Şile and Its Castle: Historical Topography and Medieval Architectural History

Home , Artanes (Bithynia), Charax (Bithynia), Chelae (Bithynia), Chelae (Bosphorus), John IV Laskaris, Kefken Island

ITU A|Z • Vol 18 No 1 • March 2021 • 183-198 Şile and its castle: Historical topography and medieval architectural history

Hasan Sercan SAĞLAM [email protected] • Research Center for Anatolian Civilizations (ANAMED), Koç University, Istanbul, Turkey

Received: March 2020 • Final Acceptance: May 2020

Abstract Being a district of Istanbul, Şile is located towards the east of the northern end of the Bosporus. This small city lies next to the Black Sea and it forms the northeastern section of the provincial borders of Istanbul. Şile Castle is popularly known as “Genoese Castle” but some other sources date it to the Late Byzantine period, as a typical watchtower. Following a long period of neglect, it most recently came into prominence with a restoration in 2015, which fully brought it back to the supposed original appearance. Although some assumptions were formerly made in order to describe the origins of Şile Castle, it was seen that its medieval architectural history was not elaborated despite the relevant information that were scattered around some significant primary sources as well as a number of secondary sources. Those works were not put together with the aim of exclusive objectives for Şile and its castle that the modern studies were also unaware of about which extant monument they mention of. Thus, a critical reading was done between relevant primary and secondary sources with a topographical and architectural point of view for Şile. The obtained information were chronologically considered for the topographical depiction, first construction, and usage of the castle for centuries. Major findings displayed that the origins of Şile Castle not only predate formerly supposed times but also differ than a simple watchtower in terms of initial function. Nearby castles also set an example regarding the usage of Şile Castle in later times.

Keywords doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2020.26779 doi: Architectural history, Bithynia, Historical topography, Medieval castle, Şile. 184

1. Introduction focused on structural surveys and later Modern Şile is located in the north- periods. Hence, through an interdis- west of Turkey. It is a metropolitan dis- ciplinary research methodology, this trict of Istanbul, which falls roughly 50 study aims to handle a rather ambig- kilometers northeast of the city and 40 uous period of Şile Castle in depth, kilometers east of the Bosporus. While which was previously not elaborated the district population is approximate- in the light of primary sources and ly 40.000 inhabitants, around 15.000 of relevant comparisons to some nearby them reside in the center (TÜİK, 2019). Bithynian examples. Lying next to the Black Sea with a large and modern harbor, the settle- 2. Şile Castle: An architectural ment center of Şile has some distinc- literature review tive geographical features. It is situated The castle is located on the rocky above a wide and sharp-pointed cape and arid Ocaklı Island in the north of with impassable cliffs and stony bays Şile coastline that the rectangular main along its rough coastline, before a small structure is situated above its highest group of rocky islands that protect the point (Fig. 1). Moreover, the whole up- harbor. per perimeter of the island is encircled According to archaeological sur- with a line of relatively low ramparts, veys, surroundings of Şile were inhab- which connect to the aforementioned ited during the Epipaleolithic period, keep at one corner point (Fig. 2). This which falls roughly 20.000 – 10.000 fortification system is built of roughly years before present time. In this re- shaped and average sized rubble ma- gard, around the northwestern Domalı sonry with very limited brick usage. (Sahilköy) and Doğancılı villages of The main building of the castle, actu- Şile, the ridge of Mürselli Baba, the hill ally resembling a rectangular tower of Tekmezar and the sands of Akçalı has approximate floor dimensions of were significant discovery sites, where 10 x 12 meters and a supposed height various examples of small drills, re- of 15 meters. It had three floors that touched stone tools with geometric were separated by barrel vaults but all shapes (mainly scrapes and blades), of them were collapsed. The top sec- leftover flakes, and a few obsidian glass tion has regular battlements. There is a were documented (Özdoğan, 1985; cistern in the southeastern part of the Gatsov and Özdoğan, 1994). island, which has dimensions of 6 x 10 Speaking for Şile town center, small meters and a depth of around 4 meters ceramic findings from its eastern part (Fıratlı, 1952). and the nearby Ocaklı Island have dis- The irregular wall circuit that sur- played that the area saw continuous round the small island has abundant inhabiting starting from the Hellenis- spolia, such as ancient bricks, various tic period (Fıratlı, 1952). A cistern was handles, and pointed bottoms of am- also discovered in the west of Şile town phorae, which must belong to the same center, which supposedly remained locality. Further ancient fragments from the Byzantine period (Bakalakis, were documented inside the walled 1978). area on the island (Bakalakis, 1978). The renowned Şile Castle is located on Ocaklı Island in the north. The castle as well as harbor of Şile are often named after the island as “Ocaklı Cas- tle” and “Ocaklı Harbor”. Moreover, Şile Castle is popularly known as “Genoese Castle” and some anonymous sources also attribute the old harbor of Şile to Genoese, a former Italian maritime re- public (Cura and Eyüpgiller, 2019). There were very limited research- es on the architectural history of Şile Castle within the context of its medi- Figure 1. A view of Şile coastline from the south that Ocaklı Island eval origins, as modern studies mostly with Şile Castle is located in the center (Sağlam, 2018).

