive aspects' in: H. GUKSCH and D. POLZ (eds.), Stationen: Beiträge zur Kulturgeschichte Ägyptens. Rainer Stadelmann Gewidmet (Mainz, 1998), 63-71. D. JEFFREYS and D. ASTON, Survey of Memphis III: Excavations at Kom Rabia (site RAT). Post-Ramesside Levels and Pottery, EES Excavation Memoir 81 (2007). D. JEFFREYS et al., Survey of Memphis V: Excavations at Kom Rabia (site RAT). New Kingdom Levels, EES Excavation Memoir 79 (2006). K. KITCHEN, Ramesside Inscriptions 1 (Oxford, 1975). K. KITCHEN, Ramesside Inscriptions 2 (Oxford, 1979). K. KITCHEN, Ramesside Inscriptions, Translated and Annotated: Notes and Comments 1 (Oxford, 1993). K. KITCHEN, Ramesside Inscriptions, Translated and Annotated: Translations 1 (Oxford, 1993). K. KITCHEN, Ramesside Inscriptions, Translated and Annotated: Notes and Comments 2 (Oxford, 1999). K. KITCHEN, Ramesside Inscriptions, Translated and Annotated: Translations 2 (Oxford, 1996). K. KITCHEN, 'Towards a reconstruction of Ramesside Memphis' in: E. BLEIBERG and R. FREED (eds.), Fragments of a Shattered Visage: Proceedings of the International Symposium on Ramesses the Great (Memphis, 1991), 87-104. J. MALEK, 'The temples at Memphis: Problems highlighted by the EES survey' in: S. QUIRKE (ed.), The Temple in Ancient Egypt: New Discoveries and Recent Research (London, 1997), 90-101. C. MAYSTRE, Grand prêtres de Ptah de Memphis, OBO 113 (1992). W.M.F. PETRIE, Memphis I. ERA 14 (1909). W.M.F. PETRIE et al., The Palace of Apries (Memphis II). ERA 15 (1909). W.M.F. PETRIE et al., Meydum and Memphis (III). ERA 16 (1910). W.M.F. PETRIE et al., Roman Portraits and Memphis (IV). ERA 17 (1911). W.M.F. PETRIE et al., Tarkhan I and Memphis V. ERA 19 (1913). B. PORTER and R. MOSS, Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs and Paintings. III2 Part 2. Saqqara to Dahshur, J. MALEK (ed.), 2nd edition (Oxford, 2003). A. SCHULMAN, 'A Memphite stela, the barque of Ptah, and some iconographic comments', BES 2 (1980), 83-109. K. SETHE, Urkunden der 18. Dynastie. 4 vols. (Leipzig, 1906). D. SILVERMAN (ed.), Searching for Ancient Egypt: Art, Architecture, and Artifacts from the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology (Dallas, 1997). H. SOUROUZIAN, 'Statues et représentations de statues royales sous Séthi I', MDAIK 49 (1993), 239-257, pls. 45-51. R. STADELMANN, 'Totentempel und Millionenjahrhaus in Theben', MDAIK 35 (1979), 303-321.
11 Mark Eccleston La Trobe University, Australia Household production of faience and bronze at Memphis in the New Kingdom
Discussions of industry, especially high-temperature industries, in Egypt have often centred on large workshops or kiln complexes that were producing bulk quantities of materials for elite consumption. Such kilns for faience and ceramics are known at Memphis from the Ptolemaic and Roman periods and were first recorded by Petrie (1909) and have recently been re-excavated by Paul Nicholson (2002; 2003). There is no doubt that furthering our understanding of these workshops is important. However, the organisation of small-scale industry, within households, and in the period to the end of the New Kingdom, is arguably more useful in gaining an insight into the living and working arrangements of people residing within a large city (Stevens and Eccleston 2007). Objects recently published in Lisa Giddy’s (1999) catalogue of New Kingdom and Post-New Kingdom objects from Memphis also shows that faience and other materials were being manufactured there at this time.
This paper will focus on the probable evidence for the production of faience, bronze and other objects within workshops at Memphis and the pyrotechnology that could have been used, especially in confined spaces. The evidence for this work will come from comparisons to other sites in Egypt, especially Amarna, and recent experimental replication of faience production and bronze melting and casting using materials available during the New Kingdom. The conclusions of this recent research, one of which is that faience can be produced successfully in 'bread ovens’, will be used to offer possible suggestions for better understanding the organisations of small workshops within courtyards and production patterns at Memphis and the implications for broader distribution and consumption of finished objects.
Bibliography L. GIDDY, Survey of Memphis II: Kom Rabi'a. The New Kingdom and Post-New Kingdom Objects, EES Excavation Memoir 64 (London, 1999). P.T. NICHOLSON, 'Vitreous technology: Evidence for faience production at Kom Helul, Memphis (Egypt)' in: M. ALDHOUSE-GREEN and P. WEBSTER (eds.), Artefacts and Archaeology: Aspects of the Celtic and Roman World (Cardiff, 2002), 90-101. P.T. NICHOLSON, 'New excavations at a Ptolemaic-Roman faience factory at Memphis, Egypt' in: Annales du 15e Congrès de l'Association Internationale pour l'Historie du Verre. New York - Corning 2001 (2003), 49-52. W.M.F. PETRIE, Memphis I, ERA 14 (London, 1909). A.K. STEVENS and M.A.J. ECCLESTON, 'Craft production and technology' in: T. WILKINSON (ed.), The Egyptian World (London, 2007), 146-15.
12 Abeer El Shahawy Université Paul Valéry, Montpellier III, France Thebes-Memphis: An interaction of iconographic ideas
We always question the presence or absence of links and interactions between the iconographic ideas of the nobles' tombs at Thebes, the religious centre, and those of Saqqara the administrative capital. There are scenes in the Memphite tombs that recall the innovative details in the Theban Tombs.
The examples multiply like that of the driver that dozes near its chariot pulled by two mules which appeared in the context of a military camp in the tomb of General Horemheb at Saqqara which in turn recalls that of Theban Tomb 57, Theban Tomb 297 and Nebamun in the British Museum. Another aspect of the resemblance of the ideas is found in the context of the funeral of Horemheb where we see the rite of sD dSrw that recalls that of the Theban Tomb 44. In addition to the male servant sitting and lamenting beside the refreshments stands that recalls those of the Theban Tomb 13. Another scene is that of the deceased kneeling to support a gigantic Dd pillar in the Memphite tomb of Amenmose, which recalls the same idea of the Theban Tomb TT 409 where the deceased erects the pillar. There are examples of formalities, perspective undulating register lines that show getting away from the norms of drawing and analogy with scenes in the Theban Tombs. In addition to the scene found on a block of unknown provenance that shows a man's body partially hidden in a boat's cabin that recalls the scenes showing figures partly hidden in the Theban Tombs, TT 78, TT 19, and TT 100.
The innovation was either in the northern administrative capital then communicated to the southern religious capital or vice- versa. We always ask the question about the part which was the pioneer to introduce these innovative details. There are several ways and means for processing the motifs between the two sites such as the artists that travelled between the two cities. One of whom was that of the Bubasteion Tomb no. 1.19 found in Saqqara, dating to the period of Amenophis III, whose style is close to the Theban tombs dating to the same period like that of Menna TT 69 whom he was probably the artist. In addition, after the fall of Amarnah, the artist left the city and immigrated to Memphis or Thebes; some of those originated from one city but immigrated to the other one; those artists stayed in touch and had links with the two cities between which they conveyed iconographic ideas.
Bibliography J. VAN DIJK in: W. HELCK and E. OTTO (eds.), LÄ IV, 1982, col. 1389-96, s. v. Zerbrechen der roten Töpfe. H. EL-SAADY, The Tomb of Amenemhab No. 44 at Qurnah: The Tomb-Chapel of a Priest Carrying the Shrine of Amun (Warminster, 1996). G. FOUCART, Tombes Thébaine: Nécropole de Dira Abu N-Naga. Le Tombeau d’Amonmos (Tombeau no 19) MIFAO 57 (Le Caire, 1932). Z. HAWASS and M. MAHER-TAHA, Le Tombeau de Menna (Le Caire, 2002). G. MARTIN, The Hidden Tombs of Memphis (London, 1991). G. MARTIN, The Memphite Tomb of Horemheb, Commander-in-Chief of Tutankhamen, EES 55 (London, 1989). G. MARTIN, Corpus of Reliefs of the New Kingdom from the Memphite Necropolis and Lower Egypt (London, 1978). 13 M. NEGM, The Tomb of Simut called Kyky: Theban Tomb 409 at Qurnah (Warminster, 1997). N. STRUDWICK, The Tomb of Amenemopet called Tjanefer at Thebes (TT 297), ADAIK 19 (2003). C. TRAUNECKER, 'Thèbes-Memphis’ in: A.-P. ZIVIE (ed.), Memphis et ses Nécropolis au Nouvel Empire (Paris, 1988), 97-102. A.-P. ZIVIE, Les Tombeaux Retrouvés de Saqqara (Paris, 2003). A.-P. ZIVIE, A. LIÉGEY, and PH. WALTER, 'La tombe de l’artiste de Saqqara', in: Les Savants en Egypte d’Hier à Demain (Figeac, 1999).
14 Linda Evans Macquarie University, Sydney, Australia Micro-Memphis: The representation of invertebrates in Egyptian art
Invertebrates represent approximately 90% of the earth's fauna and are a major contributor to the planet's biodiversity. They play a vital role in the functioning of the environment and provide humans with a variety of essential products, yet despite their importance, the most common human reaction they elicit is negative. Insects, spiders, and crustaceans reliably engender an adverse response, ranging from indifference to disgust. They are not valued, particularly in Western society, and are perceived as unclean, unattractive, and/or dangerous by most cultures.
Cultural entomologists have consequently taken particular interest in the small number of societies that have deviated from the norm to instead celebrate insect life. Pre-eminent among these are the ancient Egyptians for whom invertebrates were a significant source of artistic and religious inspiration. Insects and arachnids were depicted in two- and three-dimensional art from before the rise of the Egyptian state until the end of dynastic history. A bee represented one of the major emblems of royal jurisdiction. Scorpions appear on predynastic ceramics, while butterflies, grasshoppers, and dragonflies grace the walls of tombs from the Old to theNew Kingdom. Egyptian jewellery is often adorned with insect motifs, with beetles and molluscs providing the templates for a range of bead and pendant shapes. Remains found in burials and amulets in the form of scarabs indicate that some invertebrates were thought to have a protective function. Indeed, a number of species were regarded as the manifestation of religious deities, such as the scorpion's association with Selket, the click beetle with Neith, and the scarab with Khepri and Re. Arthropods also had symbolic value, with flies acting as a metaphor for military prowess and locusts representing enemy forces.
Invertebrates thus enriched many aspects of ancient Egyptian life, yet compared to other classes of animals (birds, fish, and mammals), their role and significance has not been acknowledged fully by Egyptologists. In particular, apart from scarab seals noted primarily for their inscribed texts, depictions of invertebrates in two- and three-dimensional art have not been recorded systematically. Our knowledge of the Egyptians' profound and long-lasting relationship with invertebrates - an association that is unique in human history - is thus incomplete.
