Challenging the Myths About the US Women's Movement

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Challenging the Myths About the US Women's Movement @mnis Revue de Civilisation Contemporaine de l’Université de Bretagne Occidentale EUROPES / AMÉRIQUES http://www.univ-brest.fr/amnis/ The Focus of Feminism : Challenging the Myths about the U.S. Women’s Movement Cynthia Fuchs Epstein CUNY Graduate Center Etats-Unis [email protected] In the past year, the United States has witnessed a striking change in its political culture as the Democratic Party pitted two extraordinary candidates against each other for the party’s nomination as its Presidential candidate. The choice between Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama, a woman and a man of biracial ancestry (which automatically labels him as black in the United States) has been considered revolutionary – breaking a cultural mold. Americans have wondered whether voters’ possibly racist tendencies would affect their support for Obama and also whether underlying sexism would defeat a candidacy of Hillary Clinton. It is my view that sexism, some of it still lurking in everyday life, some of it orchestrated by right-wing ideologues, was responsible for the defeat of Clinton, and that she was a victim of the same biases directed against the women’s movement in the United States (and perhaps elsewhere in the world) and its late leader Betty Friedan. The attacks on Betty Friedan, founder of the National Organization for Women in 1966 in the United States, and on Hillary Clinton during her campaign in 2007-8, had not only to do with their agendas, but also with their presumed motivations, manners, and appearance. The shape of Clinton’s legs, the fact that she sometimes changed her hairstyle, and an image of her as humorless and harsh were all the subjects of repetitive media coverage. Whispering campaigns (for which there are no citations!) questioned her sexuality, and condemned her for remaining married to President Bill Clinton despite his alleged 1 infidelity. Similarly, Betty Friedan, was repeatedly described as unattractive, 1 insinuating that women’s movement activists offered a feminist agenda because their appearance and personalities made them unattractive to men. In spite of such mindless critiques, the women’s movement was successful in achieving major social changes, most notably in opening opportunities for women to obtain equal education and to work in the crafts and technological occupations formerly limited to men as well as in the professions. Further, the movement forced changes in many norms, permitting women to enter the public sphere and reach political positions only a tiny number of them had achieved before. Hillary Clinton and Betty Friedan each faced many attacks from those on the political Right, as well as on the political Left. The Right insisted that women made their own choices to make family roles primary and work secondary in their lives, and so were uninterested in career education and advancement. On the Left, and especially in academia in the U.S., many individuals have accused the feminist movement on being oriented primarily to the concerns and interests of middle-class white women. I believe that both sets of views are myths that are demonstrably wrong. This paper focuses on Betty Friedan and the woman’s movement. Although Hillary Clinton did not win nomination as the Presidential candidate of the Democratic Party, I believe her near-success was due, in large part, to the achievements of the American women’s movement and the resulting breakthroughs in the status and opportunity structure for women in the United States and elsewhere. Beginnings of the Movement The push for women’s equality that resurfaced in the late 1960s in the United States after the first wave of feminism resulted in women achieving the vote in 1920 was touched off by the Civil Rights movement that sought rights for Black Americans. As is well known now, the 1960s were a time when several U.S. Presidents backed civil rights legislation and had the political support needed for it. This constituted the political opportunity structure within which women’s rights were renegotiated. It was the time of school desegregation and of the civil rights movement led by Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. President John F. Kennedy had backed a Civil Rights bill to extend the rights of black people in the U.S. Although Kennedy was assassinated before he could act on it, his successor, President Johnson, maneuvered the bill through Congress as the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Title VII of the act guaranteed equality in employment to Americans no matter what their race, national origin, or sex. The inclusion of sex in the bill was accidental. In fact, its introduction by Senator Howard W. Smith of Virginia, a southerner opposed to civil rights legislation, was meant to draw opposition that would kill the entire bill 2. The addition of the word « sex » to the bill did draw jeering laughter from some of Smith’s colleagues but it also motivated several women members to mobilize the support needed to pass the bill, providing the mechanism for extreme social change with respect to the rights of women. The Act established the 1 Only recently the writer Christina Hoff Sommers, in a September 17, 2008 article in the New York newspaper The Sun, described her as a « stocky, disheveled volatile,…iconoclast ». 2 Pedriana, Nicholas, « From Protective to Equal Treatment : Legal Framing Processes and Transformation of the Women's Movement in the 1960s », American Journal of Sociology , 111, May 2006, p. 1733. 