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Şile Castle was described as a “fortress” by Fıratlı (1952), where Eyüp- giller (2019) defined the central building as a typical “watchtower” that such common vertical structures were reportedly erected for observation and defense purposes on islands, peninsu- las and other coastal areas for detecting enemy troops approaching from the seaside, according to the same scholar. Yet, ramparts completed the layout to a castle. In addition, Bakalakis (1978) argued that it is impossible that there would have been a proper settlement within Şile Castle, as the walled area was relatively small. There are some brief hypotheses about the origins of Şile Castle that scattered around a group of modern secondary sources, which actually have different research scopes instead of the castle itself. Those arguments are simply based on rather narrative anonymous sources of information, backed by brief first impressions, which eventually failed to elaborate the medieval Figure 2. A plan of Şile Castle on Ocaklı period of Şile Castle. This insufficient Island, where the main tower building, literature was most recently quoted by surrounding lower walls, and the cistern in later modern studies mentioned be- the south are shown (Fıratlı, 1952). low. On the northern façade of the main Correspondingly, on one hand, building, there used to be a balcony some modern researchers argued that with supportive consoles. It was appar- Şile Castle is a Byzantine monument ently for observation due to the orienta- from the 13th century; yet some sourc- tion towards the open sea. Upper floors es on the other hand claim that it was of the tower were accessed by a vertical built by the Genoese (Cura and Eyüp- ladder system, which was collapsed in a giller, 2019), who were active in the later time (Eyüpgiller, Dönmez & Ço- Black Sea mostly during the 14th-15th banoğlu, 2013). centuries. Yet, there is absolutely no The tower of Şile Castle has a number primary source about a Genoese pres- of arched openings that resemble wide ence in Şile (Sağlam, 2018). It has also observation windows instead of arrow been briefly questioned by further re- slits. The main entrance of the tower searchers that Şile Castle was actually is on the southern façade. It also has a built by an anonymous Byzantine em- cellar below the ground level. Şile Castle peror called Andronikos but then used was designated as a listed building on by the Ottomans (Eyüpgiller, 2019). 10.07.1981 (Envanter, 2019). Another argument dates the castle to After similar examples from else- 2000 years before present time (Eyüp- where in the world, it has been said that giller, Dönmez & Çobanoğlu, 2013). Şile Castle most probably had a wooden Finally, Bakalakis (1978) misinter- roof on top of its battlement level with preted the comment of Fıratlı (1952) a pyramidal or hipped form, which no about the nearby Heciz Castle at Kale- longer exists (Eyüpgiller, 2019). Sim- altı village and argued that Şile Castle ilar examples to Şile Castle were men- was built by the Ottomans during their tioned as Güvercinada Castle in Kuşa- earlier domination in the area around dası, Izmir and Kız Kulesi in Pazar, Rize the late 14th century. Belke (2020) su- (Eyüpgiller, Dönmez & Çobanoğlu, perficially attributes the castle to the 2013; Eyüpgiller, 2019). Ottomans as well.

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The castle supposedly had repairs by of each other; also which historical set- the Byzantines and Ottomans; but due tlement and its extant monument they to its poor state prior to the restoration spoke of. Hence, a thorough chrono- of 2015, any distinctive construction logical research was carried out, which phase or trace of repair was not record- was followed by the assessment of ar- ed especially on the tower (Eyüpgiller, cheological evidences. In the mean- 2019). Thus, it can be argued that its time, nearby Byzantine castles were previous state overall displayed a single considered for some topographical and construction phase. The tower of Şile architectural comparisons that espe- Castle eventually had a full restoration cially Yoros, Seyrek and also Eskihisar that has caused worldwide attention as showed similarity in some cases. well as controversy due to the final appearance (Fig. 3; Fig. 4). 4. Historical topography of North Bithynia in ancient times Primary sources about North Bithynia during Hellenistic and Ro- man periods provide information with various levels of detail that some top- onyms may also have slightly different versions inside those sources, which should be carefully noticed from now on. Due to the precise scope of this research within the context of historical topography, the related primary sources were quoted without any interpre- Figure 3. A southwestern view of Şile Castle tation in the beginning and a detailed before its major restoration (Sağlam, 2007). discussion was provided afterwards. For instance, the anonymous Periplus of Pseudo-Scylax from the 4th century BC briefly mentions the rivers of Sagarios (Σαγάριος), Artanes (Ἀρτάνης), Rivas (Ῥήβας), and the island of Thynias (Θυνιὰς) along the Bithynian coastline (Müller, 1855). In his “Periplus of the Euxine Sea” (Chapter 17) from the 2nd century Figure 4. A southeastern view of Şile Castle CE, historian Arrian of Nicomedia first before its major restoration (Sağlam, 2007). mentions the river of Rivas (Ῥήβας), then the cape of Melaina (Μέλαινα ἄκρα = Black Cape), and following that 3. Methodology the river of Artanes (Ἀρτάνης), where With the aim of displaying the me- a bay for small boats and a nearby tem- dieval origins of Şile Castle and its ple dedicated to Aphrodite were locat- probable changes during that period, ed. The next place was the river of Psilis a historical research methodology was (Ψίλις) that small boats could shelter preferred in coordination with an ar- under a projecting rock near its mouth. chitectural point of view. In the mean- The distances between those four plac- time, a topographical perspective was es were 150 stadia each (1 stadion = considered for the wider environment ~185 meters). The harbor of Kalpe to ensure the accuracy of this research, (Κάλπη) was located with a distance as localization has always been a chal- of 210 stadia from the last spot. It was lenging issue for historical settlements followed by a harbor for small boats and buildings. In this respect, it has called Rhoe (Ῥόη), the small island of been intended to reach all primary Apollonia (Ἀπολλωνία) with a har- sources about Şile. In fact, many of bor, and the coastal locality of Chelai them were separately quoted by certain (Χηλὴ) that the distances in between modern studies to some extent. How- were 20 stadia for each of them. Finally, ever, almost all of them were unaware 180 stadia away from the latter place,