I have commenced a three-year research project in which I hope to address this deficit by documenting the representation of invertebrates in two- and three-dimensional art from the predynastic until the end of the New Kingdom period. I will report on my progress to date by describing some of the invertebrates that appear in Egyptian art, including examples from major Memphite sites. I will attempt to identify the species represented and determine if their occurrence provides new insights about the significance of these tiny creatures in the lives of the Egyptian people.
Bibliography I. BACHER, Die Fliege in Kultur und Religion der alten Ägypter. Unpublished MA thesis (University of Munich, 1993). E. BRUNNER-TRAUT, 'Der Scarabus’, Sonderdruck aus Antaios 6 (1965), 570-580. 15 R.H. CHERRY, 'Insects as sacred symbols in ancient Egypt', Bull. Ent. Soc. Am. 31 (1985), 4-16. L. EVANS, 'The praying mantis in ancient Egypt’, BACE 15 (2004), 7-18. S. HENDRICKX, 'Two protodynastic objects in Brussels and the origin of the bilobate cult-sign of Neith', JEA 82 (1996), 23-42. C.L. HOGUE, 'Cultural entomology' Ann. Rev. Entom. 32 (1987), 181-199. L. KEIMER, 'Pendeloques en forme d'insectes faisant partie de colliers Égyptiens A. Pendeloques en forme de coléoptères', ASAE 31 (1931), 145[1]-186[42]. L. KEIMER, 'Pendeloques en forme d'insectes faisant partie de colliers Égyptiens B. Pendeloques et pièces de colliers en forme de sauterelles', ASAE 32 (1932), 129[43]-150[64]. L. KEIMER, 'Pendeloques en forme d'insectes faisant partie de colliers Égyptiens II. Textes pouvent expliquer l'emploi des pendeloques ou des pièces de colliers (amulettes, etc.) en forme de sauterelles', ASAE 33 (1933a), 97[65]-130[98]. L. KEIMER, 'Pendeloques en forme d'insectes faisant partie de colliers Égyptiens C. Quelque remarques sur la mante prie-dieu dans l'Égypte ancienne', ASAE 33 (1933b), 193[99]- 200[106]. L. KEIMER, 'Pendeloques en forme d'insectes faisant partie de colliers Égyptiens D. Pendeloques- amulettes en forme de papillons', ASAE 34 (1934),177[107]-213[143]. L. KEIMER, 'Pendeloques en forme d'insectes faisant partie de colliers Égyptiens E. Notes additionelles', ASAE 36 (1936), 89[144]-114[169]. L. KEIMER, 'Pendeloques en forme d'insectes faisant partie de colliers Égyptiens E. Notes additionelles (suite)', ASAE 37 (1937), 143[170]-172[199]. G. KRITSKY, 'Beetle gods of ancient Egypt', Am. Entom. 37 (1991), 85-89. P.A. LATREILLE, 'Des insectes peints ou sculptes sur les monuments antiques de L'Egypte' in: Memoires sur Divers Sujets de l'Histoire Naturelle des Insectes de Geographie Ancienne et de Chronologie (Paris, 1819), 249-270. J. LECLANT, 'L'abeille et le miel dans L'Egypte pharaonique' in: CHAUVIN, R., Traite de Biologie de l'Abeille (Paris, 1968), 51-60. H. LEVINSON and A. LEVINSON, 'Storage and insect species of stored grain and tombs in ancient Egypt', Z. angewandte Entom. 100 (1985), 321-339. H. LEVINSON and A. LEVINSON, 'Prionotheca coronata Olivier (Pimeliinae, Tenebrionidae) recognized as a new species of venerated beetles in the funerary cult of pre-dynastic and archaic Egypt', J. App. Entom. 120 (1996), 577-585. H. LEVINSON and A. LEVINSON, 'Altägyptische Fliegen- und Käferrelikte in einem Priestersarg der Achtzehnten Dynastie’, Anzeiger für Schädlingskunde Pflanzenschutz Umweltschutz 76 (2003), 1-5. R. LOBBAN, 'Bees in ancient Egypt', Anthrozoös 7 (1994), 160-165. J. MALEK, 'The locusts on the daggers of Ahmose' in: E. GORING, N. REEVES and J. RUFFLE (eds.), Chief of Seers: Egyptian Studies in Memory of Cyril Aldred (London, 1997), 207-219. E. PANAGIOTAKOPULU, 'New records for ancient pests: Archaeoentomology in Egypt', J. Arch. Sci. 28 (2001), 1235-1246. W.A. WARD, 'Beetles in stone: The Egyptian scarab', Bibl. Arch. 57 (1994), 186-202.
16 Beatrix Gessler-Löhr Egyptological Institute, University of Heidelberg, Germany Some Memphite officials of the pre-Amarna, Amarna and post-Amarna periods
The vast necropolis of Memphis on the desert plateau west of the modern-day villages extends northwards from Abusir to Giza and southwards from Saqqara to Dahshur, with the complex of King Djoser at its centre. Across this entire region, best known for its Old and Middle Kingdom monuments, remnants of New Kingdom tombs have also come to light.
The most important sections of the necropolis dating to the NK are the area north and east of the Teti Pyramid, the southern cliff of the Bubasteion, and the extensive area south of the Unas causeway and around the Monastery of Apa Jeremias. Since the 1970s, Egyptian and foreign archaeological missions have conducted continuing excavations in these sectors of the necropolis with spectacular, well-documented results. More than 50 tombs, including those of the general (later king) Horemhab, the treasurer Maya, and the like-named wet-nurse of King Tutankhamun, have been found, obscuring the fact that a great many tombs of the 18th and 19th Dynasties still await discovery. These belong to Memphite priests and officials of varying status in the social hierarchy and different professions. What evidence can be produced in support of this assertion?
The "proof" comes from another kind of "excavation," conducted in a nècropole imaginaire: the galleries and storerooms of museums and collections all over the world housing material from Memphis and Saqqara. Beginning in the early 19th century, explorers, diplomats, and antiquities dealers, aided and abetted by tomb robbers, removed a great quantity of architectural elements and funerary equipment from the Saqqara tombs that are now to be found in the museums of Cairo, Europe, North and South America and even Australia. This global ex-territorial site can be visited by consulting the 2nd edition of the Topographical Bibliography (Porter/Moss III: Memphis) and noting the items whose source is listed there as location or exact provenance unknown.
Based on Geoffrey Martin's preliminary list of the year 2000, it is clear that the tombs of only twelve 18th Dynasty individuals out of 81 named – or only about 15% - have been rediscovered or at least their probable positions localized utilizing older maps of the necropolis. If the search is limited to the pre-Amarna Period, the contrast is even more marked: for the 28 persons Martin names, only two tombs are known – those of Aperia/Aperel and Merire, both in the area of the Bubasteion. That's only 7%. Hopefully future excavations will increase this number.
The task of relocating the original context of quite a number of stelae, reliefs, and burial equipment is overwhelming. To cite by one example: ten high priests of Ptah are documented in Dynasty 18, but not one of them can be associated unquestionably with a known tomb.
In the meantime, there is plenty of work to be done in the collections of museums throughout the world. Thanks to many recent and forthcoming publications of
17 previously unknown or not fully published objects, the magnitude of this task is continually increasing. Visits to museum storerooms can and often do lead to new "discoveries" and joins, filling gaps piece by piece in that enormous puzzle.
The first step must be to compile lists of objects that can be ascribed to specific tomb owners and the members of their families. Then the objects have to be dated, which has often enough proved impossible in lieu of adequate photographic documentation. It is therefore particularly gratifying to reunite objects in different collections belonging to one and the same owner that have been separated for millennia!
Certainly one of the most important Memphite tombs from the time of Amenhotep III belonged to the Chief Steward Amenhotep Huy; his burial place with a free-standing chapel and a shaft leading to the subterranean chambers can almost certainly be localized in the area south of the Unas Causeway. Leaving aside the question of the tomb's exact position for our colleagues working at Saqqara to answer, let us turn to material in museums for some exciting information concerning the history of this important Memphite family.
While Amenhotep Huy's statues and burial equipment, which are widely dispersed in various museums, have been known for many years, new evidence continues to come to light, especially in connection with his son and successor Ipy. Ipy's career under Akhenaton and the location of his burial-place(s) are controversial. Some details of the biographical, historical, and stylistic developments from the time of Amenhotep III through the Amarna period and into its immediate aftermath can be extracted from the monuments associated with this nearly unique personality who lived during three of the most intriguing decades of Egyptian history.
18 Michelle Hampson Macquarie University, Sydney, Australia "A prince of a find": The lost scenes of craftsmen in the tomb of Khuenre
The tomb of Prince Khuenre (MQ 1) was discovered in January 1913 by George Reisner, director of the Harvard – Boston Expedition. It was the only large tomb found in the so-called Menkaure Cemetery at Giza, the rest of the cemetery consisting of small mastabas dated Dynasty 5 or later, were of inferior construction and completely cleared out. Indeed despite its owner's impressive pedigree, being the grandson of Khafre and eldest son of Menkaure, MQ 1 itself was plundered of all but an uninscribed sarcophagus, small scribal statuette and other fragmentary material, and was only partially decorated as a consequence of Khuenre's early and allegedly "tragic" death.
For the next 90 years, the tomb and its contents were to receive little attention in the academic literature, restricted to cursory descriptions in Reisner's preliminary tomb report published in 1914, his field notes from a subsequent expedition in 1936 and scene synopsis in "History of the Giza Necropolis Volume 1" and studies by W. S. Smith and Marianne Eaton-Krauss, both now decades old. Given further that during this time only two photographs of the relief decoration were ever published, the tomb of Prince Khuenre was effectively "lost".
This paper attempts to bring attention back to MQ 1 by presenting for the first time line drawings of the principal scenes contained in the tomb, those of craftsmen at work, based on the original expedition photographs now held by The Museum of Fine Arts Boston. Research undertaken for the author's PhD thesis entitled "Men At Work – A Comparative Study of Workshop Scenes in Tombs of the Old Kingdom", has shown these scenes to be pivotal in providing revised dating criteria for the theme of workshop activity, with the discovery of two previously undocumented representations of carpentry and staff making and frequent experimentation in composition and style.
The audience will be introduced to the surprising cast of characters present in the scenes – the tyrannical overseer, the energetic sculptor, the perfectionist painter and the overworked shipwright – all enlivened with humour and realism to a degree unparalleled in other known workshop scenes. The maverick nature of the decoration will be highlighted and discussed and the case will be made for the tomb to be reopened so that further study and analysis may take place.
Bibliography M. EATON-KRAUSS, The Representations of Statuary in Private Tombs of the Old Kingdom (Wiesbaden, 1984). Museum of Fine Arts Boston, "Giza Archives Project" (http://www.gizapyramids.org). G.A. REISNER, A History of the Giza Necropolis. 2 vols. (Cambridge MA, 1942). W.S. SMITH, A History of Egyptian Sculpture and Painting in the Old Kingdom (Boston, 1949).
19 Yvonne Harpur Linacre College, Oxford Expedition to Egypti, University of Oxford, United Kingdom Past, present and future of a new resource: The Oxford Expedition Scene- Details Database
The Oxford Expedition's Scene-Details Database was transferred to the web in August 2007, and is now freely available worldwide (www.oxfordexpeditiontoegypt. com/database.html). This paper is an explanation of the database in its present (Old Kingdom) form, covering: (1) its purpose, (2) its functioning, (3) its limitations, (4) its advantages, and (5) its possible future development. The database is a potentially useful aid to academic and general research conducted by scholars, students and members of the public with an interest in the art and architecture of Ancient Egypt, hence the purpose of presenting the points above, in written form.
