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Supplementary Information on the Situation of Human Rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran*
A/HRC/31/CRP.5 Advance Version Distr.: General 10 March 2016 English only Human Rights Council Thirty-first session Agenda item 4 Human rights situations that require the Council’s attention Supplementary information on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran* Summary The present document contains supplementary information provided by the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran. It should be read in conjunction with the report of the Special Rapporteur submitted to the Human Rights Council at its thirty-first session (A/HRC/31/69). * Reproduced as received. A/HRC/31/CRP.5 I. Introduction 1. The following information reflects details conveyed during 128 interviews on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran submitted to the Special Rapporteur between October 2015 and 1 February 2016. While this information comprises credible claims about rights abuses in the country, the Special Rapporteur presents them without prejudice, and looks forward to additional engagement with Iranian officials to further assess the veracity of these allegations. II. Reprisals against activists 2. On 19 January 2016 unknown agents arrested Mr. Alireza Mansouri in his office in Tehran. Mr. Mansouri is the son of Mr. Mohammad Ali Mansouri who is currently serving a 17 year sentence in Rajai Shahr Prison for his alleged support of the opposition Mojahedin-e Khalq Organization. Security and intelligence agents reportedly also searched Mr. Alireza Mansouri’s home and confiscated some of his personal belongings. Mr. Alireza Mansouri did not contact his family for several days after the arrest. -
A Zizekian Attempt to Find a Way Into Iranian Progressive Reformism Through a Comparative Analysis of the Figures of Ayatollah Khomeini and Qassem Soleimani
ISSN 1751-8229 Volume Fifteen, Number Two A Zizekian Attempt to Find a Way into Iranian Progressive Reformism through a Comparative Analysis of the Figures of Ayatollah Khomeini and Qassem Soleimani Ali Mehraein, Independent Scholar, Islamic Republic of Iran Abstract: The problem which is both created and tackled by this article is that although it advocates the Iranian progressive reformism as the most preferable political force in Iran, it simply does not find reformists’ own formulation of their “competitive advantage” convincing enough. Thus, to provide an argument for Iranian progressive reformism this article not only strives to explain one of the latest Iranian reformists’ mistakes (their stance on the assassination of Qassem Soleimani) through the Lacanian concept of imaginary identification as elaborated upon by Slavoj Zizek, but also to illuminate precisely at formulation of what that mistake was an attempt. In doing so, it conducts a comparative analysis of the funeral processions for General Qassem Soleimani in 2020 and for Ayatollah Khomeini in 1989, and then proceeds to draw some perhaps neglected points from the moment of the Islamic revolution of 1979 as well as from the period of Khomeini’s leadership. However, far from being just a more elaborated explanation of Iranian reformism, an attempted reformulation like this of Iranian progressive reformism hopes to pave the way for creating new spaces for political act in Iran. Key Words: Iranian progressive reformism, Slavoj Zizek, Ayatollah Khomeini, Qassem Soleimani, imaginary identification, political act. 1 The background: from Iranian fuel protests in mid-November 2019 to Soleimani’s funeral procession in January 2020 The assassination of commander of Quds Force General Qassem Soleimani in a US drone attack ordered by former US President Donald J Trump on 3 January 2020 happened against a backdrop of Iranian people reeling from a bloody suppression in mid-November 2019 of a nationwide protest against the abrupt rise of fuel price. -
Asadi Zeidabadi P 2019.PDF
The Perspectives of Iranian Feminists and Women Activists on their Political Identity and Priorities Pardis Asadi Zeidabadi A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy School of Geography, Politics and Sociology Newcastle University August 2019 Abstract This thesis seeks to explore the perspectives of women involved in feminist and women’s activism in Iran on important aspects of their political identity and priorities. This study draws on forty seven one to one semi-structured interviews with Iranian feminists and women activists, through an explanatory approach. It engages with the participants’ perspectives on key concepts and issues such as feminism, women’s rights, gender equality and democracy. Participants of this study include a spectrum of women with different beliefs and strategies: secular feminists, religious reformists and religious conservative women. As Iran is a country that has a difficult context for gender politics, Iranian feminists and women activists apply different approaches to seek to improve the status of women. Key findings include: (1) Approaches to being a feminist and supporting feminism relate both to participants’ beliefs, but also the strategies they apply to advocate women’s rights. (2) There were important differences and similarities in what participants understood by gender equality and what aspects of equality they prioritised. (3) Working towards greater democracy was important to all participants, but there were important differences in their views over whether democracy should be secular or Islamic and how far Iran was from being a ‘full’ democracy. This research contributes to the existing literature by considering a variety of feminists’ and women activists’ views about the terms feminist and feminism, their approaches to gain gender equality and also their views about democracy and its possibilities in Iran. -