ITU A|Z • Vol 18 No 1 • March 2021 • H. S. Sağlam 187 the river of Sangarios (Σαγγάριος) was sake Sakarya River were the remaining located (Arrian, 1842). ancient places and their modern loca- According to the “Geography” tions that were proposed by the afore- (Book 5, Chapter 1) of Ptolemy, which mentioned scholars (Fig. 5). is also from the 2nd century CE, places In this case, it can be concluded along the northern coasts of Bithyn- that during the Roman period, Artane ia were listed with their approximate was a small, probably fortified settle- coordinates as the village of Artake ment with a namesake river (modern (Αρτάκη χωρίον) and the rivers of Psyl- Türknil), which was mentioned even lidos (Ψυλλίδος), Riva (Ῥήβα), Kalpa during the Hellenistic period. There (Κάλπα) and Sangarios (Σαγγαρίος), were also a temple dedicated to Aph- respectively (Ptolemy, 1845). Late rodite / Venus and a harbor for small Medieval copies in Latin of the same boats. This harbor was protected by an source regularly mention one of those island in front of the settlement. These places slightly different, as “Artace cas- details well match with the current ge- tellum” (castle). ography of modern Şile. Marcian of Heraclea as a local geog- While the ancient settlement where rapher provides further details by the modern Şile is located was called Ar- 4th century that 150 stadia away from tane / Artana, its river was according- the river of Riva (Ῥήβα), the cape of Me- ly called Artanes / Artanas due to the laina (Μέλαιναν ἄκραν) was located. grammar of Ancient Greek. It was sup- After another 150 stadia, the river and posedly derived from “Arta”, meaning village of Artane (Ἀρτάνην ποταμόν “river” in Luwi language, therefore the καί χωρίον) came. It also had a harbor name of that ancient settlement actual- for small boats, which was protected by ly meant “country of the river” (Umar, an island in front of it. The river and 1993). castle of Psillion (Ψίλλιον) was located However, it should be noted that 140 stadia away from them. Then, the during the antiquity, a phonetically harbor and river of Kalpa (Κάλπα), the similar place to modern Şile, namely island of Thynias (Θυνιάς), and the riv- Chelai was located nearby. The ancient er of Sangarios (Σαγγάρίος) were men- Chelai in Bithynia was seemingly lo- tioned, respectively (Müller, 1855). cated 20 stadia east of Kefken Island Finally, on Tabula Peutingeriana, and 180 stadia west of Sakarya River. which is a Late Roman itinerary, a lin- Interestingly enough, this name cer- ear course formed by the river of Her- tainly replaced Artane during much bas -> 16 miles -> Melena -> 19 miles later centuries, as discussed in fol- -> Artane -> 19 miles -> Philium -> 27 lowing sections, and the fate of that miles -> Chelas -> 20 miles -> the riv- ancient Chelai remained unknown. er of Sagari appeared along the North Though Şile was called Chele / Chelai Bithynian coast and from west to east, starting from the Middle Byzantine respectively (1 Roman mile = ~1481 period, this shift apparently confused meters) (Talbert, 2010). some modern scholars. According to Ramsay (1890) and Umar (1993), the 5. A topographical discussion: place mentioned as “Chele” by later Artane and the two Chelai Byzantine sources of Anna Komnena After a detailed and rational consid- and George Pachymeres supposedly eration of all the primary sources in indicated the ancient Bithynian local- the previous section, Miller (1916) and ity between Kefken Island and Sakarya Talbert (2000) have argued that Ar- River in the east, but it is absolutely tane(s) actually falls to modern Şile by certain that both historians indicated position. Riva(s) / Herbas = namesake the place now called Şile. Riva; Melaina akra / Melena = name- For a more accurate positioning, the sake Karaburun; Psilis / Psillion / Phil- ancient Chelai neither falls to some- ium = Ağva; Kalpe = namesake Kerpe; where near Cebeci nor Pazarbaşı Cape, Rhoe = somewhere near Kefken; Apol- as proposed by Talbert (2000) and lonia / Thynias = Kefken Island; Chelai Umar (1993), respectively. Both places = somewhere near Cebeci / Çelikkaya are located in the immediate south of Cape; and Sangarios / Sagari = name- Kefken Island but the well defined loca-

