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Tjie Relations Between England and France in 1802

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Tjie Relations Between England and France in 1802 1909 61 TJie Relations between England and France in 1802 Downloaded from OED WHITWOBTH, soon after he had become the British L ambassador in Paris, expressed a hope that the ill-feeling still existing between France and England towards the end of 1802 would subside into a lasting peace, as the sea gradually loses its http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/ ferment after a storm. The evident satisfaction caused by his arrival in Calais and in Paris, the friendly behaviour of Bonaparte, and the apparent good-will of France and the whole of Europe led him to believe that the treaty of Amiens might possibly have removed the last obstacle to a general peace. Within six months he was recalled and England and France were at war. From a review of Whitworth's mission alone the outbreak of war seems to come with an unnatural suddenness. The explanation is to be at Emory University on August 27, 2015 found in the less familiar history of the preceding eight months ; and the conclusion to be drawn from a study of this period is that the relations between France and England were already so much strained when Whitworth went to Paris that a renewal of hostilities was almost inevitable. The trouble began with the preliminaries of peace ; and the fault undoubtedly lay, in the first instance with the new English ministry, who framed the provisions with the confidence of inex- perience and with the joy of restoring peace to Europe. In their pacific enthusiasm the ministers made terms which Pitt and his colleagues would have rejected without a second thought. Perhaps Hawkesbury's lack of business capacity l led him to agree to Otto's proposals without proper regard for their consequences. The pre- liminaries were naturally very unfavourable to England; it remained to improve their terms as far as might be in the definitive treaty. But the English plenipotentiary, Cornwallis, was no match for Napoleon and Talleyrand, who bound their minister, Joseph Bona- parte, to keep closely to the terms of the preliminaries. Cornwallis soon lost all interest in his work. He wrote from Amiens to a friend in England, ' I heartily wish it was all over and that I could get 1 George Ill's opinion of Hawkesbury is quoted by Malmesbury: ' He has no head for business, no method, no punctuality ' (Diaries, iv. 68). 62 THE RELATIONS BETWEEN Jan. back again to Culford, from whence it would not be easy to move me.'! The result of his diplomacy was the treaty concluded on 25 March 1802. Cornwallis retired to Culford to watch the failure of his schemes; and Merry went at once to Paris as charge" d'affaires. Although friendly relations were thus established there was no cordiality between France and England. There is an atmosphere of suspicion even about Merry's earliest despatches. Now he reports a rumour, still only half believed, of Bonaparte's schemes of aggression in Europe and the colonies. Now he writes that the First Consul has been appointed to office for ten years, Downloaded from and is not contented with this half-measure; that ' within a few weeks he will be Caesar or nothing,' and that Merry ' would rather bet for his carrying his point, and would even bet two to one on that side, provided that he does not carry the point too high or that he does not go towards it with too much precipi- http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/ tation.1 8 Again he hints that no reliance can be placed on any statement made by Talleyrand.4 A pamphlet is enclosed, signed by Bonneville Ayral, chef de bataiUon, recommending ' that the French people proclaim Napoleon Bonaparte first emperor of the Gauls, and settle the hereditary power in his family, renewing the Salic law.'6 And from time to time come rumours of the proposed partition of Turkey, which Bonaparte was using as a bait for the Austrian and Eusaian emperors.6 at Emory University on August 27, 2015 After one or two months of this secret and distrustful correspondence the vague suspicions took definite shape, and open complaints began to pass from one government to the other. It was inevitable. The treaty of Amiens was in no way fitted to bring about or facilitate a general peace. Too many questions were left unsettled or passed over altogether, and they had to be decided by subsequent diplomacy before England and France could arrive at a modus vivendi. Some points were never decided at all, and the modus vivendi was only to be found after twelve years of war. Bonaparte's territorial ambitions; the imprisonment of British subjects in France, and the sequestration of property in France belonging to British subjects ; the contest carried on by the press in both countries ; and the more important questions of the reten- tion of Malta, and the commercial rivalry of France and England —all these difficulties agitated the summer and autumn of 1802, and their appearance in the early months of the next year was only the recrudescence of an old trouble. The discussions arising from these grievances include everything that is of importance in 1 Correspondence, iii. 406. 