The Implications of the Iranian Reform Movement's Islamization Of
The Implications of the Iranian Reform Movement’s Islamization of Secularism for a Post-Authoritarian Middle East by James Matthew Glassman An honors thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts with honors designation in International Affairs Examining Committee: Dr. Jessica Martin, Primary Thesis Advisor International Affairs Dr. John Willis, Secondary Thesis Advisor History Dr. Vicki Hunter, Honors Committee Advisor International Affairs UNIVERSITY OF COLORADO AT BOULDER DEFENDED APRIL 3, 2014 For over the soul God can and will let no one rule but Himself. Therefore, where temporal power presumes to proscribe laws for the soul, it encroaches upon God’s government and only misleads and destroys souls. ~ خداوند منی تواند و اجازه خنواهد داد که هیچ کس به غری از خودش بر روح انسان تسلط داش ته ابشد. در نتیجه هر جایی که قدرت دنیوی سعی کند قواننی روحاین را مقرر کند، این مس ئهل یک جتاوز به حکومت الهیی می ابشد که فقط موجب گمراهی و ویراین روح می شود. ~ Martin Luther 1523 AD - i - To my parents, Rick and Nancy, and my grandfather, Edward Olivari. Without your love and support, none of this would have been possible. and To Dr. J. Thank you for believing in me and for giving me a second chance at the opportunity of a lifetime. - ii - Table of Contents Glossary of Essential Terms in Persian ...................................................................................... iv A Note on the Transliteration ..................................................................................................... vi Abstract ...................................................................................................................................... vii Introduction: The Emergence of a Secular and Islamic Democratic Discourse in Iran ........ 1 Chapter One – Historical Framework Part One: Post-Colonial Secular and Islamic Thought in Iran 1953 - 1989 ........................................................................................................ -
Mullahs, Guards, and Bonyads: an Exploration of Iranian Leadership
THE ARTS This PDF document was made available CHILD POLICY from www.rand.org as a public service of CIVIL JUSTICE the RAND Corporation. EDUCATION ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT Jump down to document6 HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit NATIONAL SECURITY research organization providing POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY objective analysis and effective SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY solutions that address the challenges SUBSTANCE ABUSE facing the public and private sectors TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY around the world. TRANSPORTATION AND INFRASTRUCTURE Support RAND WORKFORCE AND WORKPLACE Purchase this document Browse Books & Publications Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore the RAND National Defense Research Institute View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND PDFs to a non-RAND Web site is prohibited. RAND PDFs are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. This product is part of the RAND Corporation monograph series. RAND monographs present major research findings that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND mono- graphs undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for research quality and objectivity. Mullahs, Guards, and Bonyads An Exploration of Iranian Leadership Dynamics David E. -
State, Dissidents, and Contention: Iran, 1979-2010
STATE, DISSIDENTS, AND CONTENTION: IRAN, 1979-2010 HAMID REZAI SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCE COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2012 ©2012 Hamid Rezai All rights reserved ABSTRACT State, Dissidents, and Contention: Iran, 1979-2010 Hamid Rezai Why after almost a decade of silence and “successful” crackdowns of contention during the 1980s has Iran witnessed once again waves of increasing popular protest? What are the processes and mechanisms behind the routinization of collective actions in Iran since the early 1990s, which continue despite state repression? Why and under what circumstances does a strong authoritarian state that has previously marginalized its contenders tolerate some forms of contention despite the state’s continued repressive capacity? And finally, to what extent are available social movement theories capable of explaining the Iranian case? In “State, Dissidents, and Contention: Iran, 1979-2010” I engage theories of social movements and contentious politics in order to examine the emergence, development, and likely outcomes of popular contention in contemporary Iran. My study is the first project of its kind to focus on elite factionalism and its impact on popular mobilization in contemporary Iran. Although other scholars have extensively written on elite factionalism in postrevolutionary Iran, they have not analyzed the implications of the inter-elite conflict for the emergence and development of social protests against the Islamic Republic. While this study primarily utilizes political process and resource mobilization models, it acknowledges the importance of economic, ideological, and breakdown approaches for the interpretation of the emergence and development of popular mobilization in contemporary Iran. -
