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The Phonetics and Phonology of Pretonic Prominence in Aŭciuki Belarusian

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The Phonetics and Phonology of Pretonic Prominence in Aŭciuki Belarusian The phonetics and phonology of pretonic prominence in Aŭciuki Belarusian Lena Borise Abstract In the Aŭciuki dialect of Belarusian, pretonic vowels in certain contexts are pronounced with greater prominence than stressed ones. This phenomenon, pretonic prominence, has been analysed as a retraction of stress or H tone/ F0 peak associated with stress to the pretonic syllable. Novel instrumental data shows that the pretonic vowel in pretonic prominence contexts receives an increase in duration, but its F0 and intensity are parallel to those found on pretonic vowels in other contexts, which refutes an analysis of pretonic prominence as an F0 peak retraction. Vowel neutralization facts and intonational pitch accent distribution show that neither is pretonic prominence a retraction of stress. Building on existing analyses of dissimilative vowel neutralization in Slavic, I propose that pretonic prominence is a phenomenon similar in spirit though independent in nature from vowel neutralization, and results from redistribution of stress-induced acoustic prominence over two syllables, pretonic and stressed. Keywords: stress, pretonic prominence, vowel duration, F0, intensity, Belarusian, East Slavic *** 1. Introduction The object of investigation in this paper is an unusual stress-related property found in the Aŭciuki dialect of Belarusian, a south-eastern variety spoken in the Kalinkavichy district of the Homel province, predominantly in the villages of Malyja Aŭciuki and Vialikija Aŭciuki. In the Aŭciuki dialect, the pretonic vowel may receive acoustic prominence comparable to or exceeding that of the stressed vowel, depending on the height of the pretonic and stressed vowels (Kryvicki 1959; Vajtovich 1968; Bethin 2005; 2006a; 2006b, a.o.). In this paper, I will refer to this phenomenon as pretonic prominence. The theoretical interest of pretonic prominence lies in the fact that V1 in such environments is described as being equally or more prominent than V2, which raises the question about the location and acoustic nature of stress. The conditioning for pretonic prominence in Aŭciuki is the following: it is found in those cases where the stressed vowel (V2) is high or mid-high (i/ɨ, u, e, o), and the pretonic vowel (V1) is mid-low 1 or low (ɛ, ɔ, a), as shown in (1).1,2 In the remainder of the paper, building on Bethin (2005), I will refer to the environment for pretonic prominence as CaCi, where ‘C’ stands for consonant(s), ‘a’ for the non- high pretonic vowel, and ‘i’ for the non-low stressed vowel. (1) a. sestru ‘sister.ACC’ [sjɛːˈstru] b. dvorɨ ‘courtyards’ [dvɔːˈrɨ] c. nasi ‘carry.IMP’ [naːˈsi] In contrast with CaCi environments, pretonic prominence does not apply to contexts in which both V1 and V2 are non-high, as shown in (2), or those in which both vowels are non-low, as illustrated in (3). These environments will be referred to as CaCa and CiCi, respectively. (2) a. sestra ‘sister.NOM’ [sjɛˈstra] b. nazad ‘backwards’ [naˈzat] c. balota ‘bog’ [baˈlɔtǝ] (3) a. krušɨna ‘buckthorn’ [kruˈšɨna] b. idu ‘come.1SG’ [iˈdu] c. žɨvu ‘live.1SG’ [ʒɨˈvu] Recent borrowings into the dialect are subject to pretonic prominence too, as shown in (4), which means that it is fully productive in the speech of the dialect users (note, however, that the Aŭciuki dialect itself is critically endangered; more on this in Section 2). (4) z brɨhadziram ‘with crew chief’ [z brɨɣaːˈdziram] scienakardzija ‘stenocardia’ [scjenakaːˈrdzija] izasarbid ‘isosorbide’ [izasaːˈrbit] Some other East Slavic dialects have been reported to exhibit phenomena similar to pretonic prominence of the Aŭciuki dialect. In the traditional literature, based on fieldworkers’ reports, they are usually described as having a special ‘musical’ or tonal contour on the pretonic syllable, or even a shift of stress one syllable to the left. In Russia, this has been noted for the dialects of Mosalsk (Broch 1916), Pereslavl-Zalessky (Avanesov 1927: 68), and dialects of the Vladimir-Volga basin more generally (Durnovo 1914: 373; Zakharova 1970: 357; Vysotskij 1973: 35; Almukhamedova & Kulsharipova 1980; Kasatkin 1989: 35), the dialect of the Gnilovka village in the Tver’ dialect area (Nikolaev 2009), and some north-Russian dialects (Kolesov 1964; Burova & Kasatkin 1977). The so-called Old Moscow pronunciation, in which the pretonic syllable receives a lengthening and a particular tonal contour, is 1 The Aŭciuki dialect has been described as having a seven vowel system, /i~ɨ, u, e, o, ɛ, ɔ, a/, including a contrast mid- high/tense vowels /e, o/ and mid-low/lax vowels /ɛ, ɔ/ (Kryvicki 1959; Vojtovich 1972a). The contrast in question is not found in standard East Slavic languages, but obtains in a number of dialects (Bernshtein 2005: 280; Pozharitskaja 2005: 35). In all varieties, categorical phonological distinctions between the two mid-level vowels barely exist: there are no minimal pairs for [ɛ] vs. [e], while [ɔ] and [o] occur in the identical environment only in a handful of grammatical