Music in Japanese Antinuclear Demonstrations: the Evolution of a Contentious Performance Model 日本の反原発デモにおける 音楽 論議を呼ぶパーフォーマンス様式の展開
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Volume 11 | Issue 42 | Number 3 | Article ID 4015 | Oct 18, 2013 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Music in Japanese Antinuclear Demonstrations: The Evolution of a Contentious Performance Model 日本の反原発デモにおける 音楽 論議を呼ぶパーフォーマンス様式の展開 Noriko Manabe of slogans (Sprechchor), while folk singers, traditional drummers, chanters with Introduction: The Significance of Sound uchiwadaiko, and fans of the late rocker Demos Iwamano Kiyoshirō play in different spots around the block. In marching demos—which Since Japan's triple disaster of March 11, 2011, attracted 15,000–20,000 people per event in music has served to inform and give voice to 2011, as many as 200,000 in 2012, and up to unspoken opinions in several 60,000 in 2013—drum corps, brass bands, spaces—cyberspace, recordings, festivals and chindon bands,2 and other ambulatory concerts, and public demonstrations.1 In musicians perform alongside "sound trucks," particular, music has been an integral part of piled with sound equipment, upon which antinuclear demonstrations: here, music rappers, singers, DJs, and bands perform. functions not only as an expression to be heard, "Sound demos"—the name given to some but also—and perhaps more importantly—as a demonstrations with sound trucks—have been mechanism for encouraging participation and building solidarity among antinuclear citizens. credited with attracting masses of first-time Music has long been a part of demonstrations demonstrators. In addition, protesters often in Japan: percussive instruments and the credit the performances of musicians for rhythmic eejanaika (why not) call-and-response establishing the mood of a demonstration. pattern were featured in demonstrations since Drawing from the theories of Charles Tilly and the end of the Edo Period. Today,Thomas Turino, this article focuses on the demonstrations in Japan include stationary music of ambulatory demonstrations and demonstrations (kōgi), in which protesters explains the political catalysts for shifts voice claims in front of the offices of the between two styles: presentational and offending parties, such as the prime minister, participatory, which I define below. the Diet, or TEPCO. There are also "demos," in which protesters walk through parts of the city; Sound trucks with musical equipment have a they are often preceded and/or followed by long history: having been popularized in rallies, in which speeches by politicians and Europe through events like the Notting Hill activists alternate with musical performances. Carnival in London and the Berlin Love Parade, In the weekly Friday kōgi in front of the prime they appeared in LGBT parades in Tokyo in the minister's office (Kantei)—among the largest mid-1990s and early 2000s; they also appeared and longest-running weekly demonstrations in antiwar demonstrations organized by Tokyo has ever seen, attracting 200,000 Chance! Peace Walk and World Peace Now protesters on June 29, 2012, and running from 2001 onwards. Nonetheless, the first without a break for an unprecedented 19 sound-truck demonstrations named "sound months—drummers and horn playersdemos" were organized in 2003 by the accompany the protesters' calls and responses collective Against Street Control (ASC) as a 1 11 | 42 | 3 APJ | JF series of reclaim-the-streets protests against shifted their stance as political circumstances the war in Iraq (ECD 2007; ECD et al 2005; have changed. Charles Tilly noted that protest Hayashi and McKnight 2005; Mōri 2003, 2005, repertoires tend to change incrementally, in 2009; Noiz 2011; Oda 2003). The format caught response to changes in political opportunity on and was replicated in Kyoto, Osaka,structure, available models of performances, Fukuoka, Sapporo, and other cities. In the later and connections among potential actors (Tilly 2000s, the used-goods shop-cum-activist group 2008: 90). As I will illustrate, this theory Shirōto no Ran (Revolt of the Laymen)applies well to the case of music in Japanese organized several sound demos for precariat antinuclear demonstrations. (precarious proletariat) causes (Matsumoto 2008; Deguchi 2008); sound trucks were also Part of the debate about music and featured in the protests coinciding with the G8 demonstrations concerns the question: to what summit in Sapporo in 2008. Hence, sound extent does a demonstrator engage with a demos were already an established and popular musical performance, and in what ways? To feature of demonstrations before theaddress this question more generally for antinuclear protests following the triplemusical performances, Thomas Turino has disaster. categorized them as being in one of two styles: participatory, which has "no artist-audience Since 