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NEW LEFT REVIEW 81 SEGUNDA ÉPOCA Julio-Agosto 2013 NEW LEFT REVIEW www.newleftreview.es La nueva edición de la New Left Review en español se lanza desde Ecuador, desde una Universidad pública, la Universidad de Posgrado del Estado del Ecuador. Esta iniciativa pretende contribuir al cambio ofreciendo instrumentos analíticos para alimentar los debates e incrementar la potencia de las revoluciones latinoamericanas; pretende formar militantes e intensifi car las formas de transformación para impedir que esos procesos sean capturados, desvirtuados o paralizados por las viejas y nuevas elites nacionales o por las estrategias de las potencias y las elites globales. Esta publicación pretende ofrecer a los movimientos sociales dispositivos intelectuales para constituirse como sujetos políticos constituyentes. Y hará, fi nalmente, que las ideas adquieran la materialidad densa y fl uida de una fuerza poderosa que se convierta en acción revolucionaria. Edición en castellano: Universidad de Posgrado del Estado- IAEN, Ecuador Editor de la edición en castellano Carlos Prieto del Campo Diseño editorial y coordinación editorial David Gámez Hernández Iñaki Vázquez Álvarez Edición conceptual Natacha Reyes Salazar Francisco Sanz Esteban Traducción Jose María Amoroto, Juanmari Madariaga, Cristina Piña Aldao Corrección ortotipográfica Carlos Vidania Dominguez Editor Susan Watkins Deputy Editor Tony Wood Editorial Committee Tariq Ali, Perry Anderson, Kheya Bag, Gopal Balakrishnan, Emilie Bickerton, Robin Blackburn, Robert Brenner, Malcolm Bull, Mike Davis, Daniel Finn, Tom Mertes, Francis Mulhern, Dylan Riley, Julian Stallabrass, Jacob Stevens, Wang Chaohua, Susan Watkins, Tony Wood, JoAnn Wypijewski Associate Editor Francis Mulhern Assistant Editor Daniel Finn Publishing Director Kheya Bag Subscriptions Johanna Zhang Online Publisher Rob Lucas WWW.NEWLEFTREVIEW.ES © New Left Review Ltd., 2000 © Universidad de Posgrado del Estado (IAEN), 2014, para lengua española Licencia Creative Commons Reconocimiento-NoComercial-SinObraDerivada 4.0 Internacional (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0) Edita: Universidad de Posgrado del Estado, Ecuador Av. Amazonas N37-271 y Villalengua esq. Tel: (593)023829900 www.iaen.edu.ec [email protected] Produce: Editorial Traficantes de Sueños Calle Junta del Comerç, 18, bajos, 08001, Barcelona Calle Embajadores 35, 28012, Madrid Tel: 911857773 www.traficantes.net/nlr [email protected] [email protected] ISSN: 1575-9776-81 Impresión: Imprenta Editogran S.A. NEW LEFT REVIEW 81 SEGUNDA ÉPOCA julio-agosto 2013 ARTÍCULOS Perry Anderson Homeland: La política interna de Estados Unidos 7 Yonatan Mendel La nueva Jerusalén 38 Franco Moretti La desaparición de la burguesía 63 Joachim Jachnow Trayectorias verdes 98 Nancy Fraser Triple movimiento 125 CRÍTICAS Francis Mulhern Tiempos de conclusión 140 Jacob Collins ¿El nacimiento de la bioseguridad? 152 Hung Ho-Fung China se estanca 162 CONTENIDOS Perry Anderson: Homeland Los atolladeros de la política estadounidense, observados dentro de una lógica más amplia, como resultado de determinantes interrelacionados –régimen de acumulación, giros sociológicos, mutaciones culturales, minorías catalizadoras– dentro de un universo ideológico completamente capitalista. Yonatan Mendel: La nueva Jerusalén Disfunciones y divisiones de la ciudad más grande de Israel. Yonatan Mendel diagnostica el urbanismo incoherente producido por la historia de ocupación y segregación de la ciudad, y por la enorme distensión de su perímetro después de 1967 debido a los asentamientos. Franco Moretti: Niebla ¿Por qué una burguesía elogiada por Marx por su implacable racionalismo se cubrió de nubes de mistificación? Franco Moretti traza las recurrentes negativas a la precisión en la cultura victoriana, desde Carlyle a Millais, Tennyson o Conrad. Joachim Jachnow: ¿Qué ha sido de los Verdes alemanes? En otro tiempo pilares del movimiento pacifista, Die Grünen son ahora defensores de la intervención militar estadounidense. El cursus vitae que Joachim Jachnow traza del movimiento –orígenes diversos, enfrentamientos ideológicos, cambiantes bases sociales– explica la transformación. Nancy Fraser: Triple movimiento ¿Por qué la crisis mundial no ha producido aún alternativas programáticas para la transformación social? Nancy Fraser sostiene que los actuales conflictos entran en un ambiguo triángulo formado por las fuerzas de la mercantilización, la protección social y la emancipación. Críticas Francis Mulhern reseña el libro de Eric Hobsbawm Fractured Times. Consideraciones sobre el destino de la alta cultura burguesa, las vanguardias y el arte de masas, en la «era de los extremos» y después. Jacob Collins reseña el libro de Frédéric Gros Le principe sécurité. Taxonomía de las sucesivas formas adoptadas por los conceptos de seguridad