20 Rehab Assem Hema Helwan University, Egypt Hathor's cult at Memphis
Memphis is one of the centres where the cult of Hathor was held, beginning from the Old Kingdom until the end of the Pharaonic times. This paper will display a number of objects that prove this and shows what relevance the cult of Hathor held in Memphis and with which category of people, especially referring to the titles that Hathor held in this area, Memphis, in different dynasties. One of the finds of the New Kingdom, a block from around Teti Pyramid, dates to the late 18th Dynasty or Ramesside, from tomb S2727. The block is now in the Cairo Museum, under the number TN. 3.7.24.2. The relief on the block shows the wife (ZAt) of the deceased (MryA) adoring Hathor. Hathor is designated as Hwt-Hr nbt imntt, nbt pt, Hnwt xAswt, 'Hathor, Lady of the West, Lady of Heaven, Mistress of the Foreign Lands', and is shown with the sign of the west on top of her head. The text above the wife reads: rdi iAw n nbt tAwy sn tA n nbt nht rsy(t) in nbt pr Hsyt n Hwt-Hr nb(t) imntt ZAt mAat xrw Hr imnt, 'Giving adoration to the Lady of the Two Lands, kissing the ground to the Lady of the Southern Sycamore, by the Lady of the House, favoured of Hathor, Lady of the West, ZAt, justified on the west'.
The extant part of a statue of Hr-sA-Ast, from Mit-Rahina, of sandstone, dates back to the 22nd Dynasty. The statue (CG.1212) shows the owner holding a naos with Hathor inside. Around the front of the naos, the text records: wr xrp Hmwt sm n PtH anx=f n zxmt ////////// Htp n Hwt-Hr nb(t) nht di=s pr-xrw t Hnqt kAw Apdw iAw ///////// m Xrt-nTr n Wsir wr xrp Hmwt sm n PtH Hr-sA-Ast mAa xrw ir.n (i)n sA=f sanx rn=f r pat Haty-a wr xrp Hmwt sm n PtH anx=f n zxmt sAt Mwt sA=f BA-IAy, 'Great of the Directors of Craftsmen, Sem-Priest of Ptah, his life of Sekhmet /////////// an offering to Hathor, Lady of the Sycamore, so that she gives an invocation-offering (of) bread, beer, oxen, fowl, (after) [good] old age in the necropolis, to the Osiris, Great of the Directors of Craftsmen, Sem-Priest of Ptah, Hr-sA-Ast, justified; Made by his son, who makes his name live, the Hereditary Prince, Governor, Great of the Directors of Craftsmen, Sem-Priest of Ptah, his life is of Sekhmet, daughter of Mut, his son, BA-iAy; the text on the left of the naos reads: wr xrp Hmwt sm Hr-sA-Ast mAa xrw Htp di nsw n PtH-Zkr di=f prr(t) nb(t) Hr wDHw=f n Wsir r pat HAty-a wr xrp Hmwt sm n PtH Hr-sA-Ast mAa xrw, 'Great of the Directors of Craftsmen, Sem- Priest, Hr-sA-Ast, justified. An offering which the king gives (to) Ptah-Sokar, so that he grants all that which goes out on his offering-table to the Osiris, Hereditary Prince, Governor, Great of the Directors of Craftsmen, Sem-Priest of Ptah, Hr-sA-Ast, justified; the text on the right of the naos reads: ///////// BA-IwiA1 imAxw xr PtH-Zkr Wsir r pat HAty-a sm wr xrp Hmwt n PtH Hr-sA-Ast mAa xrw wHm-anx, 'BA-IwiA, justified under Ptah-Sokar, the Osiris, Hereditary Prince, Governor, Sem-Priest, Great of the Directors of Craftsmen of Ptah, Hr-sA-Ast, justified, repeated of life'.
A statue of Hathor CG.784, as a cow, shows her and beneath her head, the statue owner, PsmTk, standing. The statue was found at Saqqara in 1863, and dates to the 30th Dynasty, according to Borchardt (Borchardt 1930: 91). The owner of the statue is identified as imAx xr Hwt-Hr smr waty xrp aH imy-r pr aA imy-r sxmx-ib nb nt nsw imy-r sDAwt PsmTk, 'Honoured under Hathor, Sole Companion, Director of the Palace, Overseer
1 It seems this is the name of the statue owner's son, though spelt differently from the first mention. 21 of the Palace, Overseer of all the Perfect Enjoyment of the King, Overseer of the Seals, PsmTk'. The text on the base of the statue reads: Htp di nsw Hwt-Hr nbt smt imntt Htpt di …………., 'An offering which the king gives (to) Hathor, Lady of the Western Necropolis, and of Offering………….'.
Bibliography L. BORCHARDT, Catalogue Général des Antiquités Égyptiennes du Musée du Caire. Nos. 1-1294. Statuen und Statuetten von Königen und Privatleuten. Teil 3. Text und Tafeln zu Nr. 654-950 (Berlin, 1930). L. BORCHARDT, Catalogue Général des Antiquités Égyptiennes du Musée du Caire. Nos. 1-1294. Statuen und Statuetten von Königen und Privatleuten. Teil 4. Text und Tafeln zu Nr. 951-1294 (Berlin, 1934). K.A. KITCHEN, Ramesside Inscriptions: Historical and Biographical (Oxford, 1975). R. HARI, Horemheb et la Reine Moutnedjemet où la Fin d'une Dynastie (Genève, 1964). W. HELCK, Urkunden der 18. Dynastie. Heft 22. Inschriften der Könige von Amenophis III. bis Haremheb und ihrer Zeitgenossen. Urkunden des Ägyptischen Altertums (Berlin, 1958). J.E. QUIBELL and A.G.K. HAYTER, Teti Pyramid, North Side. Excavations at Saqqara (Le Caire, 1927).
22 Colin A. Hope Centre for Archaeology and Ancient History, Monash University, Australia A Memphite origin of blue-painted pottery?
Amongst the ceramic repertoire of the New Kingdom the manufacture of blue- painted pottery stands out for the distinctive nature of its decoration, the evolution of the decorative scheme and the probable limited number of sites at which it was manufactured. The time frame during which it was manufactured has been relatively- well established: from the mid-18th Dynasty (reign of Amenhotep II) until the reign of Ramesses IV. The excavations at Memphis conducted by the Egypt Exploration Society have produced a considerable quantity of this type of pottery, which enables the issues of regional variation in the design repertoire and date of first manufacture to be examined in the light of new data. This paper will discuss the contribution this new body of material makes to these topics and whether Memphis might have been the original place of manufacture.
Bibliography D. ASTON, Die Keramik des Grabungsplatzes QI: Corpus of Fabrics, Wares and Shapes (Mainz, 1998). J. BOURRIAU et al., The Memphite Tomb of Horemheb III: The New Kingdom Pottery, Egypt Exploration Society (London, 2005). D. JEFFREYS, Survey of Memphis: Kom Rabia. The New Kingdom Settlement (Levels II-IV) (London, 2006). C.A. HOPE, 'Innovation in the decoration of ceramics in the mid-18th Dynasty', CCE 1 (1987), 98–122. C.A. HOPE, Pottery of the Egyptian New Kingdom: Three Studies, (Burwood, 1989). C.A. HOPE, 'A preliminary corpus of blue-painted and polychrome decorated pottery from Amarna', CCE 2 (1991), 17–92. C.A. HOPE, 'Some Memphite blue-painted pottery', in: J. PHILLIPS (ed.), Ancient Egypt, The Aegean, and the Near East: Studies in Honour of Martha Rhoads Bell (San Antonio, 1997), 249–286. P. ROSE, The Eighteenth Dynasty Pottery Corpus from Amarna (London, 2008).
23 David Jeffreys Institute of Archaeology, University College London, United Kingdom Scaling the White Walls: Latest work of the EES Survey of Memphis
The Egypt Exploration Society has worked at Memphis since the early 1980s. We now have a much clearer idea of climate change and the way that this has affected the development of the pharaonic capital, and recent work has focused on movements in the river Nile and the migration northwards of the delta head, which provides potential explanations for many well-known structures such as the pyramids. At the same time, survey archaeology is providing information on the intervisibilities between local phenomena, including 'White Walls' itself (Inbuhedj, the Early Dynastic name of the city) - a royal palace, as the name is conventionally explained; or a landscape feature, the pristine and imposing cliff line overshadowing the site of the new capital?
Essential to our work is collaboration and the sharing of information with colleagues, including the Australian project working on the east side of the valley at Helwan. Our aim is to provide a coherent picture of the ancient environment, at a time when much of the floodplain is disappearing beneath, and being destroyed by, the unprecedented expansion in modern building and industrial development.
Bibliography L.L. GIDDY, 'Memphis and Saqqara during the late Old Kingdom: Some topographical considerations' in: C. BERGER, G. CLERC and N. GRIMAL (eds), Hommages à Jean Leclant vol. 1 (Cairo, 1994), 189-200. D. JEFFREYS, 'Memphis' in: D.B. REDFORD et al. (eds.), The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, vol. 2 (Oxford, 2001), 373-376. D. JEFFREYS, 'Archaeological implications of the moving Nile', Egypt. Arch. 32 (2008), 6-7. D. JEFFREYS and A. TAVARES, 'The historic landscape of Early Dynastic Memphis', MDAIK 50 (1994), 143-173. K. LUTLEY and J. BUNBURY, 'The Nile on the move', Egypt. Arch. 32 (2008), 3-5. J. MALEK, 'The temples at Memphis: Problems highlighted by the EES survey' in: S. QUIRKE (ed.), The Temple in Ancient Egypt: New Discoveries and Recent Research (London, 1997), 90-101. A.-P. ZIVIE (ed.), Memphis et ses Nécropoles au Nouvel Empire: Nouvelles Données, Nouvelles Questions (Paris, 1988).
24 Jana Jones Macquarie University, Sydney, Australia The Early Dynastic Memphite 'linen lists': Text and textile reconciled
Forty-one Early Dynastic and early Old Kingdom funerary relief slabs from Helwan have been studied recently. These slabs, also referred to as 'stelae', comprise those excavated by Zaki Saad between 1942 and 1954, and new finds from excavations at the site by the Australian mission (ACE) since 1999. The study has resulted in the reinterpretation of their archaeological context, relative chronology, epigraphy, and lexicographic meaning. The latter is especially pertinent to the terminology of the inventories of textiles and clothing.
Amongst the various categories of offerings depicted on the funerary stelae, textiles and clothing occur early in the corpus, and constitute a large proportion of the iconography. This coincides with the archaeological evidence that shows that textiles and clothing were essential funerary equipment for the elite in the 1st Dynasty. The 'mass production' of extraordinarily fine linen became possible as a direct result of the technological changes in textile manufacture that had occurred during the Predynastic period, c. Naqada IC–IIA.
In the early examples of the relief slabs, signs designating different qualities, dimensions, types of textile and quantities appear randomly, but there is a gradual increase in variety and in the quantity offered. By the mid-2nd Dynasty, three main categories of quality appear together on the one relief slab. These three qualities form the basis of the ordered, compartmentalised 'linen lists' of the Old Kingdom, as seen on relief slabs of the 3rd and 4th Dynasties at Helwan, and on the 4th Dynasty 'slab stelae' from Giza.