2 Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) with the power to establish guidelines for enforcement, and later, some authority to litigate violations. For the 40 years since passage of the Act, the feminist agenda has had its ups and downs and attacks on the woman’s movement – now, hundreds of organizations devoted to supporting women’s rights – continue, with ridicule and invective from opponents, aided by infighting among various factions within the woman’s movement. In particular, some women writers have attacked the movement for being too centered on the needs and concerns of middle class white women rather than minority women or those who are economically disadvantaged (Erenreich and Hochschild XXXX). Some even condemn white professional women as exploiters of the minority women serving in their homes as housekeepers and nannies. The facts are totally contrary to these myths. Friedan, along with other feminist activists, was responsible for the strategies that brought most of the strides forward made in the past 40 years for minority and working class women. This piece of history remains hidden and unknown or has been disregarded by critics of the women’s movement who suggest that the movement has served the middle class and not women of color or the poor. A look back at history of the National Organization for Women, the first of the many organizations that now serve women’s interests, shows how from the very beginning it included minority women in positions of leadership, fighting for their rights and championing the cause of poor and working class women. The Beginning of the Woman’s Movement in the United States The book Betty Friedan wrote, The Feminine Mystique , published in 1963, made her very visible, and immediately a potential leader for change. Lawyers in government who had championed the Civil Rights Act of 1964 approached her to form an NAACP 3 for women, which would provide momentum and political will to help achieve the goals of the Act. Friedan’s book told the story of a generation of American women who lacked a sense of identity and purpose when not employed outside the home and it soon became a best seller, selling over a million copies, and identifying a sea of discontent among American women. In her book, Friedan labeled this « the problem that has no name »4, and also attacked stereotypes of women in society and in the works of academic social scientists. It was not surprising that the book touched the nerves of women who became housewives after World War II, many because it was difficult for them to get meaningful employment in terms of job content and salary. Those who had been recruited to take the place of men during the war in non-traditional (for women) war industry work, were expected, indeed were forced, to relinquish their jobs to the men coming home from war. The women who remained in the paid labor force were segregated in a narrow range of jobs, almost all of which were « dead-end » in that they provided no opportunity for advancement in authority or wages. Then, as now, few men were employed in such « women’s jobs » as telephone operators, secretaries, factory work in food processing and, somewhat more skilled, elementary school teaching. Women were extremely underrepresented in government, the professions and 3 This is the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, and the organization responsible for legal cases and the litigation that resulted in desegregating schools in the South in the United States. 4 Friedan, Betty, The Feminine Mystique. N.Y, W.W. Norton and Co., 1963. 3 business except at lower levels. The proportion of women who were elected officials was miniscule – no more than two women served in the U.S. Senate at any time until 1987 (and most of them were widows of men who had served in the Senate). Furthermore, before the 1960s many laws and practices resulted in discrimination against women in the areas of property rights and reproductive freedom. These issues had been raised by feminists during the first woman’s movement by such activists as Susan B. Anthony, Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton at the landmark Women’s Rights Convention in Seneca Falls, New York in 1848. Equality has been a contested concept in the United States, as in many other societies.
Recommended publications
  • Time and Work: Changes and Challenges
    Chapter 1 Time and Work: Changes and Challenges Cynthia Fuchs Epstein and Arne L. Kalleberg IME IS A basichuman concern. It orders the lives of all individ- Tuals and groups. Time differentiation is a basic component of social structure and of the cultural value system: time designations structure human effort, experience, and expectations, and cultural values are embedded in them (Durkheim 1902/1947; Merton 1984; Sorokin and Merton 1937). Throughout history claims on people’s time have come from for- mal and informal authorities—from the state, from the church, from the firm and corporation, and from the family. The “natural” pace of life, in earlier times determined by the rising and setting of the sun, has given way to an ordering by church bells, bugles, factory whis- tles, and alarm clocks, all sending messages to engage in or cease various activities. Technology—from the invention of the incan- descent light to the computer chip—has extended the possibility of work beyond the daylight hours and through time zones (Melbin 1987). Time frames are internalized in individuals’ psyches, structured as time frames are by social conditioning and cultural perspectives. Social scientists, historians, philosophers, and of course writers of fiction—particularly science fiction—have considered the issue of time in various ways through the ages and some have jostled our imaginations. Historical memory is located in identified periods—for example, the Reformation, the Hundred Years war, the Enlighten- ment, the Great Depression—and “progress” has been defined as a 1 2 Fighting for Time movement through time. Individuals born in different generations may view the same experiences through different lenses (Mannheim 1952).
