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JWOS Vol 10.Indd
12 “To Free-Town, Our Common Judgement Place”: Commoners in Romeo and Juliet Barbara Mather Cobb Murray State University lthough the bulk of Shakespeare’s plays open with characters of the noble class on stage, fi ve open with commoners. A In each case, the commoner characters direct our gaze and focus our attention on the issue at hand. The device is used frequently throughout Shakespeare’s canon: the commoner character is presented matter-of-factly and sympathetically, with little affect and sometimes with little development, and thus serves a similar role to that of the Chorus in a Sophocles play, leading a commoner audience member to recognize the nature of the confl ict in the play at hand. In Coriolanus we meet an angry crowd, Citizens who are starving and who blame Caius Martius, who will become Coriolanus, for their condition. Although some scholars argue for an ambivalent audience response to this protagonist, using evidence from points later in the play, a commoner audience member would be attuned to his fl aw, his culpability, his propensity toward ego and selfi shness because they identify with the commoners who describe him this way in this fi rst interaction with these characters. Timon of Athens and Julius Caesar both begin with tradesmen: in Timon, a Poet, Painter, Jeweler, and Mercer comment on Fortune and on those whom Fortune favors, like Timon, already precursing his fall as Fortune’s wheel turns; in Julius Caesar, a Carpenter and Cobbler celebrate Caesar, prepossessing the audience toward compassion for the leader besieged by other leaders envious of his power and popularity. -
William Jennings Bryan and His Opposition to American Imperialism in the Commoner
The Uncommon Commoner: William Jennings Bryan and his Opposition to American Imperialism in The Commoner by Dante Joseph Basista Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the History Program YOUNGSTOWN STATE UNIVERSITY August, 2019 The Uncommon Commoner: William Jennings Bryan and his Opposition to American Imperialism in The Commoner Dante Joseph Basista I hereby release this thesis to the public. I understand that this thesis will be made available from the OhioLINK ETD Center and the Maag Library Circulation Desk for public access. I also authorize the University or other individuals to make copies of this thesis as needed for scholarly research. Signature: Dante Basista, Student Date Approvals: Dr. David Simonelli, Thesis Advisor Date Dr. Martha Pallante, Committee Member Date Dr. Donna DeBlasio, Committee Member Date Dr. Salvatore A. Sanders, Dean of Graduate Studies Date ABSTRACT This is a study of the correspondence and published writings of three-time Democratic Presidential nominee William Jennings Bryan in relation to his role in the anti-imperialist movement that opposed the US acquisition of the Philippines, Guam and Puerto Rico following the Spanish-American War. Historians have disagreed over whether Bryan was genuine in his opposition to an American empire in the 1900 presidential election and have overlooked the period following the election in which Bryan’s editorials opposing imperialism were a major part of his weekly newspaper, The Commoner. The argument is made that Bryan was authentic in his opposition to imperialism in the 1900 presidential election, as proven by his attention to the issue in the two years following his election loss. -
Review Of" the Dutch Gentry, 1500-1650: Family, Faith, And
Swarthmore College Works History Faculty Works History 1-1-1988 Review Of "The Dutch Gentry, 1500-1650: Family, Faith, And Fortune" By S. D. Marshall Robert S. DuPlessis Swarthmore College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://works.swarthmore.edu/fac-history Part of the History Commons Let us know how access to these works benefits ouy Recommended Citation Robert S. DuPlessis. (1988). "Review Of "The Dutch Gentry, 1500-1650: Family, Faith, And Fortune" By S. D. Marshall". American Journal Of Sociology. Volume 93, Issue 4. 993-995. DOI: 10.1086/228845 https://works.swarthmore.edu/fac-history/246 This work is brought to you for free by Swarthmore College Libraries' Works. It has been accepted for inclusion in History Faculty Works by an authorized administrator of Works. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Review Author(s): Robert S. DuPlessis Review by: Robert S. DuPlessis Source: American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 93, No. 4 (Jan., 1988), pp. 993-995 Published by: The University of Chicago Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2780624 Accessed: 11-06-2015 19:37 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/ info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. -
The Commoner Issue 13 Winter 2008-2009
