The Routledge History of the American South Southern Identity
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This article was downloaded by: 10.3.98.104 On: 25 Sep 2021 Access details: subscription number Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: 5 Howick Place, London SW1P 1WG, UK The Routledge History of the American South Maggi M. Morehouse Southern Identity Publication details https://www.routledgehandbooks.com/doi/10.4324/9781315768076.ch3 Orville Vernon Burton, Anderson R. Rouse Published online on: 20 Jul 2017 How to cite :- Orville Vernon Burton, Anderson R. Rouse. 20 Jul 2017, Southern Identity from: The Routledge History of the American South Routledge Accessed on: 25 Sep 2021 https://www.routledgehandbooks.com/doi/10.4324/9781315768076.ch3 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR DOCUMENT Full terms and conditions of use: https://www.routledgehandbooks.com/legal-notices/terms This Document PDF may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproductions, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The publisher shall not be liable for an loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. 3 SOUTHERN IDENTITY Orville Vernon Burton and Anderson R. Rouse In Go Set a Watchmen, Harper Lee describes a confrontation between Jean Louise (“Scout”) and Uncle Jack, Atticus’s brother. In a scenario doubtlessly familiar to many scholars of the South, after Jean Louise had the temerity to suggest that southerners fought the Civil War because of “the slaves and tariffs and things,” Uncle Jack attempts to explain to his wayward relative the real reason for the Civil War. He asserts that the South “was . a nation with its own people, existing within a nation,” and insists that southerners “fought to preserve their identity.” 1 Uncle Jack describes the whole of southern history from the Civil War to the Civil Rights movement as a struggle for identity. Many white southerners have believed, and continue to believe, that their identity is under attack. In the summer of 2015, Michael Hill, the president of the League of the South, condemned calls for the removal of the Confederate battle flag from public memorials and retailers’ shelves, declaring that “the Confederate battle flag . is not merely an historical banner that represents the South. It is a shorthand symbol of our very ethnic identity as a distinct people— Southerners.” 2 Belief in southern nationhood and identity has influenced the course of southern history, and continues to shape political discourse in the South. Considering the significance of the idea of southern identity, it can be surprisingly difficult to describe. As David L. Smiley observes, “in the quest of Southern history in America the central theme has been the quest for the central theme.” Nevertheless, he notes, in the search for southern identity “there was the axiomatic acceptance of the belief that there was in fact an American South.”3 The idea of a distinctive South, and with it, a distinct southern identity, has increasingly been challenged by historians and other scholars of the South. As the South has become increasingly “Americanized,” attempts to define southern identity have become increasingly fraught. In defining southern identity, it may be helpful first to define identity. James C. Cobb, in Away Down South , his history of southern identity, provides what might be described as a “common- sense” definition of identity, declaring that “identity typically refers to a perception of reality rather than reality itself,” and noting that “identities have not existed in isolation, but always in relation to other perceived oppositional identities.”4 As psychologist Jean Phinney observed in 1990, there are no finite definitions or measurements of ethnic identity. She con- tends that identity is not rigid, but rather constructed and constantly experiencing modifications. Social psychologist Henri Tajfel’s theory of social identity suggests that identity is closely linked to an individual’s self-concept. Psychologists Joseph E. Trimble and Ryan Dickson note that 40 Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 22:19 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315768076, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315768076.ch3 Southern Identity identities are also dependent on context and situation. Identity, then, should be understood to be a perception of self, or a self- conception. Identity is shaped by context and situation, and influ- enced by other opposing identities. Finally, identity is constructed, and the act of defining one’s identity is a political act, with important ramifications for relationships with other members of the social or ethnic group and relationships with those in the “outgroup.” While southern identity is closely linked to place, “southernness” is not determined solely by being located in the South. John Shelton Reed contends that “southerner” is a regional group, rather than a “mere geographical category,” since it “enlists the identification of its members” and “serves then as a reference group, to which they belong.” He observes that “members of a group may believe that they share certain characteristics that set them off from others, and this belief, whether accurate or not, can serve as a basis for identification.”5 David Smiley believes “the idea of the South is real”; rather than “a collection of folkways or cultural distinctive,” the South, and by extension, southern identity, “is an idea.” Thus, Smiley contends that people who believe they are southern are, in fact, southern. Southern identity is based on the perception of shared char- acteristics, rather than inherent similarities, and, like other identities, is based on an individual’s decision to be a part of a social group. The slogan “American by birth, Southern by the grace of God” is more perceptive than one might suspect; claiming a southern identity has much in common with converting to a religion. Even though “southerner” is often used unthinkingly to refer to white southerners, this usage is problematic. By assuming that southerners are all white, historians and other scholars of the South normalize whiteness and ignore the experiences of other southerners. Pippi Holloway, in her introduction for Other Souths , reminds readers that “the South is composed of individuals from different races, backgrounds, sexual orientations, and cultures.” 6 Race, ethnicity, gender, and sexual orientation shape the way that southerners interpret their relationship with southern identity. James Cobb notes that a common past is foundational to a sense of identity; however, while black and white southerners share a past, they do not agree on the interpretation of the past. White southerners and African American southerners experience southern identity differ- ently. While for white southerners their identity as southerners can become a kind of symbolic ethnicity, for black southerners their identity as African Americans eclipses any regional identity. For black southerners, Edward L. Ayers contends, the South is “a place to love and a place to hate, a place impossible to figure out.”7 Recognizing the different ways southerners have reinterpreted, claimed, or rejected southernness is essential to understanding how southern identity has changed over time (see Figure 3.1 ). James Oakes and Charles Grier state the obvious: southerners are Americans. Nevertheless, southerners and the South are often subjected to a kind of internal “othering,” and compared negatively to American society in general. Characterizations of the South reflect the aspirations of American society. Political geographer David Jannson believes American identity is sometimes constructed as opposite to southern identity. This positive national construct is built alongside a negative southern identity. Criticism of the South by other Americans has had important ramifications for both south- ern and American identity. Southerners and other Americans have vastly different perceptions of the South. Ayers highlights the contradiction between southerners’ affection for Dixie and most Americans’ negative reaction to the South, noting that while to most Americans “the whole South appears to be a vast saucer of unpleasant associations,” to southerners “the South- ern Trough is a sheltered valley, shielded from the most corrosive effects of Yankee greed and rudeness.”8 He contends that southerners are different and this difference provides a counter to national identity. Ayers asserts that American national identity benefits from comparisons to southern identity; the latter reflects “evil tendencies overcome,” and growth and progress under 41 Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 22:19 25 Sep 2021; For: 9781315768076, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315768076.ch3 Orville Vernon Burton and Anderson R. Rouse Figure 3.1 James “Son” Thomas sitting on the porch of his home displaying some of his sculptures. Sculptures include a “hepcat,” George Washington, a Chinese man with glasses, faces, and a cat with whiskers. Leland, MS, 1973. The William R. Ferris Collection, Southern Folklife Collection, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill., http://dc.lib.unc.edu/cdm/singleitem/collection/ferris/id/364/rec/124. development. Southern identity is mythical but meaningful. Even though southernness is con- structed, the