Şile and its castle: Historical topography and medieval architectural history 188 tion of the ancient Chelai certainly cor- spect to the oral tradition by the 19th responds somewhere towards the east, century, elderly inhabitants of modern therefore falls around Harmankaya Şile spoke of their ancestors as immi- Cape of Babalı in Kandıra, as proposed grants from another settlement in the by Miller (1916) and Bakalakis (1978). east that the ancient Chelai was pro- Moreover, the latter scholar also ar- posed as this place (Bakalakis, 1978). gued that the locality of Delikkaya / After a very limited group of ancient Çelikkaya / Çalıkaya at Harmankaya and Late Medieval cartographic sourc- Cape should be the exact position of es that omitted almost a millennium, the ancient Chelai, as an etymological Bakalakis (1978) then argued that the similarity between those names also aforementioned change of name might testifies. However, the renowned Dikili be happened following the Fall of Con- Cape, Dikili Rocks and Dikili Beach in stantinople in 1453. This assumption, the same area could also be shown as which did not consider the Byzantine examples to this issue, instead of those literature review for Şile by Miliopou- rather lesser known local names (Fig. lou (1907) and Bănescu (1928; 1932) 5). is apparently inaccurate with regard to Various Late Hellenistic and Ear- the sources discussed in the next sec- ly Roman small findings, an ancient tion. This literature was most recently quarry with in situ massive blocks and compiled by Belke (2020). In the end, further archaeological remnants from sometime between the 8th and 11th Roman and Early Byzantine periods centuries came forward. were documented both at Dikili Cape and Harmankaya Cape. The only epigraphic evidence concerning Chelai appeared on a typical Hellenistic / Ro- man altar with a bucranium bas-relief (Bakalakis, 1978). Its inscription was initially attributed to modern Şile despite the apparent earlier date of the artifact (Miliopoulou, 1907). Hence, Bakalakis (1978) attributed that altar to the ancient Chelai in the east. Figure 5. Ancient and modern names of some North Bithynian According to Umar (1993), the places that were frequently mentioned within the context of Şile and name Chelai probably originated from its castle (Sağlam, 2020, after Yandex Maps). “Kala” in Luwi language, which means “coast” or “pier”. Then, Casacuber- 6. Şile in Byzantine times: A new ta (2018) said that the Ancient Greek name and a purposeful fortification term “χηλή” (chele) originally referred It appears that the settlement of Ar- to the pincers of a crab but later defined tane was still present during the Ear- a sea basin enclosed by two projecting ly Byzantine period, as the Ravenna pieces of land or artificial moles, like a Cosmography from the 7th - 8th cen- bay. Moreover, a “chele” actually forms turies lists the places of Erba, Melena, a shape similar to a hoof that the word Artane / Artamen, Filium, Chel(l)as also has this meaning. With regard to and Sagari / Saccar along the northern the famous Byzantine encyclopedia of coastline of Bithynia, respectively (Pin- Souda, the word “χηλή” (chele) kept der and Parthey, 1860). Their modern those meanings by the mid-10th cen- correspondences were listed in the pre- tury (Gaisford, 1834). Such distinc- vious section. tive coastal features are still present In the meantime, according to in modern Şile as well as the region Nicephorus I of Constantinople and around Dikili Cape and Harmankaya Theophanes the Confessor, Constan- Cape in the east, where the ancient tine V (r. 741-775) resettled 208.000 Chelai supposedly located. Slavs in 762-763 to Artana and around The exact period in which Artane the river Artanas, who emigrated from (modern Şile) became Chelai / Chele the First Bulgarian Empire due to the is unclear together with the reason harsh policy of Telets (r. 762-765): “... καί behind this change of name. With re- πρός τόν ποταμόν Αρτάνας καλείται

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αύτοί κατοικίζονται” (Nicephorus I, indifferent to him at that moment, it 1837); “... έπί τόν Άρτάναν πρός τόν was impossible to sail due to the strong ποταμόν, ός Άρτάνας καλείται” (The- headwind, therefore he washed ashore ophanes, 1839; 1841; 1982). Artana / several times and was eventually ar- Artane then disappears in later sources. rested (Choniates, 1835; 1984). In the end, the original toponym of Ar- George Pachymeres recalls several tana / Artane was replaced by a rather anecdotes concerning the Late Byzan- generic geographical definition, which tine period of Chele. First of all, fol- was very common in ancient times, lowing the recapture of Constantinople especially for coastal places (Umar, from the Latins in 1261, Michael VIII 1993). In this case, the aforementioned Palaiologos (r. 1258-1282) blinded demographical change might be a rea- John IV Laskaris later that year, who son but it is uncertain. The successor was a heir to the throne. John IV was toponym, being “Χηλή “ (Chele) in first imprisoned in Chele (Χηλή). Then, Greek was used until 1922 for Şile. he was sent to the castle of Niketiaton It is worth noting that a second topo- in Dakibyze (modern Eskihisar, Geb- graphical debate emerged after some ze) (Failler, 1979; Pachymeres, 1835) Byzantine primary sources that a cer- that were previously recovered from tain toponym was interpreted as either the Latins by John III Vatatzes in 1241 modern Şile (Turkey) or Chilia (Roma- (Akropolites, 1837; Macrides, 1978). nia). However, Bănescu (1928; 1932) When Patriarch Joseph I had dis- concluded that certainly the former sented against Michael VIII about the settlement and its castle were referred reunion of the Catholic and Ortho- with regard to distinctive topograph- dox churches in the Second Coun- ical details, whose detailed literature cil of Lyon (1272-1274), he resigned review for the Byzantine period of Şile in 1275 and retreated into the castle guided the research in this section. of Chele on an islet next to the Eux- Thereafter, as the inner parts of Asia ine (Black Sea): “Χηλή (φρούριων δ’ Minor were under constant devastation αύτη επινησίδιον πρός ταίς άκροις τής by Turkish raiders following the Battle Εύξείνου θαλάσσης).” He spent one of Manzikert (1071), Anna Komnene winter in Chele but then requested mentions on the eve of the First Cru- another place from Michael VIII due sade (1096-1099) that a large piece of to harsh conditions there, which was protruding land that was delimited by fulfilled and the abdicated patriarch Nicomedia, the coastline continuing moved to the Monastery of Kosmidion towards the north, the village of Chile (Le Beau, 1835; Pachymeres, 1835). (χωριου Χιλής) and the river of San- There was another conflict during garius was well secured through a long the same period, which occurred due and deep ditch by Alexios I Komnenos to contradicting acts of two patriarchs. (r. 1081-1118) (Komnene, 1878; 2000). When the predecessor Arsenios Au- When speaking of the fight for the toreianos excommunicated Michael throne during the time of Andronikos VIII due to blinding the legitimate I Komnenos (r. 1183-1185), Niketas heir John IV, it resulted with a forced Choniates indicates that the emperor deposition of the patriarch. Then, the ordered his son-in-law Alexios Kom- successor Joseph I officially pardoned nenos to be enchained, as the oppo- Michael VIII but a religious conflict nents intended to depose Andronikos I grew among the opposing fractions. and replace him with Alexios. Then, he General John Tarchaneiotes was a lead- was banished to the small village / for- ing figure of the deposed Arsenios’ fol- tress (πολίχνιον) of Chele (Χηλή) next lowers, therefore he was sentenced and to the coast at the mouth of the Pon- banished to the castle of Chele (Χηλής tus, where a tower (πυργίον) was con- φρουριῳ) in 1289 (Leontiades, 1998; structed for his imprisonment (Cho- Pachymeres, 1835). niates, 1835; 1984). Soon afterwards, Later on, when Andronikos II Palai- when Andronikos I was deposed in ologos (r. 1282-1328) intended to 1185, he first took shelter in Chele campaign through Asia Minor against with the hope of escaping to Crimea. the Turks, he departed from Constan- While the inhabitants of Chele were tinople in 1296. After three days, he