forms, such as different case forms in adjectival paradigms. Historically, the two tense vowels have different sources: [o] is found under stress in (some) closed syllables ([ɔ] also can occur in the same environment), while [e] is found under stress as a reflex of Proto-Slavic *ĕ – regardless of syllable type (Kryvicki 1959:98-99). Acoustically, there is some preliminary evidence that [e] in the Aŭciuki dialect is realised closer to the front of the mouth than [ɛ], based on mean F2 values, while no such contrast – or any other formant-based contrast – has been detected for [ɔ] and [o] (Borise 2018). The matter requires further investigation. Examples with /ɛ, ɔ/ in the pretonic position, which are subject to pretonic prominence, are included into the dataset used for the current study. At the same time, if a stressed mid-high vowel causes pretonic prominence, it is taken to be /e/ or /o/. 2 In the examples throughout the paper, the stressed vowel is boldfaced, and, if affected by pretonic prominence, the pretonic vowel is underscored. Unless otherwise noted, the cited examples were collected during the author’s fieldwork in Malyja Aŭciuki in 2015. 2 often mentioned as a subtype of the same phenomenon (Vysotskij 1973; Kasatkina 2005). Finally, similar claims have been made for certain Chernihiv dialects in Ukraine, known as the Upper Snov dialects, which are adjacent to the Aŭciuki dialectal area (Sinjavskyj 1934; Zhylko 1953; Bila 1970). In the Gnilovka, Aŭciuki and Upper Snov dialects pretonic prominence is conditioned by vowel height; in the other reported cases, acoustic prominence on the pretonic syllable is found across the board. Most of the available accounts are based on impressionistic observations; the available instrumental results are summarised in Section 3. Outside of Slavic languages, phenomena similar to the Aŭciuki pretonic prominence have been described for Tiberian Hebrew (McCarthy 1981), Canadian French (Walker 1984), and Córdoba Argentinian Spanish (Lang-Rigal 2014 and references therein). In particular, in Tiberian Hebrew, /a, e/ and, in some instances, /o/ receive a degree of lengthening if found in an open pretonic syllable. McCarthy (1981) shows that the domain of application of pretonic lengthening is the prosodic word, but does not provide a theoretical account of pretonic lengthening as such. In Canadian French, according to Walker (1984: 46), intrinsically long vowels (/ø o ɑ/ and nasalised ones) and those lengthened by a particular class of coda consonants (/v z ʒ r/) can retain their length if found in the root and followed by a (stressed) affix. At the same time, the intrinsically long vowels as well as /e/ may optionally be lengthened if they are found in an open pretonic syllable, regardless of the morphological make-up of a word. No formal account of pretonic lengthening in Canadian French is offered in Walker (1984). Finally, pretonic lengthening in Córdoba Spanish has been described in similar terms to the Aŭciuki facts. In particular, Malmberg (1950: 219) hypothesises that it is accompanied by a particular tonal contour and may constitute a shift of stress, and Vidal de Battini (1964) labels it a ‘musical accent’. The distribution of pretonic lengthening in Córdoba Spanish, however, differs from that found in the languages discussed so far. In particular, pretonic lengthening in Córdoba Spanish is described as a phrase-level – as opposed to word-level – phenomenon, in that it targets the vowel that precedes the last accent of an intonational phrase (Fontanella de Weinberg 1971; Yorio 1973). The analysis provided in Lang-Rigal (2014) targets the perceptual distinctiveness and sociolinguistic import of pretonic lengthening in Córdoba Spanish, and does not extend into the formal domain either. As this short overview of the existing research into pretonic prominence shows, the Aŭciuki phenomenon is by no means a single occurrence, within East Slavic or beyond. Moreover, a certain profile of pretonic prominence emerges from the available descriptions: it seems to preferentially target non-high vowels in open pretonic syllables. At the same time, few formal analyses of pretonic prominence are available, and even those are, for Aŭciuki, are not supported by the new instrumental data presented in this paper. In particular, as Section 4 shows, there is no evidence for treating pretonic prominence as a retraction of stress or an F0 peak, the processes that have been hypothesised to give rise to pretonic prominence. While providing a unified analysis of the known instances of pretonic prominence falls outside the scope of the current paper, I propose that the patterns found in the Slavic languages can be readily accounted for in a unified way. In particular, the analysis offered in this paper capitalises on a connection between pretonic prominence and patterns of dissimilative vowel neutralization in East Slavic, which has been noted in the literature before (e.g. Vojtovich 1972b; Čekmonas 1987). Vowel neutralization, which targets unstressed syllables in many East Slavic varieties, typically differentiates between the immediately pretonic syllable and other unstressed syllables.
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