In the beginning there is the doing, the social flow of human interaction and creativity, and the doing is imprisoned by the deed, and the deed wants to dominate the doing and life, and the doing is turned into work, and people into things. Thus the world is crazy, and revolts are also practices of hope. This journal is about living in a world in which the doing is separated from the deed, in which this separation is extended in an increasing numbers of spheres of life, in which the revolt about this separation is ubiquitous. It is not easy to keep deed and doing separated. Struggles are everywhere, because everywhere is the realm of the commoner, and the commoners have just a simple idea in mind: end the enclosures, end the separation between the deeds and the doers, the means of existence must be free for all! The Commoner Issue 13 Winter 2008-2009 Editor: Kolya Abramsky and Massimo De Angelis Print Design: James Lindenschmidt Cover Design: [email protected] Web Design: [email protected] www.thecommoner.org visit the editor's blog: www.thecommoner.org/blog Table Of Contents Introduction: Energy Crisis (Among Others) Is In The Air 1 Kolya Abramsky and Massimo De Angelis Fossil Fuels, Capitalism, And Class Struggle 15 Tom Keefer Energy And Labor In The World-Economy 23 Kolya Abramsky Open Letter On Climate Change: “Save The Planet From 45 Capitalism” Evo Morales A Discourse On Prophetic Method: Oil Crises And Political 53 Economy, Past And Future George Caffentzis Iraqi Oil Workers Movements: Spaces Of Transformation 73 And Transition -
Ancient Rome Notes.Pptx.Pdf
Ancient Rome Notes Geography ● Located on peninsula in southern Europe thus creating a sea-faring traders. ● Shaped like a high-heeled boot extending into the Mediterranean Sea. ● Two major mountain ranges, the Alps in the north and the Apennines in the south. Geography ● Hilly, rugged land with several volcanoes such as Mt. Vesuvius. ● Some fertile flatland can be found. ● Mild climate makes it excellent for farming grains, grapes, olives, and citrus fruits. ● Tiber River is one of several rivers that provided fresh water. Economy ● Surplus of crops such as grains and oils enabled growth of Rome. ● Sea traders traveled to Greece, Spain, northern Africa, and kingdoms of Asia. Economy ● Merchants sold meats, vegetables, cloth, sandals and pottery as well as books on Egyptian papyrus. Achievements ● Constructed roads of long lasting materials to withstand traffic and exposure to weather which connected large areas of the country. ● Created aqueducts or channels that carried fresh water from the mountains to the cities. ● Used concrete, a mixture of sand or gravel and cement as a building material. Achievements ● To support the roof they created a vault; a series of arches. ● Sought knowledge in order to improve their lives. ● The story of the Trojan War hero, Aeneas, tells how Ancient Rome was formed with a group of people called the Latins. Social classes ● Strong belief in such values as justice, honesty, valor, and loyalty. ● Society was divided into Rich Ancient Romans two groups: patricians, (wealthy leaders) and plebeians (the common people). Commoner Ancient Romans Social classes ● Slaves were common and those that were educated often held highly skilled professions such as teachers and doctors. -
1 the TROUBLE with ARISTOCRACY Hans Van
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by UCL Discovery 1 THE TROUBLE WITH ARISTOCRACY Hans van Wees and Nick Fisher ‘The history of aristocracies … is littered with self-serving myths which outsiders have been surprisingly willing to accept uncritically’, a recent study warns (Doyle 2010, xv). Our volume shows that ancient ‘aristocracies’ and their modern students are no exception. In antiquity, upper classes commonly claimed that they had inherited, or ought to have inherited, their status, privilege and power because their families excelled in personal virtues such as generosity, hospitality and military prowess while abstaining from ignoble ‘money-making’ pursuits such as commerce or manual labour. In modern scholarship, these claims are often translated into a belief that a hereditary ‘aristocratic’ class is identifiable at most times and places in the ancient world, whether or not it is in actually in power as an oligarchy, and that deep ideological divisions existed between ‘aristocratic values’ and the norms and ideals of lower or ‘middling’ classes. Such ancient claims and modern interpretations are pervasively questioned in this volume.1 We suggest that ‘aristocracy’ is only rarely a helpful concept for the analysis of political struggles and historical developments or of ideological divisions and contested discourses in literary and material cultures in the ancient world. Moreover, we argue that a serious study of these subjects requires close analysis of the nature of social inequality in any given time and place, rather than broad generalizations about aristocracies or indeed other elites and their putative ideologies. -
Aristocratic Identities in the Roman Senate from the Social War to the Flavian Dynasty