In the past, scholars have attempted to decipher the meaning of the textile terms, often putting forward hypotheses that ignored technical realities of production. More recent lexicographic studies have been constrained by scholars' inability to access the actual relief slabs, being limited to working from sometimes indistinct photographs in the Saad publications. This has resulted in many erroneous attributions and perpetuation of old interpretations.
This paper will attempt to reconcile the textual evidence with surviving textile remains, and propose new interpretations and translations based on examination of the archaeological evidence. It will also show that the textile inventories on the Early Dynastic Memphite slab reliefs are indeed the antecedents of the Old Kingdom 'linen lists'.
Bibliography W. BÁrta, s.v. 'Opferliste', LÄ IV, 1982, sp. 586-589. P. Der Manuelian, Slab Stelae of the Giza Necropolis (Philadelphia, 2003). J. Jones, 'The textiles from Abydos: New evidence', MDAIK 58 (2002), 323-340. J. Jones, 'Pre- and Early Dynastic textiles. Technology, specialisation and administration during the process of state formation', in: B. MIDANT REYNES, y. tristant, j. Rowland and s. Hendrickx (eds), Egypt at its Origins 2. Proceedings of the International Conference 'Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt', Toulouse (France), 5th-8th September 25 2005 (Leuven, in press). J. Kahl, Das System der ägyptischen Hieroglyphenschrift in der 0.-3 Dynastie (Wiesbaden, 1994). J. Kahl, Frühägyptisches Wörterbuch (Wiesbaden, 2002). J. Kahl et al., Die Inschriften der 3. Dynastie. Eine Bestandsaufnahme, Äg. Abh. 56 (Wiesbaden, 1995). P. Kaplony, Die Inschriften der ägyptischen Frühzeit, vols I-III (Wiesbaden, 1963). P. KAPLONY, Kleine Beiträge zu den Inschriften der ägyptischen Frühzeit (Wiesbaden, 1966). E.C. KÖHLER and J. JONES, Helwan II. The Early Dynastic and Old Kingdom Funerary Relief Slabs, SAGA 25 (Heidelberg, in press). P. POSENER-KRIÉGER,'Les mésures des étoffes à l'Ancien Empire', RdE 29 (1977) 86-96. W.S. Smith, 'The Old Kingdom Linen List', Zäs 71 (1935) 134-149.
.
26 Naguib Kanawati Australian Centre for Egyptology, Macquarie University, Sydney, Australia The Memphite control of Upper Egypt in the 6th Dynasty
Following a very centralized system of administration, where all provincial governors resided and were buried in the capital, officials in different capacities were permanently appointed late in the 5th Dynasty at some important centres in Upper Egypt. This presumably aimed at increasing productivity and it coincided with the creation of the position of the overseer of Upper Egypt, primarily for the purpose of tax assessment and collection. With the beginning of the 6th Dynasty, Teti revolutionized the administrative system by creating the office ofHrj-tp aA 'great overlord' of the province and allowing or perhaps ordering its occupants to permanently reside where they served. Theoretically, such a move could lead to the fragmentation of the country, but the dangers seem to be fully comprehended by the Residence. In addition to the appointment of a vizier in Upper Egypt, usually with links to the royal family, a system of education and training of the sons of the provincial nobility at Memphis was created. This perhaps aimed at preparing future governors and guaranteeing the loyalty of their fathers, the existing governors. To what extent was this system enforced?
The well known biography of Qar/Meryrenefer of Edfu states that he was a youth (Hwn) under Teti, was brought by Pepy I for formation (r omAt) among the sons of the overlords (Hrjw-tp) and was sent back to Edfu as governor by Merenre. Scholarly attention in this text focused on the exact significance of the term overlords (Hrjw- tp) vis-á-vis the traditional nomarchic title great overlord (Hrj-tp aA). If they were one and the same, then the system of central formation (omAt) must have been common, since Qar refers to his formation among the sons, in plural, of the overlords. Such a conclusion, if correct, would be of special importance for the understanding of the administrative system and of many Residence titles claimed by provincial officials, and also for explaining the architectural and artistic influence Memphis had on the provinces.
The aim of this paper is therefore to examine whether the archaeological evidence, particularly in the light of recent discoveries, would lend support to Qar's statement. Evidence will be examined, or re-examined in relation to provinces 2, 6, 7, 8, 9, 12 and 14.
Bibliography N. de G. DAVIES, The Rock Tombs of Deir el-Gebrâwi, 2 vols. (London, 1902). H.G. FISCHER, Dendera in the Third Millennium B.C. (New York, 1968). N. KANAWATI, The Rock Tombs of El-Hawawish, 10 vols. (Sydney, 1980-92). N. KANAWATI, 'Niankhpepy/Sebekhetep/Hepi: Unusual tomb and unusual career', GM 201 (2004), 49ff. N. KANAWATI, 'The interrelation of the capital and the provinces in the Sixth Dynasty', BACE 15 (2004), 51ff. M. EL-KHADRAGY, 'The Edfu offering niche of Qar in the Cairo Museum', SAK 30 (2002), 205ff. J.C. MORENO GARCIA, 'Deux familles de potentats provinciaux et les assises de leur pouvoir: Elkab et El-Hawawish sous la VIe dynastie', Rd'É 56 (2005), 95ff. J. RICHARDS, 'Text and context in late Old Kingdom Egypt: The archaeology and historiography of Weni the Elder', JARCE 39 (2002), 75ff. K. SETHE, Urkunden des Alten Reiches (Leipzig, 1932-33). 27 Lesley J. Kinney Macquarie University, Sydney, Australia Six butcher queens of the 4th and 5th Dynasties: Their association with the Acacia House and the role of butchers as ritual performers
The title xrpt zSmtyw SnDt [directress of the butchers of the Acacia House] is attested for six queens of the 4th and 5th Dynasties; mr.s-anx IV, on the false door of her tomb chapel (MM D5, 183), Htp-Hr.s I, wife of Seneferu, inscribed on her carrying chair (Fischer, Orientalia 29, 184), mrt-jt.s, listed in both the chapel of her son kA.i-wab and in the tomb of mr.s-anx (Reisner, BMFA 25, fig. 5), Htp-Hr.s II, in the tomb of her daughter mr.s-anx III (Dunham-Simpson, Mersyankh III, 14, fig. 7) and on her sarcophagus given to mr.s-anx III (ibid., 184), x-mrr-nbtj, in the tomb of her son xwn-Ra (Reisner, BMFA 32 (1934), 12, fig. 10), and more recently Verner has uncovered a sixth example of the title at Abusir held by Queen xnt-[kAw.s] III (Verner, Abusir III, 63: 36/A/78). Yet only one male, pHr-nfr (5th Dynasty), is attested as holding the equivalent male title.
The title not only confirms that royal women participated in this funerary ritual but also attests their association with the Acacia House. The title, amongst other evidence, verifies that the Acacia House was responsible for the slaughter of cattle at funerals, as well as dancing and rhythmic accompaniment. This unusual aspect of Queenship deserves further investigation to determine the significance of such royal participation in an otherwise necessarily male-dominated field. (Presumably, because the act of bringing down cattle of suitable size for slaughter in this ritual required considerable strength, the directress of butchers may have been required to direct or choreograph the butchers in their role in the proceedings, rather than act as a butcher herself and the direction, in turn, implies there is a performance aspect to the butchery ritual.)
Since the Acacia House is one of the three major performance institutions in the Old Kingdom, its inclusion in the title reinforces the suggestion that there was a performance aspect to the role taken by the queens and also that of the zSmtyw SnDt [butchers of the Acacia House]. 'Butcher of the Acacia House' may seem an unlikely designation for a performance vocation, yet a number of sources suggest an association between dance, butchery and the SnDt in the context of funerary ritual.
There are no surviving pictures of queens carrying out this particular role but there is a picture of a female directing butchers of the Acacia House found in the mastaba of mrrw-kA.j. In the scene dancers perform directly behind a woman designated SnDt (female member of the Acacia House), who is kneeling and holding a libation jar to a lector priest. The register above has the lower half of a similar scene, in which the kneeling woman and a wt priest appear to be in the same positions as depicted in the lower register, but replacing the dancers and rhythmists, a female supervisor directs or oversees the slaughter of a bull.
These same three elements are again brought together in the mastaba of dbH-n.j: dancers and rhythmists, captioned HA(w)t n(t) SnDt [female funerary performers of the Acacia House], are placed in close proximity to butchers at the door of the tomb; in the tomb of PtH-Htp, dancers captioned xnr(t) n(t) SnDt [chorus of the Acacia House] perform in the funerary procession); and in the tomb of qAr, dancers and rhythmists captioned
28 HAt in SnDty [mourning by the two Acacias], perform in the funerary procession. In 'The Story of Sinuhe', the mention of 'the dance of the mww is performed at the door of your tomb' is closely followed by zftw r r abAw.k [one butcher for you in front of your offering slab].
29 Christian Knoblauch Macquarie University, Sydney, Australia Memphis: Provincial centre of the FIP and MK
In stark contrast to the preceding Old Kingdom and Early Dynastic periods, the fate of the Memphite region during the First Intermediate Period and the Middle Kingdom is but poorly understood. This deficiency may be partially conceived of as a problem of documentation: the majority of sites were excavated either relatively early or published only cursorily. It may also be described as a general attitude of indifference amongst Egyptologists when confronted with the infinitely more modest material culture of these periods. Tellingly, exceptions to this are limited primarily to studies of epigraphic objects (i.e. the exceptional tombs of Ihy and Htp, the numerous stelae and false doors from the Memphite cemeteries and inscribed coffins) or wooden tomb models. New excavations have already or promise to shed further light on the development of various individual sites during the period under discussion but no single narrative of the archaeological development of the Memphite region after the Old Kingdom and before the New Kingdom has emerged.
The proposed paper investigates settlement patterns in the Memphite area during the First Intermediate Period and the Middle Kingdom with an aim to establishing an integrative model for human activity in this area. It includes a survey of published data from the various Memphite cemeteries (i.e. Turah, Helwan, Abu Roash, Giza, Abusir, Saqqara, Saqqara South, Mit Rahina and Dahshur) and settlements. It is also envisaged to include unpublished materials from the Macquarie University expedition to Helwan.
Due to the deep conservatism of artisans in the Memphite area, it has proven difficult in the past to differentiate between late OK, FIP and early MK contexts. The present study circumvents this problem by giving more weight to the typological analysis of ceramics and implementing a holistic approach to the study of the development of burial customs. The result is a chronological sequence of burial activity for each site, which, where possible can be combined with prosopographical data to "people" the Memphite landscape. The paper investigates what became of the population, religious and political institutions and material culture of Memphis after the removal of the capital to Ehnasiya Medina in the late OK and the reintroduction of major royal building programs at Dahshur during the 12th Dynasty. It is suggested that contrary to expectations, the regional population remained strong throughout the FIP and that important provincial centres based around the cult centres of Old Kingdom rulers thrived. It was only during the course of the 12th Dynasty that the sequence of burials of priests related to these cults gradually declined and then irrecoverably disappeared, although it is argued that this did not correspond to a decline in the importance of the cults for local religious tradition. These in fact became the focal point for stela and statue-based private cults, reflecting a general trend of the 12th Dynasty with parallels at the Heqaib shrine at Elephantine and the Osiris temple at Abydos. The reason for the decline of the cemetery populations at Abusir, Saqqara and Saqqara South is almost certainly to be sought in the growth of the royal and elite cemeteries at Dahshur.