1 Foreign Office, France 62, 6, 7, and 12 May (private). 4 Ibid. 28 April. » ' Mon Opinion sur U Beoompense due a Bonaparte,' enclosed in Foreign Office, France 62,27 May. • Ibid. 6 May. 1909 ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN 1802 63 the history of Merry's embassy. The first cause of discontent— Bonaparte's encroachments upon the affairs of Italy, Holland, Germany, Turkey, Piedmont, and Switzerland, and his plan for the foundation of a colonial empire—is a matter which occupies a considerable space in Merry's despatches. The second, the failure of the French government to remove the sequestrations of property in France belonging to English subjects, did not seriously influence the course of events, although it amounted to a deliberate breach of the fourteenth article of the treaty. The third ground of com- plaint—the newspaper war—was both a cause and a symptom of Downloaded from animosity. On 9 June, Merry wrote that the First Consul had appointed a secretary, Nettement by name, to translate striking passages from the English papers. Next month came an official note from. Otto complaining of the notorious journal L'Ambigu, written in http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/ French and published in London, under the editorship of Jean Peltier.7 The affair of Peltier dragged on through the remaining months of 1802. In the end he was convicted of libel, but before the sentence could be put into force war was declared and he was allowed to go free. The only recognition which his trial received in France was an extraordinary article in the Moniteur, in which it was announced that ' it was only through the trial that the First Consul learnt the existence of these libels,' at Emory University on August 27, 2015 and that' it was hard to conceive why the English government had made so much disturbance about the whole affair.'8 This article was only one of a series of polemics ; for there were two sides to the newspaper war. In another number of the Moniteur the Times is the object of attack, and the ministry are accused of subsidising and suggesting its anti-French sentiments. Again, the ministers are blamed for sending Moore to Switzerland. And elsewhere the misdeeds of the First Consul's arch-enemies, Grenville, Windham, and Minto, are paraded for the execration of the Moniteur's readers.8 Other papers besides those already mentioned were concerned in the dispute. The Morning Post was one of the offenders, and it was this paper which published several of Wordsworth's anti- French sonnets. Cobbett and the editor of the Courrier Franqais de Londres are mentioned in Otto's note of 25 July. In Paris there appeared the Argus, printed in English and edited by an Irish- man of Jewish descent, Goldschmidt by name. The Argus raged furiously against the English government, but Addington dis- regarded its attacks. ' It was,' he remarked, 'as if a sober man ' Otto to Hawkesbury, 25 July. See Annual Register, 1808, p. 659. A flattering account of Peltier is published in the same volume, p. 189. " Moniteur, 30 January 1803. • The most important articles on English affairs appeared in the Moniteur on 8 August and 29 October 1802, 1, 9, and 80 January 1803. Sebastiani's report was published in a supplement to the issue of 30 January. 64 THE RELATIONS BETWEEN Jan. was to resent the violence of one drunk; for a gentleman to commit himself with a carman.' He was waiting ' till insolence was coupled with hostility.'10 The Argus was not an official journal, but the First Consul was able to make good use of it. On 25 November he ordered Talleyrand to send five hundred copies for distribution in the West Indies, particularly in the islands that belonged to England.11 Various measures were taken in France to silence the outspoken English press. Attempts were made to bribe the hostile papers into acquiescence. The abbe Tabarau, who had charge of the Downloaded from business, concluded a bargain with some of the English editors ; but they were the least influential. It was said that the editor of the Morning Chronicle, who was visiting Paris, was not satisfied with the price offered to him, and on his return he decried the 12 French government more fiercely than before. Bribery proved http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/ practically useless, and Bonaparte had recourse to the method of answering the journalists according to their journalism.
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