2011, several activist groups have distinctions, only participants and potential formed or regrouped from earlier activist participants performing different roles"; and configurations to hold antinuclearpresentational, where artists play music for an demonstrations: Shirōto no Ran, which held audience who do not participate in the music- monthly sound demos for the first six months of making (2008: 26). These approaches differ in the crisis, and has since worked with Datsu both goals and aesthetics. In the participatory Genpatsu Suginami; No Nukes More Hearts, approach, the aim is to involve as many people, which has been holding demonstrations and as intensely as possible. As such, the music other events since 2007 and is led by illustrator must be easy enough for newcomers to join in; Misao Redwolf; TwitNoNukes, which began it is usually comprised of short forms that are holding regular monthly demonstrations in repeated over and over. While the April 2011; and theMetropolitan Coalition repetitiveness may make the music Against Nukes (MCAN, Shutō Hangenpatsu uninteresting to an outside audience, it adds to Rengō, or Hangenren)— composed of fourteen the intensity of the performance for the antinuclear organizations including members of participants. The emphasis is on inclusivity, TwitNoNukes, No Nukes More Hearts, and regardless of the players' ability, at the expense Shirōto no Ran—which organizes the weekly of showmanship. Because participants must demonstrations in front of the prime minister's concentrate on each other's actions and residence and large-scale demonstrations sounds, participatory music promotes social attracting tens of thousands every three to four bonding (2008: 28–41). months. These groups have held sharply differing philosophies as to the impact music In contrast, presentational music involves a has on a demonstration: some believe it separation between artist and audience, with supports it by attracting people, while others musicians performing scripted pieces, as they believe it detracts from the political purpose. usually do at concerts. The goals of these They also disagree on its role: some believe performances are to entertain the audience, so that music should be for listening, while others that the emphasis is on showmanship and consider it an activity to be shared by as many variability. The performers are not one with the people as possible. Moreover, activists have audience, as in a participatory performance; 2 11 | 42 | 3 APJ | JF rather, the audience looks at them, and they more stoic demonstrations—TwitNoNukes, may even be heroes to some audience members drum corps-driven protests, and the weekly (Turino 2008: 52–63). Nonetheless,protests in front of the prime minister's presentational performances can also help to residence—had on this style. Participatory-style forge feelings of community among audience rap, as developed by Akuryō in late 2011, has members, triangulated through identification continued to play a major part in with, or adoration of, the performer. Many demonstrations: changing combinations of him musical performances involve some elements of and fellow rappers ATS and ECD performed in both presentational and participatorythis style in the antiracist demonstration of approaches, but one approach usuallySeptember 22 as well as antinuclear MCAN predominates over the other. demonstrations on March 10 and October 13, 2013; furthermore, the sound demo has been In sound demos, the protesters and onlookers revived in Osaka, Sapporo, and other cities. comprise the audience, but the protesters have Along the way, I consider the protest also come to participate, whether it be by organizers' differing ideas regarding the nature playing in one of the ambulatory ensembles, of participation, as gleaned through my engaging in call-and-response patterns, or discussions with them. simply walking along with the demonstration. Hence, the performers in a soundPresentational style: Shirōto no Ran demonstration must interact to some degree demonstrations of 2011 with both protesters and onlookers, and they will often shift between presentational and While it was far from the first demonstration participatory approaches. Nonetheless, it is after the Fukushima accident,3 the Shirōto no useful to think of a spectrum of performance Ran demonstration of April 10, 2011 is often styles from the presentational to thecited as a milestone in the antinuclear participatory; as we will discuss, several movement because of the masses of people it factors, including not only the artist's genre unexpectedly attracted. This demonstration and disposition but also the political context, featured two sound trucks—one with reggae affect which style predominates. This spectrum singer Rankin Taxi, female rapper Rumi, and is among the many factors that organizers of DJs including techno DJ Mayumi,