30 Bibliography N. ALEXANIAN and S. SEIDLMAYER, 'Die Nekropole von Dahschur: Forschungsgeschichte und Perspektiven' in: M. BÁRTA and J. KRECJI (eds.), Abusir and Saqqara in the Year 2000 (Prague, 2000), 283-304. Do. ARNOLD, 'Pottery' in: Di. ARNOLD (ed.), The Pyramid of Senwosret I, vol. 1, PMMA 22 (1988), 106-146. B. BADER, Tell el-Dabaa XIII. Typologie und Chronologie der Mergel-C-Ton Keramik, UÖAI 19 (Vienna, 2001). L. BAREŠ, 'Eine Statue des Würdenträgers Sachemhotep und ihre Beziehung zum Totenkult des Mittleren Reiches in Abusir', ZÄS 112 (1985), 87-94. L. BAREŠ, 'The necropolis at Abusir-South field in the Middle Kingdom', ZÄS 118 (1991), 89-96. L. BORCHARDT, Das Grabdenkmal des Königs Nefer-Ir-Ke3-Rec: Ausgrabungen der deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft in Abusir 1902-1908 V (Leipzig, 1909). J. BOURRIAU, 'Cemetery and settlement pottery of the Second Intermediate Period to early New Kingdom', BES 8 (1986-7), 47-59. J. BOURRIAU, 'Patterns of change in burial customs during the New Kingdom' in: S. QUIRKE (ed.), Middle Kingdom Studies (New Malden, 1991), 3-20. J. BOURRIAU, 'Beyond Avaris: The Second Intermediate Period in Egypt outside the Eastern Delta' in: D. OREN (ed.), The Hyksos: New Historical and Archaeological Perspectives, University Museum Monograph 96, University Museum Symposium Series 8 (Philadelphia, 1997), 159-182. J. BOURRIAU, 'The Second Intermediate Period (c.1650-1550 BC)' in: I. SHAW (ed.), The Oxford History of Ancient Egypt (Oxford, 2000),184-217. J. BOURRIAU, 'Changes in body position in Egyptian burials from the mid XIIth Dynasty until the early XVIIIth Dynasty' in: H. WILLEMS (ed.), Social Aspects of Funerary Culture in the Egyptian Old and Middle Kingdoms, OLA 103 (Leuven, 2001), 1-20. J. BOURRIAU, The Relative Chronology of the Second Intermediate Period: Problems in Linking Regional Archaeological Sequences (London, forthcoming). K. DAWOUD, 'Abusir during the Herakleopolitan Period', in: M. VERNER and J. KREJCI, J. (eds.), Abusir and Saqqara in the Year 2000 (Prague, 2001), 193-206. K. DAWOUD, Corpus of Inscriptions of the Herakleopolitan Period from the Memphite Necropolis, BAR 1459 (London, 2005). A. EL-KHOULI, 'A preliminary report on the excavations at Tura, 1963-64', ASAE 60 (1968), 73-76. D. JEFFREYS, Survey of Memphis I: The Archaeological Report, EES Occasional Publications 3 (London, 1985). G. JÉQUIER, Deux Pyramides du Moyen Empire, Fouilles à Saqqarah (Cairo, 1933). G. JÉQUIER, Le Monument Funéraire de Pepi II. Tome III. Les Approches du Temple, Fouilles à Saqqarah (Cairo, 1940). A. KLASENS, 'The excavations of the Leiden Museum of Antiquities at Abu Roash', OMRO 38 (1957), 58-68. A. KLASENS, 'The excavation of the Leiden Museum at Abu Roash', OMRO 39 (1958), 20-55. C. KNOBLAUCH, Middle Kingdom Memphis. A Review of the Archaeological Data from the Memphite Area during the MK. Unpublished MA thesis (Macquarie University, 2002). C. KNOBLAUCH, 'Middle Kingdom ceramics from the Australian Centre for Egyptology excavations at Helwan/Ezbet el Walda' in: R. SCHIESTL and A. SEILER (eds.), A Handbook of Middle Kingdom Ceramics, SCIEM 2000 (forthcoming). C. KÖHLER, Helwan I, SAGA 24 (Heidelberg, 2005). G. LAPP, Typologie der Särge und Sargkammern von der 6. bis 13. Dynastie, SAGA 7 (Heidelberg, 1992). C. LILYQUIST, 'Early Middle Kingdom tombs at Mitrahinah', JARCE 11 (1974), 27-30. J.E. QUIBELL, Excavations at Saqqara (1905-1906), Fouilles Saqqara (Cairo, 1907). J.E. QUIBELL, Excavations at Saqqara (1906-1907), Fouilles Saqqara (Cairo, 1908). J.E. QUIBELL and A.G.K. HAYTAR, Excavations at Saqqara. Teti Pyramid North Side, Fouilles Saqqara (Cairo, 1927). 31 Z.Y. SAAD, 'Royal Excavations at Helwan (1945-1947)', Suppl. ASAE 14 (1951), 1–52. H. SCHÄFER, Priestergräber und andere Grabfunde vom Ende des Alten Reiches bis zur griechischen Zeit vom Totentempel des Ne-User-Rê, Ausgrabungen der deutschen Orient- Gesellschaft in Abusir 1902-1904 II (Leipzig, 1908). W. SCHENKEL, Frühmittelägyptische Studien (Bonn, 1962). S. SEIDLMAYER, Gräberfelder aus dem Übergang vom Alten zum Mittleren Reich, SAGA 1 (Heidelberg, 1990). S. SEIDLMAYER, 'The First Intermediate Period (c.2160-2055 BC)' in: I. SHAW (ed.), The Oxford History of Ancient Egypt (Oxford, 2000), 118-147. D. SILVERMAN, 'Middle Kingdom tombs in the Teti Pyramid Cemetery' in: M. BÁRTA, and J. KRECJI (eds.), Abusir and Saqqara in the Year 2000 (Prague, 2000), 259-282. K. SOWADA, T. CALLAGHAN and P. BENTLEY, The Teti Cemetery at Saqqara, Australian Centre for Egyptology Reports (Warminster, 1999). A. TOOLEY, Middle Kingdom Burial Customs. A Study of Wooden Models and Related Material. Volume I, Unpublished thesis (Liverpool, 1989). H. WILLEMS, Chests of Life: A Study of the Typology and Conceptual Development of Middle Kingdom Standard Class Coffins, Ex Oriente Lux 25 (Leiden, 1988). F. YAKOUB, 'Excavations at Tûra el-Asment', JSSEA 13 (1983),103-106. F. YAKOUB, 'Excavations at Tûra el-Asmant from the Old Kingdom till the Greco-Roman Period. Seasons 1965-1966', ASAE 67 (1988), 193-211. S. YOSHIMURA, Sakuji Yoshimura`s Excavating in Egypt for 40 years: Waseda University Expedition 1966-2006 (Tokyo, 2006). C. ZIVIE, Giza au Deuxieme Millenaire (Cairo, 1976).
32 E. Christiana Köhler Australian Centre for Egyptology, Macquarie University, Sydney, Australia Come to the other side! – The orientation of cult niches in Early Dynastic mastabas at Helwan
The necropolis at Helwan served as the main burial ground for the large majority of inhabitants of the Early Dynastic city of Memphis. It is located on the east side of the Nile valley, just opposite Saqqara, where the aristocrats and several of the kings of the period had their monumental mud brick mastabas and subterranean rock-cut tombs. This elite cemetery at Saqqara laid the foundations for what appears to be a relatively continuous development of the residential necropolises of the Old Kingdom. These necropolises represent some of the main sources of information for key concepts pertaining to the origins of funerary architecture and religion in Pharaonic Egypt. It is on the basis of these western necropolises that the gradual development of early tomb architecture, comprising a substructure and a mastaba superstructure with an offering place or chapel on the east side, is best illustrated.
On the other side of the valley, however, this continuous development is not necessarily mirrored. It has been noted earlier2 that, while the architecture and cult orientation of later mastabas (Dynasty 2 and later) do follow the above principles, the earlier mastabas at Helwan do not as they have their cult niches on the valley side, i.e. west side of the superstructure. It also appears as if the change from west to east happened within a relatively short period of time.
In order to investigate the significance of this observation it was necessary to examine if this change also occurred elsewhere and a review of the cult orientation at other sites across Egypt was therefore conducted. This review was made difficult, however, due to the scarcity of contemporary sites with sufficient evidence for mastaba superstructures with cult niches, and, in particular, of contemporary sites located on the east side of the river. Nevertheless, the Early Dynastic and early Old Kingdom cemetery at Naga ed-Der offered itself as a relatively useful case study, except that this site does not parallel either the observation made at Helwan nor the principles established in the western necropolises at Memphis. It also appears as if the shift at Helwan is unique and that it therefore represents an anomaly which requires further analysis.
This paper will discuss the specific changes in the architecture and cult direction of Early Dynastic and early Old Kingdom mastaba tombs at Helwan, their precise chronology and the possible reasons for these changes. It will be proposed that this observation can only be understood within the context of the specific history and landscape of early Memphis and that it allows us rare insights into the diversity of early funerary culture, which in the past has been rarely appreciated.
Bibliography D.G. JEFFREYS and A. TAVARES, 'The historic landscape of Early Dynastic Memphis', MDAIK 50 (1994), 143-173. W. KAISER, 'Zur Entstehung der Mastaba des Alten Reichs' in: H. GUKSCH and D. POLZ (eds.),
2 Cf. KÖHLER – JONES, in press, p. 85. 33 Stationen. Beiträge zur Kulturgeschichte Ägyptens (Fs Stadelmann) (Mainz, 1998), 73-86. E.C. KÖHLER and J. JONES, Helwan II. The Early Dynastic and Old Kingdom Funerary Relief Slabs, SAGA 25 (Heidelberg, in press). G.A. REISNER, A Provincial Cemetery of the Pyramid Age. Naga ed-Der. Part III (Oxford, 1932). G.A. REISNER, The Development of the Egyptian Tomb down to the Accession of Cheops (Cambridge, 1936).
34 Audran Labrousse French Archaeological Mission at Saqqara, France Recent discoveries at the necropolis of King Pepy I
Since 1989, the work of the Archaeological French Mission at Saqqara has been concentrated in the necropolis of the royal family of Pepy I. These excavations have resulted in the discovery of pyramids built for several queens up to now unknown. The necropolis was originally planned only for the tombs of wives and children of Pepy I. However, under the administration of his successors, the density of tombs increased with the addition of pyramids for some of their wives. After the abandonment of the necropolis, its restoration at the end of the First Intermediate Period was marked by the construction of the pyramid of Raherychefnakht, who did not hesitate to re-use tombs dedicated to the cult of the earlier queens.
Our main research concerns death and the hereafter with the study of six new corpora of Pyramid Texts discovered in the queens' pyramids; the evolution of mortuary town- planning over the long term, from Dynasty 6 to Dynasty 12; the limits of power, with the study of a royal family of six generations until the fall of the Old Kingdom; and changes in the state after the First Intermediate Period that benefited an emerging class by giving it a right of expression and new forms of legitimization, which together brought about a radical transformation of this ancient society and allowed the rise of the Middle Kingdom.