Aristocratic Identities in the Roman Senate From the Social War to the Flavian Dynasty By Jessica J. Stephens A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Greek and Roman History) in the University of Michigan 2016 Doctoral Committee: Professor David Potter, chair Professor Bruce W. Frier Professor Richard Janko Professor Nicola Terrenato [Type text] [Type text] © Jessica J. Stephens 2016 Dedication To those of us who do not hesitate to take the long and winding road, who are stars in someone else’s sky, and who walk the hillside in the sweet summer sun. ii [Type text] [Type text] Acknowledgements I owe my deep gratitude to many people whose intellectual, emotional, and financial support made my journey possible. Without Dr. T., Eric, Jay, and Maryanne, my academic career would have never begun and I will forever be grateful for the opportunities they gave me. At Michigan, guidance in negotiating the administrative side of the PhD given by Kathleen and Michelle has been invaluable, and I have treasured the conversations I have had with them and Terre, Diana, and Molly about gardening and travelling. The network of gardeners at Project Grow has provided me with hundreds of hours of joy and a respite from the stress of the academy. I owe many thanks to my fellow graduate students, not only for attending the brown bags and Three Field Talks I gave that helped shape this project, but also for their astute feedback, wonderful camaraderie, and constant support over our many years together. Due particular recognition for reading chapters, lengthy discussions, office friendships, and hours of good company are the following: Michael McOsker, Karen Acton, Beth Platte, Trevor Kilgore, Patrick Parker, Anna Whittington, Gene Cassedy, Ryan Hughes, Ananda Burra, Tim Hart, Matt Naglak, Garrett Ryan, and Ellen Cole Lee. -
Slavery, Surplus, and Stratification on the Northwest Coast: the Ethnoenergetics of an Incipient Stratification System
Slavery, Surplus, and Stratification on the Northwest Coast: The Ethnoenergetics of an Incipient Stratification System Eugene E. Ruyle Current Anthropology, Vol. 14, No. 5. (Dec., 1973), pp. 603-63 1. Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=OO1 1-3204%28 1973 12%29 14%3A5%3C603%3ASSASOT%3E2.O.CO%3B2-S Current Anthropology is currently published by The University of Chicago Press. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR' s Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/about/terms.html. JSTOR' s Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/journals/ucpress.html. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is an independent not-for-profit organization dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of scholarly journals. For more information regarding JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. http://www.jstor.org/ SatJul22 17:49:41 2006 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Vol. 14, No. 5, December 1973 © 1973 by The Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research Slavery, Surplus, and Stratification on the Northwest Coast: The Ethnoenergetics of an Incipient Stratification Systeml by Eugene E. -
How a Democracy Becomes an Aristocracy
Academic rigour, journalistic flair What’s in a name? How a democracy becomes an aristocracy October 7, 2016 2.23pm AEDT What do you call a democracy that depends on the exclusion of whole groups from political participation? Gaia/Wikipedia Commons, CC BY-SA This article is part of the Democracy Futures series, a joint global initiative with the Author Sydney Democracy Network. The project aims to stimulate fresh thinking about the many challenges facing democracies in the 21st century. Sandra Field Assistant Professor of Humanities (Philosophy), Yale-NUS College Is there something about the deep logic of democracy that destines it to succeed in the world? Democ- racy, the form of politics that includes everyone as equals – does it perhaps suit human nature better than the alternatives? After all, surely any person who is excluded from the decision-making in a society will be more liable to rise up against it. From ancient thinkers like Seneca to contemporary thinkers like Francis Fukuyama, we can see some version of this line of thought. Seneca thought that tyrannies could never last long; Fukuyama famously argued that liberal democracy is the end of history. I want to focus instead on the person credited with giving the most direct and uncompromising state- ment of this thought: Benedict de Spinoza. For centuries, “democracy” was a term of abuse, understood as a dangerous form of mob rule. Spinoza was one of the first in the history of modern political thought to celebrate democracy. Living in the 17th-century Dutch Republic, amid political turmoil in his own country, and witnessing the disorders across the channel in England, Spinoza was intensely interested in the concrete, material basis for peace. -
Trotsky and the Problem of Soviet Bureaucracy