Şile and its castle: Historical topography and medieval architectural history 190 arrived at the castle of Chele that was (Şile Castle), who peacefully seized it surrounded by the sea: “Χηλήν τό with the promise of remittance (Âşık- άμφιθαλασσίδιον φρούριον”. Howev- paşazâde, 2003). The same narration er, he needed to retreat due to a dev- about Şile Castle was also mentioned astating earthquake happened at that by Neşrî (1949) in the early 16th cen- moment (Downey, 1955; Laiou, 1993; tury. Pachymeres, 1835). The Battle of Bapheus in 1302 was 7. Supplementary accounts about resulted with an Ottoman victory Şile until the early modern period against the Byzantine Empire and they When the Castilian ambassador started to expand into Bithynian terri- Ruy González de Clavijo had depart- tories. According to George Pachym- ed from Constantinople for Trebizond eres once again, Ottoman raids started by late 1403, his ship first reached the to reach not only Chele and Astrabete Black Sea through the Bosporus. Then, (Άστραβητή) but also the castle of Hi- it arrived at the small castle of Sequel- eron (modern Yoros Castle) by 1304 lo, which remained inside Turkish (Pachymeres, 1835; Korobeinikov, lands and situated above a rock that 2014). was almost entirely surrounded by The reign of Andronikos II Palai- the sea except for a small entrance. ologos included several political, eco- Afterwards, he continued to Finogia nomical and military crises. Insuf- (Kefken), which was a small island un- ficient imperial administration and der Genoese control (Clavijo, 1782). continuous Ottoman raids caused the Şile was regularly mentioned as a revolt of some army commanders. coastal reference point by portolan Accordingly, when General Kassia- charts from the 14th-18th centuries nos was sent to Mesothynia (Kocae- that were used by European sailors for li Peninsula) in 1306 to take over the navigation. They have slightly differ- lost control that was mentioned above, ent variations but Silli / Sili is the most he decided to revolt against the em- common one, which first appeared on peror. Along with the battalion under the chart of the Genoese mapmaker his command, Chele was seized and Pietro Vesconte dated 1311. Later car- Kassianos thought that he was in safe. tographic works not only mention Şile However, some citizens from the town by name but also indicate some of its of Chele secretly allied with Andron- geographical features like cape (capo), ikos II and laid a plot against Kassia- bay (cauo, golfo) and river (rio). nos, who was eventually captured by Portolan texts also mention Şile chasing imperial troops (Pachymeres, starting from “Lo compasso da navig- 1835; Kyriakidis, 2014). are” dated 1296 (Gordeev, 2015). For When the Russian pilgrim Ignatius instance, Rizo portolan as an Italian of Smolensk had a sea journey to Con- source from 1490 indicates that the stantinople in 1389, he visited all the distance between Yoros (Giro) and Şile main coastal cities of North Bithynia. (Sile) was 30 miles towards the east; After passing Dafnusiyu (Дафнусию) and the distance between Şile and Ağva and Karfiyu (Карфию), he then arrived (Dipotimo) was 15 miles towards the at the city of Astraviyu (Астравию), same direction (Kretschmer, 1909). On which was already under the Turkish the other hand, in its 113th chapter, the control. He stayed there one night and Greek portolan of Demetrius Tagias passed Fili (Фили) and Rivu (Риву) dated 1559 also locates Şile (σόλα) be- the next day, respectively (Majeska, tween Riva (ρύβα) and Ağva (πότιμο) 1984; Khitrowo, 1889). as a landmark along the coastline after Ottoman historian Âşıkpaşazâde Kerpe (κάρπι), towards the west (Ta- (1400-1484) indicates that Bayezid I gias, 1641; Delatte, 1947). (r. 1389-1402) formed a large army According to Evliya Çelebi by 1640, and intended to attack Constantinople. there was a janissary garrison under a For this reason, he departed from Ko- general (pasha) in Şile (Evliya Çelebi, ca-ili (Nicomedia) and arrived at Yor- 1971). Russian diplomat Pyotr Andre- as (Yoros Castle) around 1391. Mean- yevich Tolstoy (1645-1729) describes while, he sent Yahşi Beg to Şili hisarı Şile as a large town with an insuffi-