Recently, the mission has excavated the tomb of queen Mehaa and her son Prince Neterikhethor, from the time of Pepy I. The research is currently focused on the end of the Old Kingdom and the first revolution that ended this "golden age".
35 Angela La Loggia Macquarie University, Sydney, Australia Architects, engineers and builders of Early Dynastic Memphis
By the 1st Dynasty, monumental architecture was beginning to leave its mark on the ancient Egyptian landscape over four centuries before the Pyramid Age.
This paper will focus on the Early Dynastic cemeteries of the Memphite region at Saqqara and Helwan. The structures built at this time not only show impressive architectural skills, but demonstrate a high degree of proficiency by the early designers and the builders who project managed their construction.
The massive mortuary structures of the elite at Saqqara were constructed using vast amounts of mud bricks. Timber in this early period was used to roof the superstructures and substructures, whilst some tomb owners also utilised this material for the lining of their burial chambers. A few of these tombs incorporated stone into their structures, such as the stone roofing in the 1st Dynasty Saqqara tombs 3507, 2185 and 3121.
The extensive burial site at Helwan of the officials and lower classes of the time, features more extensive stone use. Monolithic limestone slabs were used to line, pave and roof some of these tombs. Whilst less than 0.5% of the more than 10,000 tombs so far excavated contained stone, these Helwan tombs stand out when it comes to the use of stone in the Early Dynastic Period.
But how well were these materials utilised? Unlike modern buildings today, which are built based on engineered designs that are centred on mathematical analysis of loads and strengths of the materials used in the structure, the ancient Egyptians were constructing based on empirical design, which is based on practical and experimental limits of heights and wall thicknesses.
The engineering analysis undertaken demonstrates that these structures were not built ad-hoc, but were constructed with a significant level of expertise, ingenuity and resourcefulness at this early period in Egyptian history. Such resourcefulness meant fewer materials being required and speedier construction. Whilst the amount of materials which went into these tombs was still significant, an inadequate design would have resulted in a waste of resources and time.
These structures built almost 5000 years ago, are a testament to the great skill of the architects, engineers and builders of Early Memphis.
Bibliography W.B. EMERY, Excavations at Saqqara: The Tomb of Hemaka (Cairo, 1938). W.B. EMERY, Excavations at Saqqara: Hor-Aha (Cairo, 1939). W.B. EMERY, Great Tombs of the First Dynasty, Part I (Cairo, 1949). W.B. EMERY, Great Tombs of the First Dynasty, Part II (London, 1954). W.B. EMERY, Great Tombs of the First Dynasty, Part III (London, 1958). E.C. KÖHLER, 'Excavations at Helwan: New insights into Early Dynastic stone masonry', BACE 9 (1998), 65–72.
36 E.C. KÖHLER, 'Excavations in the Early Dynastic cemetery at Helwan: A preliminary report of the 1998/99 and 1999/2000 seasons', BACE 11 (2000), 83–92. E.C. KÖHLER, 'The new excavations in the Early Dynastic necropolis at Helwan', Archéo-Nil 13 (2003), 16–27. E.C. KÖHLER, 'On the origins of Memphis: The new excavations in the Early Dynastic necropolis at Helwan' in: Egypt at it Origins, Studies in Memory of Barbara Adams (2004), 295–315. E.C. KÖHLER, Helwan I. Excavations in the Early Dynastic Cemetery; Season 1997/98, SAGA 24 (Heidelberg, 2005). Z.Y. SAAD, 'Royal excavations at Saqqara and Helwan (1942-1945)', Suppl. ASAE 3 (1947), 1–25. Z.Y. SAAD, 'Royal Excavations at Helwan (1945-1947)', Suppl. ASAE 14 (1951), 1–52. Z.Y. SAAD, The Excavations at Helwan: Art and Civilization of the 1st and 2nd Egyptian Dynasties (Oklahoma, 1969). W. WOOD, 'The stone tombs of Helwan', JEA 73 (1987), 59–70
37 Jaromir Malek Griffith Institute, University of Oxford, United Kingdom Memphis and its environs: The historical footprint
Unlike most other Egyptian cities, Memphis was mainly an artificial creation which regenerated itself several times in the course of Egyptian history. The geographical separation of the town from its religious centre in the early part of its history was almost unique. The importance of Memphis, and that of the cemeteries attached to it, fluctuated according to the changing political, religious, economic and environmental situation prevailing in ancient Egypt during each historical period. In its turn, the city exerted a powerful influence on the rest of Egypt.
The paper presents an overview and analysis of the changing situation and investigates reasons for the apparent instability and the shifting location of the central city and, as a consequence of this, of its necropolis. It discusses some of the historical misconceptions which are the result of literal acceptance of ancient Egyptian sources referring to Memphis, including one of the dynastic divisions in the late Old Kingdom and the reasons for the appearance of the 'Heracleopolitan' dynasty. It also suggests the most important areas which should be investigated in the future in order to obtain a more complete picture of the city's development.
Bibliography B. PORTER and R. MOSS, Topographical Bibliography iii2 (1974 and 1981). A.M. BADAWI, Memphis als zweite Landeshauptstadt im Neuen Reich (Le Caire, 1948). D. JEFFREYS, Survey of Memphis I: The Archaeological Report, EES Occasional Publications 3 (1985). A.-P. ZIVIE (ed.), Memphis et ses Necropolis au Nouvel Empire (Paris, 1988).
38 Lisa Mawdsley Centre for Archaeology and Ancient History, Monash University, Australia Tarkhan and its role in the Memphite region during the Naqada III period
This paper introduces my current PhD research on the cemetery site of Tarkhan. Situated on the southern most outskirts of the Memphite region, it is one of the largest and most significant Proto-Dynastic–1st Dynasty cemeteries in Egypt, second only to that of Helwan (Jefferys and Tavares 1994, 143; Köhler 2004, 299). Approximately 2000 graves dating from the Naqada IIIA to IIIC3/D period, were excavated by Flinders Petrie and a small team between 1911-1913. The results of the excavations were published in two reports known as Tarkhan I (Petrie et al., 1913) and Tarkhan II (Petrie 1914).
The focus of initial research is upon the burials dated by Petrie to Sequence Dates 77- 79, a period approximately corresponding to Naqada IIIA to early Naqada IIIC1. On the basis of an analysis of the data, this paper will explore some of the issues relating to the foundation and operation of Tarkhan. It will also examine the broader issue of interaction between Tarkhan and Memphis during this period. New evidence from Helwan indicates that burials of the elite were interred there as early as the Naqada IIIA period (Köhler 2004, 306-307), this corresponds with the data from Tarkhan. It would appear that the foundation of both Memphis and Tarkhan may have been part of a broader trend in the establishment of Naqada culture sites as witnessed in Middle Egypt and the Delta during the Naqada IID-IIIA period (Hendrickx and van den Brink 2002, 346-399). But are we looking at a strategic movement of migratory groups of Upper Egyptians or are we in fact seeing the autochthonous development of primary centres in these areas as suggested by Köhler (in press)? This fundamental issue is of importance to our understanding of the subsequent political and cultural development of the Memphite-Fayum region and requires more in-depth research.
The archaeological data from Tarkhan may provide crucial evidence that will allow us to track this development from a regional perspective. The substantial number of elite and non-elite graves in SD 77-78, along with the presence of named serekhs of non-Thinite rulers, suggests that the unidentified settlement may have been an independent polity with its own rulers during Naqada IIIA-B. The presence of a previously unattested named serekh at Helwan suggests that Memphis may also have operated as an independent centre (Köhler 2004, 310). This raises the interesting question of what impact the existence of two, possibly competing, polities would have had upon political, economic and cultural development of the Memphite-Fayum region during this period? In the late Naqada IIIB or early Naqada IIICI period, just prior to the 1st Dynasty, Tarkhan may have moved from being an independent polity to being the major secondary centre in the north for the Thinites. This premise appears to be supported by the fact that after Abydos, Tarkhan has the largest concentration of inscriptions with the name of Narmer (Kahl 2001, 110). Given this information, is it possible that Tarkhan was used as a strategic stepping stone to Memphis and the Delta as part of the final process of territorial expansion by the Thinites? This is conjecture, but needs to be explored in the light of the archaeological evidence.
Ultimately Memphis was selected as the primary centre for the new state in preference
39 to Tarkhan, maybe due to the topography and for more effective control of the Delta. Without doubt the development of Memphis as the capital of Egypt adversely affected the demographic profile of Tarkhan. This is demonstrated by the dramatic drop in the number of burials in SD 79 or the beginning of the 1st Dynasty. Centralisation of administrative, economic and craft functions at Memphis may have created new opportunities making a move north to the new and developing capital an attractive venture. This initial interest in the new capital is tempered by evidence of an increase in burials at Tarkhan in SD 80, or the mid 1st Dynasty. This revitalization may be linked to bureaucratic changes introduced by Den during his reign (Wilkinson 1999, 75, 123). These changes may have re-focused attention upon regional growth and administration.
While this paper cannot provide immediate answers to the above questions it seeks to demonstrate the importance of Tarkhan as a key player in the Memphite region during this crucial and complex period of state formation in Egypt.
Bibliography S. HENDRICKX and E.C.M. VAN DEN BRINK, 'Inventory of Predynastic and Early Dynastic cemetery and settlement sites in the Egyptian Nile Valley' in: E.C.M. VAN DEN BRINK and T.E. LEVY (ed.), Egypt and the Levant: Interrelations From the 4th Through to the Early 3rd Millennium BCE (London, 2002), 346-399. D. JEFFREYS and A. TAVARES, 'The historic landscape of Early Dynastic Memphis', MDAIK 50 (1994),143-173. J. KAHL, 'Hieroglyphic writing during the Fourth Millennium BC: An analysis of systems', Archéo- Nil 11 (2001),102-134. E.C. KÖHLER, 'On the origins of Memphis: The new excavations in the Early Dynastic necropolis at Helwan' in: S. HENDRICKX et al. (eds.), Egypt at it Origins, Studies in Memory of Barbara Adams (2004), 295–315. E.C. KÖHLER, 'The interaction between and the roles of Upper and Lower Egypt in the formation of the Egyptian state: Another review' in: B. MIDANT-REYNES and Y. TRISTANT (eds.), Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt. Origin of the State (Leuven, in press). W.M.F. PETRIE, G.A. WAINWRIGHT and A.H. GARDINER, Tarkhan I and Memphis V (London, 1913). W.M.F. PETRIE, Tarkhan II (London, 1914). T.A. WILKINSON, Early Dynastic Egypt (London, 1999).
40 Ann McFarlane Australian Centre for Egyptology, Macquarie University, Sydney, Australia The Old Kingdom carrying chair: From here to there
Tomb decoration is surely one of the major historical sources for Egyptologists, an archive if you like, and recently a number of studies have been devoted to the iconography and interpretation of various types of wall scenes in Old Kingdom tombs. The studies endeavour to interpret the intention or meaning of individual scenes and their importance/relationship to the decorative program, undoubtedly obvious at the time to tomb owners and their contemporaries but perhaps elusive to present day scholars and not readily or fully understood.