occidentales, desde la antigua Roma al gps. Hung Ho-Fung reseña el libro de Michael Pettis, The Great Rebalancing. Una visión escéptica, efectuada por un conocedor de Wall Street, sobre las perspectivas de que se produzca una recalibración ordenada de la economía mundial. autores Jacob Collins: estudia historia en la ucla; véanse también nlr 64, 74, 78. Nancy Fraser: enseña fi losofía en The New School; su libro más reciente es Fortunes of Feminism (2013); véanse también nlr 3, 36, 56, 74. Hung Ho-fung: autor de Protest with Chinese Characteristics (2011); enseña sociología en la Johns Hopkins; véanse también nlr 60, 66, 72. Joachim Jachnow: de la Freie Universität Berlin; ex director de la revista digital Science Garden. Yonatan Mendel: investigador de la Universidad Ben-Gurion; el próximo año publicará The Creation of Israeli Arabic. Franco Moretti: Distant Reading y The Bourgeois se publican este mes en Verso; véanse también, entre otros, nlr 41, 52, 61. Perry Anderson HOMELAND La política interna de Estados Unidos a escena política estadounidense en el nuevo milenio se suele pintar con brillantes colores. Para buena parte de su opinión pública –por no hablar de la extranjera–, el país ha sal- tado en una sorprendente pirueta de la zafi edad reaccionaria Ldel gobernante anterior, que presidió una época de desastres tanto en el exterior como en el interior, a la esperanza de progreso más alentadora desde el New Deal con el actual, quien personifi ca lo mejor de la nación, aunque para otros no sea siquiera un fantasma estadounidense. Hay incluso otros para quienes la polarización de las opiniones representa- das es motivo de desesperanza o, por el contrario, de sosiego ante el umbral de una nueva mayoría conformada por identidades hasta ahora marginadas. Los matices cambian según la luz con que se mire. Para un observador más ecuánime de la política estadounidense, la línea es más fi able que el color. Son los parámetros subyacentes del sistema, caracterizados por esos episodios los que requieren atención, entre estos se pueden discernir cuatro que resultan determinantes. El primero, y de lejos el más fundamental, es el régimen histórico de acumulación que determina la rentabilidad del capital y la tasa de crecimiento de la economía1. El segundo son los cambios estructurales en la sociología del electorado distribuido entre los dos grandes partidos políticos. El tercero son las mutaciones culturales del sistema de valores a lo largo y ancho de 1 Régimen de acumulación: término derivado originalmente de la obra marxista de Michel Aglietta Régulation et crises du capitalisme, París, 1976, de la que se puede encontrar un equivalente institucionalista en Douglas Forsyth y Ton Notermans, «Macroeconomic Policy Regimes and Financial Regulation in Europe, 1931-1994», en D. Forsyth y T. Notermans (eds.), Regime Changes, Providence (RI), 1997, pp. 17-68. new left review 81 jul ago 2013 7 8 nlr 81 la sociedad. El cuarto y último –residual– son los objetivos de las mino- rías activas de la base de votantes de cada partido. El resultado político en cada momento determinado se puede describir, a grandes rasgos, como resultante de ese desigual cuarteto de fuerzas motrices. Lo que permanece inalterado es, por otra parte, el universo ideológico monocromático en el que está incrustado el sistema: un orden capitalista inamovible, sin asomo de fl aquezas socialdemócratas ni de organiza- ción política independiente de los trabajadores2. Los dos partidos que lo ocupan, republicano y demócrata, han intercambiado bases sociales y regionales más de una vez desde la Guerra de Secesión, sin cuestionar en absoluto el dominio del capital. Desde la década de 1930 ha existido una tendencia general, aunque no inmutable, a que quienes están en el escalón más bajo de la pirámide de ingresos, en caso de que voten –lo que muchos no hacen–, lo hagan por el Partido Demócrata, y los que están en lo más alto, por el Republicano. Tales preferencias refl ejan las políticas impulsadas por lo general por ambos par- tidos: los gobiernos demócratas han solido ser más redistributivos hacia abajo que los republicanos, en un alineamiento que se parece, sin reprodu- cirla exactamente, a la división entre izquierda y derecha en otros lugares, aunque rara vez se den diferencias de principio. Un rasgo sobresaliente del consenso sobre el que descansa el sistema es la fl exibilidad de las posiciones relativas que permite. Las políticas asociadas a un partido pueden pasar al otro, y con cierta frecuencia tras el cruce asumen formas más radicales que las que exhibían en su hábitat original. Una mirada a la historia del último medio siglo nos recuerda esos vaivenes del sistema. 1 Aunque tuvo que pasar algún tiempo hasta que su carácter cristalizara, la victoria de Roosevelt en 1932 inauguró, como todo
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