(1997-2005) Melody Mohebi
1 The London School of Economics and Political Science Intellectuals, Reform and the Making of a Modern Iranian Civil Society (1997-2005) Melody Mohebi A thesis submitted to the Department of Social Policy of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London November 2012 2 Declaration of Authorship I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 91,355 words. 3 Acknowledgements I would like to thank my supervisors, whose advice and encouragement played an integral role in the writing and completion of this thesis. Professor Howell helped me develop as a researcher, kept me positive and urged me across the finish line. Professor David Lewis always provided invaluable comments and guidance. The intellectual environment and support from the LSE, particularly the Department of Social Policy, proved instrumental throughout my years here. I would like to thank Professor Tim Newburn for giving me an opportunity to teach, keeping an open door and providing guidance. -
Reporters Without Borders Recounted-16-04-2012,41718.Html
Reporters Without Borders http://www.rsf.org/iran-press-freedom-violations- recounted-16-04-2012,41718.html Middle East/North Africa - Iran Press freedom violations recounted in real time (from 1st January 2012) 27 November 2012 27.11.2012 - Poor prison conditions put lives of detained journalists at risk Reporters Without Borders continues to be concerned about the conditions in which detained journalists and netizens are being held in Iran. On 19 November, the journalist Ahmad Zeydabadi, in prison since 14 June 2009, was admitted to a Tehran hospital. He is suffering from several lung complaints caused by conditions in prison. On the same day, the owners of two suspended newspapers, former prime minister Mir Hossein Mousavi and former parliament speaker Mehdi Karoubi, were taken to hospital under close guard from agents of the intelligence ministry and the Revolutionary Guard. Mousavi, owner of the newspaper Kalameh Saba, and Karoubi, who owns Etemad Melli, had both been under house arrest since 24 February 2011, After undergoing medical examinations they were again placed under surveillance. Their families have expressed concern in recent days about their state of health and the worsening conditions of their detention. Although they remain in their own homes, they are denied prisoners’ rights. On 24 November, Karoubi’s family said his health had not improved and he needed immediate hospital treatment. “Despite the authorities’ consent to the transfer of the two journalists to a hospital chosen by their families, nothing has been done,” said Karoubi’s son, Mohammad Taghi Karoubi. Reporters Without Borders said: “We urge Ali Khamenei, Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic, to take action to ensure there is no danger to the lives of the many journalists and netizens held in detention despite failing health. -
Cultural Policies in the Islamic Republic of Iran
Cultural Policies in the Islamic Republic of Iran Farideh Farhi* The following article was written by Farideh Farhi in connection with her participation in the conference entitled “Iran After 25 Years of Revolution: A Retrospective and a Look Ahead,” which was held at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars on November 16-17, 2004. The opinions expressed here are those of the author and in no way represent the views or opinions of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. “We did not make the revolution for cheap melons; we made it for Islam.” These words, reportedly uttered by the leader of Iran’s Islamic revolution, Ayatollah Khomeini, have been deemed as an announcement of the centrality of culture in post-revolutionary reorganization. Indeed there can be no doubt that the forceful post-revolutionary imposition of Islamic values and ways of living, as interpreted by the emerging Islamic mandarins, can be considered to be the most distinctive aspect of the Iranian Revolution of 1979. Through the attempted ideological fusion of culture and religion, the Islamic revolutionaries hoped, on the most manifest level, to make a statement about a new and unified set of values that was about to become important, explicitly rejecting what to them was also an integrated set of values revolving around the impact of westernization on Iranian life and cultural practices. They also aspired to claim cultural authenticity for their own practices and, on that basis, deny political participation to those whose everyday practices did not presumably match their own. As such, the cultural policies of the Islamic Republic from the beginning had both ideological and political components. -