This paper will attempt a reassessment of scenes incorporating palanquins and carrying-chairs, drawing principally on primary sources of Old Kingdom tombs at Memphis. The examples will be examined for content, frequency, orientation, placement and scale in the overall scheme of decoration, noting similarities and differences in general. The study will concentrate on the development of the theme chronologically with a view to establishing the context, time and place of some significant changes and the tombs in which new aspects or innovations appear. This analysis may shed some light on the extent to which particular forms or content of the theme are determined by traditional schemes, by cultural changes, by any symbolic connotations or by individual choices of tomb owners.
41 Boyo G. Ockinga Australian Centre for Egyptology, Macquarie University, Sydney, Australia The Teti Pyramid Cemetery North – the New Kingdom occupation phase: Insights from excavations conducted in Jan/Feb 2007 and 2008
Within the framework of Macquarie University's ARC Discovery Grant Memphis project, a detailed study of the New Kingdom occupation phase of that part of the cemetery of Memphis that lies to the north of the pyramid of Teti is being conducted.
Most of the Teti cemetery north of the king's pyramid and the large mastabas of Kagemni and Mereruka have already been excavated down to the Old Kingdom levels so that a major part of the study involves the collection and analysis of the New Kingdom material recovered by earlier excavators and, by surveying and plotting the scanty New Kingdom remains in situ, and linking these with the data published by earlier excavators, to try to reconstruct the layout of the New Kingdom cemetery.
The most significant surviving New Kingdom structure in this part of the cemetery, the tomb of the Chief of Goldsmiths Amenemone, has already been excavated and recorded by Macquarie University. The recent excavations conducted by us are located in the area to the west of the tomb of Amenemone and north of the Old Kingdom tomb of Inumin.
Evidence for three New Kingdom tombs in this area has been recovered, but it is clear that their superstructures had already been destroyed by the Roman Period; all that has survived to any significant extent are the shafts and burial apartments. In the case of tomb I, situated close to and immediately to the west of the tomb of Amenemone, all that remains is the subterranean complex. In the case of tomb II, located to the NW of the NW corner of the tomb of Inumin, part of the northern wall of the courtyard constructed of mud brick still stands to a height of ca 80 cm. To the north of this, fragmentary remnants of the mud brick foundations of the chapel and courtyard of a third tomb were found (III), as well as the top of the shaft. The shafts and burial chambers of I and II have been excavated and revealed evidence of re- use, the latest phase being for a large number of canine burials (618 skulls were found in I); since the top of the shaft of I was repaired in antiquity with fired red brick, this latest phase of use can be dated to the Roman Period and associated with the Anubieion, which is located not far to the south of the tombs. The top two meters of the shaft of III was constructed of rough limestone blocks that derive from the older structures in the area, including late 18th Dynasty tombs, as one decorated fragment illustrates.
The mud brick cores of the superstructure of tombs II and III suggest that they are of late 18th Dynasty date. The lack of any traces of mud brick remains associated with tomb I is noteworthy and might suggest that it is Ramesside (when tomb superstructures were built of stone slabs without a mud brick core), rather than 18th Dynasty. Its close proximity to the tomb of Amenemone could also be the result of it being inserted into available space between other already existing tombs. If it does belong to a Ramesside tomb, it would be tempting to identify it as the tomb of the chief wab-priest of Ptah, Ptahmay and his wife Hatshepsut, whose large group statue
42 is now in Berlin. During the excavation of the tomb of Amenemone in 1996, relief fragments from Ptahmay's tomb were found in the shaft, which suggests that the tomb must have been located nearby. But since no further material from the tomb has come to light, this identification must remain hypothetical.
Of the decorated blocks or block fragments that have been recovered in the course of the current excavations, only one of these, found in 2007, provides prosopographical information and can be linked to a specific tomb, namely part of a door jamb belonging to the royal scribe Huy, whose tomb was located to the west of the tomb of Inumin.
In 2008 part of a pyramidion-topped stele belonging to a Hr.y mr.t named [Dua.wy] erneheh was found in the shaft of tomb I. This is a pre-Amarna piece and probably derives from one of the small chapels that are typical of the period and for which evidence has been found in the NE part of the Teti cemetery in the area of the queens' pyramids.
The one advantage of the ruinous state of the late 18th Dynasty tomb structures is that it enables the construction method used to be better understood. The commonly held view that a tafl layer was put down to form a foundation for the tomb superstructure is not supported by our findings; these indicate that the bottom courses of mud brick that formed the foundations of the mud brick core of the outer walls were put down on whatever the surface of the site for the tomb happened to be, even if it was sand. Far from a level surface first being prepared, the site on which the tomb was built was often uneven and this unevenness was compensated for in the foundation level. The shaft and burial chambers were then excavated and the rubble from the excavation was spread over the interior, resulting in the floor level of the interior of the tomb being up to 80 cm higher than the bottom of the foundation walls.
Bibliography J. VAN DIJK, The New Kingdom Necropolis of Memphis. Historical and Iconographical Studies (Groningen, 1993). B. GESSLER-LÖHR, 'Pre-Amarna tomb chapels in the Teti Cemetery North at Saqqara', BACE 18 (2007), 65–108. G.T. MARTIN and J. VAN DIJK et al., The Tombs of Three Memphite Officials. Ramose, Khay and Pabes, EM 66 (London, 2001). B. OCKINGA, Amenemone the Chief Goldsmith. A New Kingdom Tomb in the Teti Cemetery at Saqqara (Oxford, 2005). K.-H. PRIESE (ed.), Museumsinsel Berlin. Ägyptisches Museum (Mainz, 1991), 150–151. J.E. QUIBELL and A.G.K. HAYTER, Teti Pyramid, North Side (Cairo, 1927).
43 Adela Oppenheim The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, USA The false door walls in the pyramid temple and north chapel of Senwosret III at Dahshur
Excavation work has been undertaken by The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, in the late 12th Dynasty pyramid complex of Senwosret III at Dahshur since 1990. A major portion of the project has been the excavation of the king's pyramid temple, a structure directly attached to the east side of the royal pyramid. Although such temples could be quite elaborate in the Old Kingdom and early Middle Kingdom, Senwosret III's cult place is reduced in size, suggesting that beliefs surrounding the king's afterlife must have been in flux during this period. Although the pyramid temple was completely demolished by ancient stone robbers, several thousand fragments have been recovered from the area. Of great interest are pieces that seem to originate from the west wall of the offering chamber, which contained the royal false door, a symbolic structure through which it was believed the king could magically communicate with the world of the living. Surrounding the false door were the so- called spirits of Pe and Nekhen, who are attested from other pyramid temples, but are here found in what seems to be a unique arrangement.
Information about what surrounded the royal false door is also provided by fragments from Senwosret III's north chapel, a small structure that directly adjoined the pyramid on the north side. Traditionally such chapels occupied the spot over the entrance to the royal burial chambers and also contained a false door. While the pyramid temple has preserved more information about the decoration to the sides of the false door, Senwosret III's north chapel has preserved more evidence about the lunette-shaped scene above it. Previously the content of these scenes was unknown. Depicted here were back-to-back representations of the gods Horus and Seth facing the enthroned king. Behind the king were the goddesses Nekhbet and Wadjet, followed by kneeling fecundity figures and inscriptions related to foreign lands. Not only are the fragments from the lunette unique in terms of their iconographic program, but they are beautifully worked examples of Middle Kingdom relief decoration.
This paper will present the evidence used to reconstruct the false door walls in Senwosret III's north chapel and pyramid temple, as well as present digital reconstructions of the features.
44 Karin Sowada Macquarie University, Sydney, Australia Mortuary landscapes and social change in the Teti Cemetery at Saqqara
Over the last 80 years, the Teti Cemetery at Saqqara has yielded many minor burials belonging to the inhabitants of ancient Memphis. The importance of these graves is often overlooked amid the riches of built tombs belonging to the elite. However, the renewal of excavations by the Australian Centre for Egyptology in the early 1980s and beyond has provided important new information about the anthropology of the local population, particularly for the New Kingdom.
The earliest graves, which are dotted in and around the Old Kingdom mastabas, date to the First Intermediate Period/early Middle Kingdom. There is little material post- dating this phase until the early to mid-New Kingdom, when the cemetery experienced a period of intense use. A rich corpus of coffins, artefacts and human remains has been found dating to this era, adding significantly to our understanding of the Egyptian lower classes. From the late 18th Dynasty, the cemetery was appropriated by Memphite elites for the construction of funerary monuments. This appears to have been gradual, with areas progressively levelled off for the construction of shafts and tomb chapels. A rich corpus of mortuary data also exists for the first millennium BC.
The vertically and horizontally stratified nature of the evidence for the Memphite elite and its more modest inhabitants allows the re-construction of the mortuary landscape in the Teti Cemetery. It also provides a window into the historical, economic and social changes of the region. Moreover, the results offer an important point of comparison with recent archaeological evidence from the nearby city of Memphis. The apparent paucity of archaeological data from both sites for the presence of the Hyksos in the Memphis area during Second Intermediate Period is of particular interest.
Bibliography C.M. FIRTH and B. GUNN, Excavations at Saqqara. Teti Pyramid Cemeteries, I-II (Cairo, 1926). N. KANAWATI et al., Excavations at Saqqara Northwest of Teti's Pyramid, I (Sydney, 1984). A. EL-KHOULI. and N. KANAWATI et al., Excavations at Saqqara Northwest of Teti's Pyramid (Sydney, 1988). J.E. QUIBELL and A.G.K. HAYTER, Excavations at Saqqara. Teti Pyramid North Side (Cairo, 1927). K. SOWADA, T. CALLAGHAN and P. BENTLEY, The Teti Cemetery at Saqqara IV. Minor Burials and Other Material, Australian Centre for Egyptology Reports 12 (Warminster,1999). K. SOWADA, The Teti Cemetery at Saqqara XII. A Cemetery of New Kingdom Minor Burials, Australian Centre for Egyptology Reports (Sydney, forthcoming).
45 Sophie Winlaw Macquarie University, Sydney, Australia The prominent appearance of mothers in the tombs of their sons and its significance in the Old Kingdom
Members of the Seshemnefer family, who are interred at Giza, held the most prominent administrative positions almost successively throughout the 5th Dynasty. Their relative Mereruka, who is buried at Saqqara, held the vizierate under King Teti, the founder of the 6th Dynasty. Mereruka's mastaba is considered to be the largest and the most impressive private tomb of the Old Kingdom and its inscriptions reveal that this tomb owner was married to Teti's eldest daughter. From the tomb of Seshemnefer III we learn that this family member was also married to a princess and that he claims to be the "son of the king of his body", a title which was not held by any of his male relatives. It seems probable that this title would only have been given to an individual who had royal ancestors but the original source of this ancestry needs to be clarified.
The inscriptions within the tombs of Seshemnefer I, II, and III give us a unique insight into the ancestry of these men which can be traced back to the 4th Dynasty royal family. From the tomb of Seshemnefer II we learn that this tomb owner's mother is the offspring of Weneshet, a princess who must have been the daughter of one of the 4th Dynasty kings. The tombs belonging to Weneshet and members of the Seshemnefer family are located in the Western Cemetery which is positioned near the corresponding façade of Khufu's pyramid. A large number of the tombs within this cemetery bear the cartouche of this ruler which suggests that this cemetery was originally laid out by Khufu for the internment of his relatives. It is therefore possible that Weneshet is the daughter of this king. Evidence from Seshemnefer I's tomb indicates that his father can be identified as Nefer, a man who held a position of trust in the king's personal service but does not seem to have any royal forebears.