ITU A|Z • Vol 18 No 1 • March 2021 • H. S. Sağlam 191 cient harbor for the ships of that time In the meantime, a certain portion (Gordeev, 2015). of Asia Minor was recovered with the Ottoman archival documents and help of the First Crusade (1096-1099) archaeological remnants show that and the Turks were gradually pushed starting from the late 18th century, back from Bithynia into the central Şile became a strategic position for Asia Minor. Consequently, the Byz- the defense of the Bosporus and three antines were able to fortify Bithynia coastal redoubts with numerous muz- during a relatively stagnant and peace- zle loaded cannons were deployed ful period along the Anatolian frontier. against the Russians, which were Generally speaking, Komnenian abandoned in the 20th century (Eyüp- castles have mixed masonry that is giller, 2019). consisted of quarried stone blocks and regular brick courses. Spolia and elabo- 8. Contemporary castles rate brickworks were often preferred in from Bithynia the masonry. Semicircular towers are a While some of its major settlements common feature on the layout. More- like Nicaea and Nicomedia were sur- over, there is a noteworthy difference rounded by city walls since antiqui- of workmanship between visible and ty, an intense defensive construction hidden parts of masonries (Foss and phase began in Bithynia during the Winfield, 1986; Yıldırım, 2003). Komnenian period, which was carried Following the Fourth Crusade out by Alexios I, John II and Manuel (1202-1204), the Empire of Nicaea I, respectively. This building program under the Laskaris dynasty was able intended to secure the region and halt to maintain the Komnenian gain with the rapid Turkish advance into Asia minor additions. However, during Minor following the catastrophic Bat- the reign of Michael VIII Palaiologos tle of Manzikert (1071). (1259-1282), there were new Turkish For this reason, in addition to re- campaigns into the western territories newal of the aforementioned ancient of Asia Minor. Hence, the aforesaid fortifications, new castles were built emperor carried out another defensive at strategically important positions construction program through the end (Belke, 2013; Deluigi, 2015). Further- of his reign. His aim was an even bet- more, Paşalar Castle (Metabole) as an ter fortified eastern frontier against the Early Byzantine regional encampment Turks with a series of castles along the was significantly strengthened, while western banks of Sangarius (Sakarya Çoban Castle (Boğazkesen) was con- River), such as Büyükkale (Adliye), structed at a very strategic mountain Harmantepe and Seyfiler (Belke, 2013). pass in the north of modern Geyve Bağlarbaşı, Mekece and Mağara can (Bahar, 2013; Yıldırım, 2003). Similar- be listed among further Palaiologan ly, the supposedly Early Byzantine cas- castles along Sakarya River (Yıldırım, tle of Kefken Island was fortified with 2003). semicircular towers in the 11th-12th In addition, on a strategic crossroad centuries and a castle with a similar next to the Gulf of Nicomedia, the masonry technique was built on top castle of Eskihisar (Niketiaton) has an of a coastal rock at nearby Kerpe by exceptional architectural feature in its the Black Sea (Fıratlı, 1952). In addi- central part, which is a fortified tow- tion, Bayramoğlu (Philokrene), Darı- er house with a probable Komnenian ca (Ritzion), Aydos (Aetios) and Ço- / Laskarid origin that was converted bankale (Xerigordos) in the inner parts into a proper fortress through some of Bithynia appeared as probable Kom- extensive late 13th century defensive nenian castles with later additions, additions (Fig. 6) (Bahar, 2013; Eyice, which secured crucial land and sea 2001; Niewöhner, 2017a). As another routes before Constantinople (Bahar, exceptional case, the castle of Hereke 2013). A similar Komnenian defensive (Charax) was dated to the Latin pe- construction program was carried out riod in the early 13th century but it also on Aegean territories through new eventually became a part of the later rural castles called “Neokastra” (Delu- defensive system of Bithynia (Bahar, igi, 2015). 2013).

Şile and its castle: Historical topography and medieval architectural history 192

Palaiologan castles had a significant Greek portolan dated 1553, which was role in terms of territorial defense and placed 38 miles after “Chile” (Χιλή), 14 the protection of inhabitants during the miles after Dipotamon (Διπόταμον) 13th-14th centuries. The use of quar- and 5 miles before “Karbe” (Κάρμπε) ried stone masonry with irregularly on the Black Sea coastline (Delatte, arranged and coarsely cut small blocks 1958; Majeska, 1984; Atanasiu-Croi- is a common practice on them, mostly toru and Cristea, 2009). Accordingly, without the use of bricks. Facades are Belke (2007) accurately localized it usually plain and there is a lack of wide as Seyrek between the aforesaid Şile, external ornaments (Belke, 2013; Foss Ağva and Kerpe, which now belongs to and Winfield, 1986; Yıldırım, 2003). Çalköy, Kandıra as a coastal neighbor- Nevertheless, distinctive traces of the hood. Though this Late Byzantine town Palaiologan civil architecture that are appears under Turkish control by 1389, characterized by rich decorative brick- a patriarchal document dated October works can still be seen to a limited ex- 1393 about Konstantinos Rhamatas tent on some examples (Bahar, 2013). mentions a Greek vineyard in Astrabi- ki (Αστραβίκι), which testifies the later Byzantine legacy there (Miklosich and Müller, 1862; Ariantzi, 2017). This settlement was also mentioned in church lists of later centuries (Diovouniotios, 1958; Bakalakis, 1978). Seyrek Castle is located on a rocky peninsula in the north of the district, which formerly protected the small Figure 6. An aerial view of Eskihisar Castle port. It has an irregular layout along (Niketiaton) in Gebze, Kocaeli (Yandex the rough topography. The castle seem- Maps). ingly had a long and single wall course with few rectangular towers in corner It was argued by Niewöhner (2017b) positions (Fig. 7). Though anonymous- that Late Byzantine castles often do ly dated to the Byzantine period (Ko- not correspond to ancient settlement caeli İl Yıllığı, 1973), its architectural sites and they appeared due to an ur- characteristics correspond to the reign gent need of security. Yet, as they did of Michael VIII Palaiologos, as the ma- not have an administrative unity, rural sonry of curtain walls and towers have societies of those rather deurbanized quite roughly hewn, uniform quarry lands acted separately within their cas- stone with the usage of gray mortar tles and failed to establish a defense in and very few bricks, which are similar coordination, likewise the successful to the previously mentioned late 13th one against the Arabs during previ- century examples around Sangarius ous centuries. According to the study (Fig. 8) (Belke, 2013). of İnalcık (2012), while the Bithynian mainland was under constant Ottoman threats starting from the same period, the Byzantines could only took shelter in their peripheral strongholds, which fell apart and eventually conquered. Bakalakis (1966) argued that the sparse Christian population of Astrabete and other nearby Greek posts within Meso- thynia probably needed to squeeze in Chele during the 14th century, as it was a well protected spot. Among close settlements to Chele that were mentioned by Pachymeres and Ignatius by the 14th century, As- trabete / Astraviyu appears as the cape Figure 7. An aerial view of Seyrek Castle, the former Astrabete / of Astrabike (Άστραβίκη) inside a Astrabike, now in Kandıra, Kocaeli (Yandex Maps).

