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Party Cadre School of 1984 Nahuel Moreno Party Cadres’ School: Argentina 1984 n for m io t il i a t c a n u t d s E Ediciones Nahuel Moreno Party Cadres’ School: Argentina 1984 First Spanish Edition: Internal document of the PST, 1984 First Spanish Book Edition: Ediciones Crux, Buenos Aires, 1992 First English (Internet) Edition: Ediciones El Socialista, Buenos Aires, 2015 English Translation: Daniel Iglesias Cover & Interior Design: Daniel Iglesias www.nahuelmoreno.org www.uit-ci.org www.izquierdasocialista.org.ar Contents Foreword .......................................................................................................................................1 Part I Criticism of Trotsky’s Theses of the permanent revolution .......................................................4 Part II Theory of the Revolution ...........................................................................................................25 First chat with course trainees ............................................................................................................................................ 25 Second chat with course trainees ..................................................................................................................................... 58 Ediciones PARTY CADRES’ SCHOOL:ARGENTINA 1984 Foreword In the southern hemisphere summer of 1984, Nahuel Moreno conducted a school for the cadres of the Movimiento al Socialismo [Movement Towards Socialism – MAS]1 of Argentina, whose central theme was the theory of contemporary revolutions. This is the main content of the work presented here. After the Cuban Revolution, the author began to question one of the best-known definitions— not the only one— that Trotsky made of revolutionary situation. The definition stating that for the victory of the socialist revolution it was essential, together with the existence of an acute crisis of the bourgeois regime and a turn to the left of the petty bourgeoisie, for the proletariat to be the class leading the revolution— its social subject— and for the proletariat to be led— to have as a political subject—- a Bolshevik-type party, i.e. workers, revolutionary, centralist democratic and internationalist. Moreno pointed out the socialist revolutions triumphant after World War II (China, Yugoslavia, Eastern Europe, Korea, North Vietnam, Cuba, South Vietnam, Laos) didn’t meet Trotsky’s definition. These revolutions displayed the first two characteristics, but not the last two: their social subject had been the peasantry and popular sectors in general, and its political subject had been petty bourgeois parties (democratic-nationalist in Cuba and Stalinists in the remaining). It had thus emerged a new kind of revolution, unlike the Russian model on which Trotsky had based his definition, but it was also socialist, since it culminated in the expropriation of the bourgeoisie and imperialism and the establishment of a collectivised and planned economy. This kind of revolutions, which Moreno defined as made by a party-army guerrilla (or by the occupation of the Red Army in the case of Eastern Europe) and frozen in the expropriation of the bourgeoisie, posed a rethinking of a number of categories of Marxist Leninist and Trotskyist theory, whose accuracy the author devoted three decades of his theoretical-political elaboration until his death in January 1987. These categories are, among others: the different types of revolutions; stages and situations; the state, the type of state, the regime and the government. Moreno’s process of elaboration, although it followed a systematic line from which he began to question some of Trotsky’s definitions, went through different stages, which should be seen as successive approximations to an ever deeper and accurate theoretical understanding of the reality. These approximations led him to reaffirm categorically basic aspects of Trotsky’s theory of permanent revolution, fundamentally the global nature of the socialist revolution. At the same time, the author was making an increasingly critical reading of important aspects of the formulation of this theory adopted in the theses of permanent revolution. These successive approximations are reflected, among other works of the author, in The Chinese and Indochinese revolutions, The Party and the Revolution, The Revolutionary Dictatorship of the Proletariat (signed with the pseudonym “Darioush Karim”), The Transitional Program Today and the Theses of the International Committee—Fourth International. His last written work on the subject was Revolutions of the XX Century, but there 1 After the death of Moreno in 1987, the MAS began to enter into a political crisis and as of 1990 it became dispersed. Currently, followers of Moreno who come from that organisation— and those who maintain the web page www. nahuelmoreno.org — are building Izquierda Socialista (Socialist Left). The “New MAS” broke away with Morenism many years ago. Ediciones El Socialista` Page 1 NAHUEL MORENO are many oral references, some of which appear in Party Cadres’ School: Venezuela, 1982, and Reports and Speeches, I Congress International Workers League-Fourth International, II Congress Movimiento al Socialismo of Argentina. The text we present today is one where Moreno’s latest breakthroughs in developing these issues are better explained and substantiated. As it could not be otherwise, what prompted this final theoretical leap by Moreno was a living process of the class struggle: the fall of the military dictatorship in Argentina after the Malvinas War in 1982. Unlike other revolutionary processes in whose bosom Trotskyism was extremely weak or directly non-existent, Argentina was testing the strongest party supporter of the international organisation that Moreno had founded and of which he was the highest leader: the International Workers League – Fourth International (IWL-FI)2. The urgency to respond programmatically and politically to this process was also an urgency to interpret it and define it theoretically. What had happened in Argentina for the country to pass abruptly from a ferocious genocidal dictatorship to a regime of broad democratic freedoms, preparatory of the freest elections in more than half a century? Moreno replied that there had been a democratic revolution. The development of this category allowed him to reorder many others in his progress towards a more polished theory of the revolutionary processes of our century. He found that, since the triumph of bourgeois counterrevolutionary regimes (Nazism, fascism, imperialist colonialism, etc.), a new kind of revolution against them had come into existence: a democratic-political revolution. In other words, he extended to the capitalist countries with counterrevolutionary regimes the category of political revolution, whose discoverer, Trotsky, limited to the revolutionary overthrow of the bureaucratic dictatorships in the workers’ states. He noted that this was a political revolution and not a political-social or economic-social revolution because it didn’t change the capitalist character of the state and the economy, but only the political regime. He defined it was a different revolution to the bourgeois democratic revolutions of previous centuries because it didn’t face a feudal regime but the counterrevolutionary expression of imperialist capitalism; hence it was democratic and anti-capitalist at the same time. He stated that, after the victory of these revolutions, a change was necessary in the order of the revolutionary party’s program, whose axis moved from the struggle against the totalitarian regime to anticapitalistic tasks and to fight for the seizure of power by the working class. He made a critical assessment of how the Partido Socialista de los Trabajadores [Socialist Workers Party] (predecessor of the current Argentinian party) responded to changes in the situation. These definitions and conclusions were captured for the first time in a document presented to the International Executive Committee of the IWL-FI in March 1983, entitled Argentina: a Triumphant Democratic Revolution. Based on the discussions and contributions in this International Executive Committee, held in conjunction with the Central Committee of the Argentinian party, Moreno advanced in its development, which resulted in two short works: Revolutions of the XX Century, and 1982: The Revolution Begins . The party cadres’ school where Moreno made the speeches reproduced in this book, was where he presented the first of these works in its almost definitive form. Moreno used the method of first making a “pilot school” with a group of militants that reflected the different partisan levels and generations. Making a critical balance of the results he would then elaborate, with the entire team in charge of the school for all party cadres, its final form. The material presented to our readers includes in Part I the transcription of the discussion in the pilot school on Moreno’s criticism to Trotsky’s Theses of the permanent revolution. This review is seen from a historical angle, which starts from the first mention of the permanent revolution by Marx. Part II is the transcription of the discussion with the course participants who would be responsible for conducting the courses thereafter. The focus of discussions had to do primarily with Moreno’s theory of revolution. The value of these texts lies in the fact that, when Moreno confronted his theoretical elaboration with the party cadres, he had to thoroughly explain and justify it, as well as to enrich it. His explanations
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