The Green Movement in Iran
Wright State University CORE Scholar Browse all Theses and Dissertations Theses and Dissertations 2012 Social Movements' Emergence and Form: The Green Movement in Iran Afsaneh J Haddadian Wright State University Follow this and additional works at: https://corescholar.libraries.wright.edu/etd_all Part of the International Relations Commons Repository Citation J Haddadian, Afsaneh, "Social Movements' Emergence and Form: The Green Movement in Iran" (2012). Browse all Theses and Dissertations. 1078. https://corescholar.libraries.wright.edu/etd_all/1078 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses and Dissertations at CORE Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in Browse all Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of CORE Scholar. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SOCIAL MOVEMENTS’ EMERGENCE AND FORM: THE GREEN MOVEMENT IN IRAN A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts By AFSANEH J HADDADIAN B.A. French Language and Literature, Ferdowsi University, 2007 2012 Wright State University WRIGHT STATE UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES March, 16,2012 I HEREBY RECOMMEND THAT THE THESIS PREPARED UNDER MY SUPERVISION BY Afsaneh J Haddadian ENTITLED Social Movements’ Emergence and Form: The Green Movement in Iran BE ACCEPTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF Master of Arts. ______________________________ Laura M. Luehrmann, Ph.D. Thesis Director ______________________________ Laura M. Luehrmann, Ph.D. Director, Master of Arts Program in International and Comparative Politics Committee on Final Examination: ___________________________________ Laura M. Luehrmann, Ph.D. Department of Political Science ___________________________________ Donna Schlagheck, Ph.D. -
The 25Th Anniversary of Iran's Islamic Revolution: Looking Back and Ahead
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 838 The 25th Anniversary of Iran's Islamic Revolution: Looking Back and Ahead Feb 27, 2004 Brief Analysis S HAUL BAKHASH The autocratic features of the Islamic Republic of Iran have demonstrated remarkable durability over the past twenty-five years. The defining characteristic of the Iranian political system is the concentration of authority in the person of the Supreme Religious Leader, who has vast powers under the constitution. In some ways, this system is a closed entity that has proven impervious to reform and liberalization. The Islamic Revolution also led to a complete change in the nature of the Iranian elite. Among the political elite, the clergy hold a privileged position (although they are not as prominent as they were in the early years of the republic). Moreover, economic oligarchs similar to those seen in Russia have emerged among the Iranian clergy. In the early months of the revolution, all major sectors of the economy either were nationalized or had their assets expropriated, similar to what occurred in Arab countries that underwent revolutions in the 1950s and early 1960s. The new regime placed a significant portion of the economy under the control of bonyads, or parastatal foundations, preventing the growth of a more dynamic economy and providing a source of funds for patronage, even corruption, by influential members of the clergy. Indeed, a large portion of Iranian trade is controlled by clerical families with key allies in the bazaar. Oil income since the revolution has amounted to an astonishing $380 billion. Nevertheless, per capita income remains 30 percent below pre-revolution levels. -
Discursive Continuity of Political Nationalism As a Form of Opposition Politics in Modern Iran
DISCURSIVE CONTINUITY OF POLITICAL NATIONALISM AS A FORM OF OPPOSITION POLITICS IN MODERN IRAN A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY PINAR ARIKAN SİNKAYA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS SEPTEMBER 2015 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences Prof. Dr. Meliha Altunışık Director I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Prof. Dr. Hüseyin Bağcı Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Prof. Dr. Meliha Altunışık Supervisor Examining Committee Members Prof. Dr. İhsan Dağı (METU, IR) Prof. Dr. Meliha Altunışık (METU, IR) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Zana Çitak Aytürk (METU, IR) Asst. Prof. Dr. Derya Göçer Akder (METU, ARS) Assoc. Prof. Dr. İlker Aytürk (BİLKENT, POLS) I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last name : Pınar Arıkan Sinkaya Signature : iii ABSTRACT DISCURSIVE CONTINUITY OF POLITICAL NATIONALISM AS A FORM OF OPPOSITION POLITICS IN MODERN IRAN Arıkan Sinkaya, Pınar Ph.D., Department of International Relations Supervisor : Prof. Dr. Meliha Altunışık September 2015, 392 pages The dissertation examines political nationalism as a transformative power of modern Iranian politics at the societal level through historical-sociological study of four mass opposition movements, which are the Constitutional Movement (1906-11), National Front Movement (1949-53), Iranian Revolution Movement (1978-79), and Green Movement (2009).