ITU A|Z • Vol 18 No 1 • March 2021 • H. S. Sağlam 193

Latin also indicated that the repair of the castle and its extension until the sea were financed by a Genoese nobleman called Vincenzo Lercari, most probably around the 14th-15th centuries (Eyice, 1976).

Figure 8. The view of Seyrek Castle from the south (Şaban Ağır, 2017).

Yoros (Hieron) as another castle near Şile and on the western end of Bithynia is located at modern Anado- lu Kavağı, Beykoz. It was built on a site Figure 9. The hilltop section of Yoros Castle that was constantly inhabited since an- from the east (Sağlam, 2018). cient times. Its irregular and longitu- dinal layout extends from a dominant Mural slabs of Yoros Castle can be hilltop until the Bosporus, which has mentioned as its most characteristic two main parts that were separated in a details that an interpretation for one later time by a distinctive partition wall of them supposedly revealed the exact with four towers. The first part of the construction period. Two pairs of slabs castle is on the top, which has semicir- are located on the twin towers that the cular twin towers with abundant mar- first group has the abbreviation of IC ble spolia and a main gate in between XC NΗ KA = Ἰησούς Χριστός νικά (Fig. 9). The second part continues un- (Jesus Christ conquers) around Greek til the coast, which has few, irregularly crosses. The second group has the ab- arranged towers and long wall courses breviations of ΦC ΧC ΦΕ ΠΙ and ΦC with rubble masonry but one certain ΧΥ ΦΕ ΠC around more elaborate section with rear casemates clearly re- crosses, which are most probably vari- sembles the first part on the top. After ations of “Φώς Χριστού φαίνει πάσιν” epigraphic evidence and certain stylis- (The light of Christ enlightens all) tic features, the castle was dated to the (Eyice, 1976). The last slab originally 13th-14th centuries by Eyice (1976). stood above the rear of the main gate, This assumption was also strengthened which is now in Istanbul Archaeolog- by the technical study of Tekin and Ku- ical Museum (Fig. 10). It has a large rugöl (2012). However, Foss and Win- Greek cross with the abbreviation of Α field (1986) dated the top section and Π Μ Ϛ that the first letter might also main body walls of Yoros Castle to the be Δ. It was interpreted as Δ Π Μ Ϛ last decades of the Komnenian period by Eyice (1976) and the improvised with regard to the regular mixed ma- deciphering of “Δεσπότην Μιχαήλ sonry and a direct comparison to the Παλαιολόγον Σώσον” [(O cross), walls of Blachernae in Constantinople, save Despot Michael Palaiologos] was which were built by Manuel I Kom- proposed, which was then considered nenos. Then, it has been argued that by the same scholar as an indication the partition wall as a later addition of the construction period as 1261- created an inner castle on the hilltop. 1282, the reign of the supposed Mi- That wall was attributed to the Palai- chael VIII. However, it is probably ologan period due to its own, rather not the case, because “Ἀρχὴ Πίστεως inferior masonry style with a distinc- Μυστηρίου Σταυρός” (The principle tive brickwork ornament, which has of belief, the mystery of the cross) for a long, two-line inscription in Greek the abbreviation of Α Π Μ Ϛ was al- (Foss and Winfield, 1986; Yıldırım, ready mentioned after certain paleo- 2003). A slab with an inscription in graphic evidence (Rhoby, 2018; Wal-

