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01 Sven Beckert Pp.08-43.Pdf trabajadores textiles de Lancashire. Pero en 1. Sven Beckert las décadas siguientes a Appomattox, este mundo dio vía a un imperio global del algodón estructurado por múltiples y Emancipación e Imperio: poderosos Estados y sus colonias, trabajado por fuerza de trabajo no esclava. Aparceros, reconstruyendo el arrendatarios y campesinos, usualmente mercado mundial de enormemente endeudados con los comerciantes locales, produjeron la mayor producción de algodón cantidad de algodón mundial, una fracción en la era de la Guerra significativa de la cual fue cultivada fuera del sur norteamericano, en lugares como la Civil Norteamericana India, Egipto, África occidental, Turkmenistán y Brasil. Traducción a cargo de Ariel Mogni y Sergio Galiana La Guerra Civil Norteamericana fue la base de estas transformaciones. Consigo, cerca de 4 millones de esclavos ganaron su libertad en la nación que había dominado la producción mundial de algodón, generando os historiadores generalmente ven a temores entre los comerciantes y la Guerra Civil Norteamericana como manufactureros que la interrupción de la L un momento crucial en la historia de “profunda relación entre esclavitud y la nación norteamericana. Pero fue más que producción de algodón” pudiera “destruir esto: la Guerra Civil encendió una explosiva una de las condiciones esenciales para la transformación en el mercado mundial de producción en masa” de textiles de algodón.1 producción de algodón y, con esto, del Al explotar la confianza global en la capitalismo global. La industria del algodón estructura de una de las industrias más fue la más grande del mundo a mitad de siglo importantes, la guerra impulsó un nuevo XIX, empleando, tal vez, a 20 millones de régimen de burócratas e industriales en los trabajadores. Para 1861, la mayor parte del países consumidores de algodón, para suministro de algodón crudo había sido asegurar el suministro del “oro blanco”, no producido por esclavos de las plantaciones con esclavos, sino con aparceros, del sur norteamericano, y fue convertido en arrendatarios y campesinos, modificando el hilados y tejidos para vestimentas, por balance entre mano de obra libre y la mano Sven Beckert es profesor de Historia Estadounidense the American Civil War”, en The American Historical en la Universidad de Harvard, y codirector del Programa Review, Vol. 109, No. 5 (diciembre 2004), pp. 1405- de Estudios del Capitalismo en la misma institución. La 1438. URL: versión original de este artículo fue publicada en inglés http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/530931. Publicado bajo el título “Emancipation and Empire: Reconstructing en español con permiso del autor otorgado en 23 de the Worldwide Web of Cotton Production in the Age of marzo 2020. 1 Bremer Handelsblatt (11 de octubre de 1862), 335. |#18 | “Pandemia, crisis y perspectivas” | Mayo 2020 Web site: www.huellasdeeua.com.ar 8 ISSN: 1853-6506 de obra esclava. Y al remover varios millones resolución del conflicto entre plantadores y de fardos de algodón del mercado mundial, esclavos por igual. La guerra emergió en entre 1861 y 1865, la guerra forzó a los gran parte de las tensiones dentro del manufactureros a buscar nuevas fuentes de imperio del algodón, y a su turno, esta manufactura crucial, catapultando en transformó las formas en que ligó a las décadas posteriores a Appomattox a poblaciones y lugares distantes, envueltas largas áreas del planeta a la economía global. en el cultivo, comercio, manufacturación y Nuevas formas de trabajo, el crecimiento consumo del algodón. Los efectos internos enmarcado del capital y los capitalistas centrales de la guerra –la consolidación del dentro de las naciones-estado imperiales, y estado-nación norteamericano, la la rápida expansión espacial de las emancipación, el surgimiento de una nueva relaciones sociales capitalistas, fueron las política económica por parte de las elites bases de la nueva economía política que mercantiles del Norte y la expansión de las dominó las relaciones mundiales hasta la relaciones sociales capitalistas en el Sur- no “Gran Guerra”, medio siglo después. En solo se movieron en tándem, sino que en un efecto, el inimaginablemente largo y grado significativo, causaron cambios en destructivo conflicto norteamericano, la paralelo en Europa, Latinoamérica, Asia y primera “crisis de materias primas” del África.3 Al paralizar al productor líder de una planeta, fue la partera de la emergencia de de las más importantes industrias de nuevas redes mundiales de trabajo, capital y commodities, la Guerra Civil llevó a un clímax poder estatal.2 Fue uno de los más en las tensiones dentro del capitalismo importantes capítulos en la historia del global tal como se había desarrollado capital y el trabajo. En efecto, fue escrito en durante la primera mitad del siglo XIX y dejó los campos de batalla de la Norteamérica un resultado paradójico: la liberación de 4 provincial. millones esclavos en Norteamérica y la extensión e intensificación del control Incluso, tal evento trascendental como lo fue imperial sobre potenciales regiones de la Guerra Civil Norteamericana, tuvo sus cultivo