TROTSKY AND THE PROBLEM OF SOVIET BUREAUCRACY by Thomas Marshall Twiss B.A., Mount Union College, 1971 M.A., University of Pittsburgh, 1972 M.S., Drexel University, 1997 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2009 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH FACULTY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES This dissertation was presented by Thomas Marshall Twiss It was defended on April 16, 2009 and approved by William Chase, Professor, Department of History Ronald H. Linden, Professor, Department of Political Science Ilya Prizel, Professor, Department of Political Science Dissertation Advisor: Jonathan Harris, Professor, Department of Political Science ii Copyright © by Thomas Marshall Twiss 2009 iii TROTSKY AND THE PROBLEM OF SOVIET BUREAUCRACY Thomas Marshall Twiss, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2009 In 1917 the Bolsheviks anticipated, on the basis of the Marxist classics, that the proletarian revolution would put an end to bureaucracy. However, soon after the revolution many within the Bolshevik Party, including Trotsky, were denouncing Soviet bureaucracy as a persistent problem. In fact, for Trotsky the problem of Soviet bureaucracy became the central political and theoretical issue that preoccupied him for the remainder of his life. This study examines the development of Leon Trotsky’s views on that subject from the first years after the Russian Revolution through the completion of his work The Revolution Betrayed in 1936. In his various writings over these years Trotsky expressed three main understandings of the nature of the problem: During the civil war and the first years of NEP he denounced inefficiency in the distribution of supplies to the Red Army and resources throughout the economy as a whole. -
The Intellectual Aristocracy of the German Nation
Dueling Students: Conflict, Masculinity, and Politics in German Universities, 1890-1914 Lisa Fetheringill Zwicker The University of Michigan Press, 2011 http://press.umich.edu/titleDetailDesc.do?id=2665215 Chapter 1 Students: The Intellectual Aristocracy of the German Nation In Germany, the academically educated, as a body, constitute a kind of intellectual aristocracy. Those that belong include theologians and teachers, judges and civil servants, doctors and engineers, in short all who through their courses at the universities have received entry into the learned or the leading professions. On the whole, the members of these professions make up a homogenous social stratum and acknowl- edge each other as socially equal on the basis of their academic education. —Friedrich Paulsen, Professor of Philosophy, Berlin1 Young, colorfully costumed men marching in parades, long lines of schol- ars in libraries assimilating the works of Germany’s cultural heroes, dash- ing fraternity men defending their honor with swords—these are a few of the images that the word student would call up in the imagination of many nineteenth-century Germans. The pageantry of student fraternities and grand university ceremonies allowed them a role in dramatic public events rivaled only by military parades. The life of full freedom, thought essential to the student experience, was a special period without requirements or du- ties. Such a life without daily obligations was allowed to almost no other group within German society, even small children. The noble pursuit of Bildung, a concept with connections both to personal development and to national culture, allowed many Germans to see students as the embodi- ment of the nation. -
Labor Force and Employment, 1800-1960
This PDF is a selection from an out-of-print volume from the National Bureau of Economic Research Volume Title: Output, Employment, and Productivity in the United States after 1800 Volume Author/Editor: Dorothy S. Brady, ed. Volume Publisher: NBER Volume ISBN: 0-870-14186-4 Volume URL: http://www.nber.org/books/brad66-1 Publication Date: 1966 Chapter Title: Labor Force and Employment, 1800–1960 Chapter Author: Stanley Lebergott Chapter URL: http://www.nber.org/chapters/c1567 Chapter pages in book: (p. 117 - 204) Labor Force and Employment, 1800—1960 STANLEY LEBERGOTT WESLEYAN UNIVERSITY I Historical Comparison of U.S. and U.K. Employment The full meaning of the employment trends shown in Tables 1 and 2 for this lengthy period can be understood best by reviewing the entire span of American history. So laudable an enterprise must be left to others. Here we seek only to consider a few obvious implications. In this section we make some contrasts with the concurrent employment changes in the United Kingdom—that colonial power once dominating this country, our competitor in third country markets, and perhaps our closest ally (Table 3). To do so we telescope our history into five periods. 1840—60 From the late 1830's, with Jackson's frigid treatment of joyous entre- preneurial expectations in banking, down to the eve of the Civil War, the United States decisively expanded its home market, while the United Kingdom extended its outward markets even more than those at home. The 60 per cent rise in U.S. farm employment was twice the rate of gain for the U.K.