Şile and its castle: Historical topography and medieval architectural history 194 ter, 1997). This meaning seems more to precise topographical and architec- harmonious to previous slabs in terms tural details that were mentioned by a of the content. certain group of primary sources, what From an architectural point of view, is known as Şile Castle today was first Yoros can be considered as a Middle constructed by Andronikos I Kom- Byzantine castle that was significantly nenos around 1183-1185 as an isolat- altered during the Late Byzantine peri- ed detention post; actually a lightly od, likewise some other Bithynian for- fortified residential tower. It was used tresses. Yoros was mentioned together for this purpose from the late 12th with Chele (Şile) and Astrabete (Sey- century until the late 13th century rek) within the context of Turkish raids that Alexios Komnenos, John IV Las- by 1304, which points a geographical karis, Joseph I of Constantinople and relation of those three castles along a John Tarchaneiotes were its renowned coastal route in North Bithynia. occupiers, respectively. Andronikos I himself also decided to take shelter in Chele while fleeing in 1185. His deci- sion was probably related to the supposed initial function of the building. Though contemporary accounts mention Chele and Niketiation as “castle”, the imprisonment of the deposed John IV in both places around 1261 would not be a mere coincidence, because Es- Figure 10. The slab of Yoros Castle, which kihisar (Niketiation) in fact also had was once located above the rear facade of the appearance of a fortified imperial its main entrance but now kept in Istanbul residence at that time, which was yet Archaeological Museum (Sağlam, 2018). to be converted into a proper fortress To sum up, it can be argued that the later that century. Similarly, Joseph I functional change of Eskihisar Castle was transferred from Chele to Kos- from residential to military shows sim- midion Monastery in Constantinople, ilarity to Şile Castle that the emergence which was a slightly equivalent spot in of nearby Seyrek Castle and the later terms of the retirement function. Both layout of Yoros Castle well resemble accounts additionally imply that Chele its next function as a shelter with geo- was probably not a very pleasant place graphical advantages against the Otto- to reside in for a long time. mans, as discussed below. By the late 12th century, Şile Castle emerged as a lightly fortified residen- 9. Conclusion tial tower or a kind of an elite prison Earlier accounts define the ancient on a geographically isolated position. settlement at modern Şile as a small Its defensive strength was considerably and probably lightly fortified town different and weak from typical Kom- with a harbor and a temple. Its name nenian fortresses that some of them was apparently changed from Artane were built in Bithynia until Manuel I. to Chele between the 8th and 11th Şile Castle initially had a special pur- centuries for some reason. The most pose and it was certainly not a part of remarkable incident of this period was the original Komnenian fortification a demographic shift that more than program in Bithynia. In fact, it can be 200.000 Slavs were reportedly resettled said that the Komnenian restoration in Artane. Characteristic geographical perhaps enabled Andronikos I as the features of Şile were repeatedly men- last emperor of that period to erect tioned by primary sources from almost such a specific complex under rela- all historical periods. tively peaceful conditions in Bithynia, A structural survey of Şile Castle be- which well secured the region through fore the major restoration of 2015 has some new castles following the short displayed that its architecture did not Turkish occupation after 1071. present any distinctive construction Furthermore, as Şile Castle was for- phases. Any Ottoman alteration was merly supposed as a watchtower by or- also not recorded. Thus, with regard igin simply after its position and archi-

ITU A|Z • Vol 18 No 1 • March 2021 • H. S. Sağlam 195 tectural appearance, it would probably such a military advantage that Seyrek not make sense by the late 12th cen- Castle apparently sought. However, it tury, because the eastern flank of the was seemingly conquered sometime mouth of the Bosporus from the Black before 1389. Sea was absolutely not a potential ene- The later layout of Yoros Castle (Hi- my route for the Byzantine Empire at eron) can also be mentioned as an ex- that time. Arched windows, balcony ample to the supposed new function and the battlement level of Şile Castle of Şile Castle and the construction of must have been used for local observa- Seyrek Castle during the same period. tion but it can be argued that an oper- Yoros Castle did not have a clear geo- ative coastal watchtower function was graphical advantage like them, which especially adapted by the Ottomans in actually enclosed a huge ancient settle- later centuries to safeguard the Bospo- ment site. Then, its landward and rel- rus against Russian fleets. atively strong hilltop section towards Starting from the 14th century, Şile the east was separated through a forti- Castle became a proper military target fied partition wall and was designated for the Ottomans rather than a simple as a smaller enclosure. This work iso- prison complex. They needed to be- lated the hilltop part from the larger siege and properly conquer it with the enceinte and made it easier to defend help of a small army, as initial raids re- against oncoming Ottoman attacks. mained inconclusive. Although it was Significant epigraphic evidences were formerly questioned that Şile Castle documented exclusively on this part was too small to include a proper set- of Yoros Castle, including elaborate tlement, it can be argued that the in- marble slabs and a long, brickwork inhabitants of Chele (former Artane) scription on the partition wall. In this almost certainly took shelter in it, as case, it can also be said that through a last resort in front of the Ottoman such pious messages that were placed threat. towards the potential threat, the res- Under these circumstances, Şile idents of Yoros did not only rely on Castle was possibly deployed as a their strong castle but also sought a proper fortress in the 14th century divine protection during a distressful against landward attacks in spite of period, which also affected Şile and its limited defensive capability. This Seyrek. could also be the reason why General To conclude, the general appear- Kassianos chose Şile Castle during his ance of the castles of Şile, Yoros and revolt, as he initially considered it as a Seyrek well stress the declining po- safe spot against the emperor. Its iso- litical state of the Byzantine Empire lated position surely provided a strate- against the Ottomans in North Bithyn- gic advantage on top of an impassable ia. Şile Castle was an isolated Middle rocky island with some ramparts. The Byzantine prison tower but it then had sea surrounded the island except for a an urgent functional change, likewise small entrance, as recalled by contem- the castle of Eskihisar. It started to porary witnesses. As the site now ap- be considered as a proper fortress by pears as an island, its former entrance the Late Byzantine period, which also was highly likely eroded by the sea over triggered Ottoman attacks. Following five centuries. the conquest of Şile Castle, as the site Seyrek Castle, the former Astrabete / was no longer a potential battlefield, Astrabike supposedly emerged during its tower probably had another duty as the Late Byzantine period with regard a coastal watchtower that Şile was the to primary sources. It was built per- base of a janissary garrison by the 17th chance with a parallel concern to the century. Finally, a defensive firepower later function of Şile Castle, that is to was needed at Şile against the Russians say providing shelter to nearby inhabi- during the early modern period but tants against Ottoman raids. On top of the new role of the castle is uncertain a geographically similar position to Şile within this modern military concept. Castle, it was easy to defend but diffi- Şile Castle is currently closed to pub- cult to conquer it in case of a landward lic visit despite the restoration of 2015 siege. The nearby Kerpe Castle lacked and Ocaklı Island is also inaccessible.

Şile and its castle: Historical topography and medieval architectural history 196

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