de algodón en Asia y África. tremendas implicaciones internacionales, las cuales jugaron un rol decisivo en la 2 Allen Isaacman y Richard Roberts, “Cotton, The Expansion of National Administrative Capacities, Colonialism and Social History in Sub-Saharian Africa: 1870-1920 (New York, 1982); Barbara Jeanne Fields, Introduction”, in Cotton, Colonialism and Social History 'The Advent of Capitalist Agriculture: The New South in in Sub-Saharian Africa, Isaacman and Roberts eds. a Bourgeois World," en Essays on the Postbellum (Portsmouth, N.H., 1995), 7. Southern Economy, Thavolia Glymph and John J. 3 Para una discusión general del impacto global de la Kushma, eds. (College Station, Tex., 1985), 73-94: Eric Guerra Civil Norteamericana ver C. A, Bayly. The Birth Foner, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished of the Modern World, 1780-1914: Global Connections Revolution, 1863-1877 (New York, 1988); Richard and Comparisons (Maiden, Mass., 2004), 101-65. Para Bensel. Yankee Leviathan, The Origins of Central State Estados Unidos, ver Steven Hahn. The Roots of Southern Authority in America, 1859-1877 {New York, 1990); Populism: Yeoman Farmers and the Transformation of Sven Beckert, The Monied Metropolis: New York City the Georgia Upcountry, 1850-1890 (New York, 1983); and the Consolidation of the American Bourgeoisie, Stephen Skowronek, Building A New American State: 1850-1896 (New York, 2001), chaps. 5, 6, y 10. |#18 | “Pandemia, crisis y perspectivas” | Mayo 2020 Web site: www.huellasdeeua.com.ar 9 ISSN: 1853-6506 Comprensiblemente, los historiadores han asegurar ese algodón? Y, ¿cómo haría visto la Guerra Civil Norteamericana, en Estados Unidos para encajar en el mercado primer lugar, como un punto de quiebre en global de algodón después de la guerra? la historia de la nación norteamericana. Sus Aquellos que intervinieron o comentaron ramificaciones internacionales, incluyendo a sobre el imperio del algodón en el siglo XIX – aquellos de la industria algodonera mundial, un espectro tan amplio como el algodón son usualmente reducidas a lo que lo que la mismo, que iba desde Richard Cobden, al Zar intervención foránea pudo haber significado Alejandro II, de Edward Atkinson a Thomas para la Unión y la Confederación.4 Aunque Baring, Luis Napoleón III y Karl Marx- sabían los académicos han pasado por alto el que hasta las más locales de las conflicto como un momento crucial en la manifestaciones de estos cultivos historia del capitalismo global, tanto los comerciales y manufactureros estaban estadistas, comerciantes, empresarios e inmersos en un mercado mundial, y no intelectuales de aquel momento, tendrían sentido fuera de este. Ellos especialmente aquellos que residían fuera comprendieron especialmente bien la de los Estados Unidos, percibieron la guerra estrecha relación entre capitalismo, algodón tanto como un cambio en industria del y esclavitud. Para las mentes amplias de algodón, esto es, una interacción particular estos políticos, príncipes, intelectuales, entre Estados y mercados, como también, un comerciantes, empresarios y periodistas, el evento ligado a la unidad de la república mercado mundial del algodón representaba americana. Para ellos, la guerra planteó un un todo orgánico que se tornaba conjunto de preguntas urgentes. ¿Quiénes, si incomprensible cuando se la intentaba no iban a ser los esclavos, habrían de cultivar parcelar en análisis locales, nacionales e el algodón y bajo qué relaciones de trabajo? incluso regionales.5 ¿Cuál sería el rol de los estados para 4 Hay una literatura muy sustancial sobre este tema, que 5 Edward Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in incluye a David M. Potter, "The Civil War in an Great Britain; with a notice of its early history in the International Context," in The Legacy of the American East. (London, 1835); Thomas Ellison, The Cotton Civil War., Harold Woodman, ed. (New York, 1973), 63- Trade of Great Britain, including a History of the 72; Henry Blumenthal. "Confederate Diplomacy: Liverpool Cotton Market and of the Liverpool Colton Popular Notions and International Realities," Journal of Brokers Association (London, 1886); Alwin Oppel, Die Southern History H. no. 2 (May 1966): 151-71; Carl N. Bauniwolle nach Geschichte. Anhau, Verarbeilung und Degler, one among Many: The Civil War in Comparative Handel, sowie nach ihrer Stetlung im Volksleben und in Perspective (Gettysburg, Pa., 1990); Harold Melvin der Staatswirtschaft; im Auftrage und mit Unterstiltzung Hyman, ed. Heard Round the World: The impact Abroad der Bremer Baumwollbörse (Leipzig, 1902); William B. of the Civil War, by H. C. Allen et al. (New York, 1969); Dana. Cotton from Seed to Loom: A Hand-Book of Facts Frank Lawrence Owsley, King Cotton Diplomacy: for the Daily Use of Producer, Merchant and Consumer Foreign Relations of the Confederate Slates of America. (New York, 1878); Morris R. Chew, History of the 2d edn. (Chicago, 1959); Bernard Cresap, "Frank L. Kingdom of Cotton and Cotton Statistics of the World Owsley and King Cotton Diplomacy." Alabama Review (New Orleans, 1884); Gerhart von Schulze-Gaevernitz, 26, no. 4 (1973); 235-51; Charles M.
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