The mothers of Seshemnefer II and III as well as Mereruka are, rather unusually, all represented in the tombs of their sons where they appear by themselves or in the company of their children. The few other Old Kingdom Memphite tomb owners who depict their mothers in this way are descendants of the 4th Dynasty royal family. It is certainly possible that these women are depicted without their spouses because they are widows but when we consider the fact that most of the members of the Seshemnefer family depict their mothers in their tombs it seems less likely that this was the case. These factors therefore suggest that the social standing of these women was derived from their own ancestry and not necessarily that of the men they married.
It could be argued that the mothers of Seshemnefer II, III and Mereruka do not bear any royal titles and therefore we are dealing with a different class of women to the mothers that are depicted in the tombs of the royal descendants. However, it must be kept in mind that Seshemnefer II's mother, Mertiotes, only held the title 'Acquaintance of the king' yet we know that she is the daughter of princess Weneshet. It will therefore be suggested that the Seshemnefer family prominently depicted their mothers in their tombs because their social standing was to some significant degree derived from the status of the maternal side of their family.
46 Bibliography M. BAUD, Famille Royale et Pouvoir Sous l'Ancien Empire Égyptien. 2 vols. (Cairo, 1999). E. BRUNNER-TRAUT, Die Altägyptische Grabkammer Seschemnofers III aus Gîza. (Mainz, 1977). P. DER MANUELIAN, Slab Stelae of the Giza Necropolis (New Haven, PA, 2003). D. DUNHAM and W.K. SIMPSON, The Mastaba of Queen Mersyankh III, G7530-7540. Giza Mastabas, vol.1. (Boston, 1974). H.G. FISCHER, 'Old Kingdom inscriptions in the Yale Gallery', MIO 7 (1960), 299-315. D. JONES, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, Epithets and Phrases of the Old Kingdom, 2 vols. (Oxford, 2000). H. JUNKER, Grabungen auf dem Friedhof des Alten Reiches bei den Pyramiden von Giza, 12 vols. (Vienna, 1925-1955). N. KANAWATI, Tombs at Giza, vol.1: Kaiemankh (G4561) and Seshemnefer I (G4940) (Warminster, 2001). N. KANAWATI, Tombs at Giza, vol.2: Seshathetep/Heti (G5150), Nesutnefer (G4970) and Seshemnefer II (G5080) (Warminster, 2002). N. KANAWATI, Conspiracies in the Egyptian Palace: Unis to Pepy I, (London, 2003). N. KANAWATI, Mereruka and King Teti: The Power Behind the Throne (Cairo, 2007). N. KANAWATI and M. ABDER-RAZIQ, Mereruka and His Family: Part 1. The Tomb of Meryteti (Oxford, 2004). N. KANAWATI and A. HASSAN, The Teti Cemetery at Saqqara, vol.1: The Tombs of Nedjet-em-pet, Ka-aper and Others (Sydney, 1996). Museum of Fine Arts Boston, "Giza Archives Project" (http://www.gizapyramids.org). B. PORTER and R. MOSS, Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings (Oxford, 1927-1952; second ed. J. Málek, 1960- ). G.A. REISNER, A History of the Giza Necropolis. vol.1 (Cambridge, 1942). G.A. REISNER and W.S. Smith, A History of the Giza Necropolis II. The Tomb of Hetep-heres the Mother of Cheops (Cambridge, 1955). B. SCHMITZ, Untersuchungen zum Titel sA-njswt "Königssohn" (Bonn, 1976). W.K. SMITH, The Mastabas of Kawab, Khafkhufu I and II (Boston, 1978). N. STRUDWICK, The Administration of Egypt in the Old Kingdom (London, 1985).
47 Alexandra Woods Macquarie University, Sydney, Australia The tomb of Hetepet at Giza: Chronological considerations
The fragments belonging to the tomb of Hetepet are now housed in the Berlin Museum and the Liebieghaus Museum, Frankfort, however according to Porter and Moss the tomb was originally located at Giza, probably in the West Field. The limestone blocks are carved in raised relief and include: two false doors (both of which belong to Hetepet); the tomb owner on a pleasure cruise in the marshlands; Hetepet seated on a chair supervising a flax harvest and two fragments of female figures, one group bearing offerings and the other carrying necklaces. The dating of the tomb of Hetepet has been frequently addressed in the literature, with the possible dates varying from the 4th Dynasty to the late Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period. To refine the date for Hetepet's tomb, the paper examines the surviving reliefs and will compare the scenes and inscriptions with other examples from the Memphite and provincial cemeteries dating to the Old Kingdom.
The tomb of Hetepet is an exceptional instance of a tomb belonging to a woman who appears to be of non-royal descent. The inscriptions do not mention Hetepet's husband and the second false door represents the figures of her parents, confirming the tomb belonged exclusively to Hetepet. There is very little known about the tomb owner herself and her offices include 'Acquaintance of the King', 'Priestess of Hathor' and 'Body-guard'. To propose a date for the tomb a number of features will be analysed and include: a selection of details from the pleasure cruise, flax harvesting and offering table scenes; the clothing and jewellery worn by Hetepet; the offering list and titles held by the tomb owner as well as the structure and design of the two false doors. This paper aims to illustrate how a date can be proposed for decorated fragments without a specific archaeological context based on iconographic, linguistic and stylistic indicators.
Bibliography N. CHERPION, Mastabas et Hypogées d'Ancien Empire: Le Problème de la Datation (Brussels, 1989). H.G. FISCHER, Egyptian Women of the Old Kingdom and of the Heracleopolitan Period (New York, 2000). Y. HARPUR, Decoration in Egyptian tombs of the Old Kingdom: Studies in Orientation and Scene Content (London, 1987). J. VANDIER, Manuel d'Archéologie Égyptienne: Bas-Reliefs et Peintures: Scènes de la Vie quotidienne, IV (Paris, 1964). H. SCHÄFER, Principles of Egyptian Art, J. Baines, trans. (Oxford, 1974).
48 Alain Zivie CNRS, Paris; French Archaeological Mission of the Bubasteion, Saqqara; Visiting Professor of Egyptology at AUC, Cairo, Egypt The growing importance of western Memphis under the reign of Amenhotep III
With the rediscovery of tombs previously known, along with the discovery of tombs and their owners completely unknown beforehand, the real importance of Memphis during the New Kingdom, somehow forgotten by Egyptologists over decades, is now a well admitted fact. Even so, there is still some reticence on the part of some to accept this, particularly because the topos "glorious Thebes" remains the central point of reference for the traditional approach to the New Kingdom, especially for the 18th Dynasty (apart from the Amarna episode with the short-lived "capital" of Akhetaton). As a consequence, the common idea that the floruit of the New Kingdom Memphite necropolis occurred mainly after the Amarna Period is alive and well, since the focus is mainly on the big and beautiful "temple-tombs" located at the South of Unas causeway.
But the necropolis as a whole, including the famous Serapeum itself and the 'Ankhtawy district with its escarpment (dehenet in Egyptian, often wrongly translated by "peak"), located close to the later sanctuary and catacombs of the goddess Bastet (Bubasteion), has to be seriously taken into account. In the period before the construction of "temple- tombs" and sometimes parallel to them, New Kingdom rock tombs were cut in "the West of Memphis" and particularly in the escarpment of 'Ankhtawy, and they were the equivalent of their Theban counterparts. Beyond this evidence, we observe that the symmetry, real and ideological, between Memphis and Thebes, in spite of all the differences, seems to have taken on a special importance with the reign of Amenhotep III. Indeed, with this king, for several reasons, political, religious, and perhaps even personal, Memphis and its necropolis (the "West of Memphis") even seems to acquire a new significance. As for Thebes, the separation between the city and the Western district was not as strict as is too often claimed; besides, the prestigious past of this ancient necropolis, with the pyramids and mastabas of famous kings and men of the past, was particularly attractive for a sovereign searching the past to renew his reign and his function.
Over the last twenty-five years, the French Archaeological Mission of the Bubasteion at Saqqara has discovered a series of rock-cut tombs belonging, in the main, to the 18th Dynasty, several of them dating, in part or entirely, to the reign of Amenhotep III. Their owners, including directors of the painters in the Place of Maât, were generally prominent officials. Moreover, we must recall that some other important tombs of this reign are still to be discovered on the same site or somewhere else in the necropolis, as is proven by fragments of reliefs and objects conserved in museums and collections. This fact and others, including the construction of the very important funerary temple of Amenehotep III between Memphis and the desert, and the opening of the Serapeum for example, tend to show that the reign of this pharaoh corresponds to a turning-point in the history of Memphis and its cemeteries. The ancient necropolis with its burials of famous kings and wise men, already attractive under the previous reigns, certainly took on a new and special significance for a king who tried to find inspiration in the past for new and huge projects. In this respect, the temple of Ptah
49 certainly played a crucial role as is attested by the fact that the elder son of the king, prince Thutmes, was the high priest of Ptah.
This growing importance of the "West of Memphis", which we observe in the reign of Amenhotep III, did not stop at all with him. On the contrary, his son, Amenhotep IV – Akhenaten, continued to show much interest and respect for the two aspects of Memphis (the valley and the desert), even if the general ideological and religious frame partly changed; in many respects, Memphis was not Thebes. And beyond the Atenist period, the trend inaugurated or developed by Amenhotep III culminated in the time of Tutankhamun, when so many important tombs flowered in ‘Ankhtawy, at the "West of Memphis", which then played again its role of royal city par excellence.
Bibliography A. BADAWI, Memphis als Zweite Landeshauptstadt im Neuen Reich (Cairo, 1948), 69-76. A.P. KOZLOFF and B.M. BRYAN with L.M. BERMAN, Egypt's Dazzling Sun: Amenhotep III and His World (Cleveland, 1992). M. GABOLDE, D'Akhenaton à Toutânkhamon (Lyon, 1998), 222-223. D. WILDUNG, 'Le frère aîné d'Ekhnaton: Réflexions sur un décès prématuré', Bull. Soc. Franç. d'Egypt. 143 (1998), 10-18. G.T. MARTIN, 'Memphis: The status of a residence city in the Eighteenth Dynasty' in: M. BÁRTA and J. KREJCI (eds.), Abusir and Saqqara in the Year 2000 (Prague, 2000), 99-120. J. YOYOTTE, 'A propos de quelques idées reçues : Méresger, la Butte et les cobras' in: Deir el-Médineh et la Vallée des Rois: La vie en Egypte au temps des pharaons du Nouvel Empire. Actes du colloque du Musée du Louvre publiés sous la direction de G. Andreu (Paris, 2003), 289-294. A. ZIVIE, Découverte à Saqqarah. Le vizir oublié (Paris, 1990). A. ZIVIE, 'Un détour par Saqqara. Deir el-Médineh et la nécropole Memphite' in: Deir el-Médineh et la Vallée des Rois. La vie en Egypte au temps des pharaons du Nouvel Empire. Actes du colloque du Musée du Louvre publiés sous la direction de G. Andreu (Paris, 2003), 67-73. A. ZIVIE, The Lost Tombs of Saqqara (Toulouse, 2007).
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