    [Show full text]
  • 1 ABBREVIATED CURRICULUM VITAE September, 2015 GAYE
    ABBREVIATED CURRICULUM VITAE September, 2015 GAYE TUCHMAN Office Address: Department of Sociology, Unit 1068 Storrs, Connecticut 06269 (860) 486-3873 EDUCATION: Brandeis University, Ph. D. in Sociology, l969. Brandeis University, M. A. in Sociology, l967. Brandeis University, B.A. cum laude with honors in English and American Literature, l964. TEACHING EXPERIENCE: University of Connecticut, Storrs: Professor Emerita of Sociology, January, 2012- ; Professor of Sociology, September, 1990 –January 2011. Queens College, C.U.N.Y.: Assistant Professor, 1972 - 1976; ---- and the Graduate Center: Associate Professor, 1977-1981. Professor, January, 1981 - 1990. State University of New York at Stony Brook: Assistant Professor, 1969 - l972. Stanford University: Visiting Professor of Feminist Studies and Sociology, Winter and Spring Quarters, l984. Honorary visiting positions: Fulbright Specialist. Institute of Communication and Images, University of Santiago, May 8 – June 7, 2010. Fulbright/La Caixa Lectureship. Department of Journalism, Autonomous University of Barcelona, January, 1989. Marquette University Women's Chair in Humanistic Studies (One week in February, 1989.) Invited scholar, University of Iowa, School of Journalism. (One week as visitor, Fall, 1981.) SOME GRANTS & FELLOWSHIPS: See Fulbrights above. Fellows' List, Center for Advanced Studies in the Behavioral Sciences (invitation declined, 1985-86). 1 Mass Media Institutions, The Markle Foundation, 1985-86; roughly $15,000. What Victorian Writers Got Paid, Professional Staff Congress-Board of Higher Education Grant, 1984; roughly $8000. What Victorian Women Wrote, National Endowment for the Humanities, l983; roughly $40,000. Training Grant on the Sociology and Economics of Women and Work, National Institutes of Mental Health, l980 - l983; roughly $450,000. With Cynthia Fuchs Epstein.
    [Show full text]
  • Thomas Theorem and the Matthew Hfed?
    The Thomas Theorem and The Matthew Hfed? ROBERT K MERI'ON, Cohmbiu University and Russell Sage Foundation Eponymy in science is the practice of affixing the names of scientists to what they have discovered or are believed to have discovered,’ as with Boyle’s Law, Halley’s comet, Fourier’s transform, Planck’s constant, the Rorschach test, the Gini coefficient, and the Thomas theorem This article can be read from various sociological perspectives? Most specifical- ly, it records an epistolary episode in the sociointellectual history of what has ’ The definition of epw includes the cautionary phrase,“or are belkvedto have discovered,” in order to take due note of “Stigkr’s Law of Eponymy” which in its strongest and “simplest form is this: ‘No scientific discovery is named after its original discovereV (Stigler 1980). Stigler’s study of what is generally known as “the normal distribution” or “the Gaussian distribution” as a case in point of his ixonicaBy self-exemplifyingeponymous law is based in part on its eponymous appearance in 80 textbooks of statistics, from 1816 to 1976. 2 As will become evident, this discursive composite of archival dccuments, biography of a sociological idea, and analysis of social mechanisms involved in the diffusion of that idea departs from the tidy format that has come to be p&bed for the scientific paper. This is by design and with the indulgent consent of the editor of SocialForces. But then, that only speaks for a continuing largeness of spirit of its editorial policy which, back in 1934, allowed the ironic phrase “enlightened Boojum of Positivism” (with its allusion to Lewis Carroll’s immortal The Hunting of the &ark) to appear in my very fist article, published in this journal better than 60 Y- ago.
    [Show full text]
  • Historicizing the “End of Men”: the Politics of Reaction(S)
    HISTORICIZING THE “END OF MEN”: THE POLITICS OF REACTION(S) ∗ SERENA MAYERI In fact, the most distinctive change is probably the emergence of an American matriarchy, where the younger men especially are unmoored, and closer than at any other time in history to being obsolete . – Hanna Rosin1 In 1965 a Labor Department official named Daniel Patrick Moynihan wrote a report entitled The Negro Family: The Case for National Action (the Moynihan Report), intended only for internal Johnson Administration use but quickly leaked to the press.2 Designed to motivate the President and his deputies to launch massive federal employment and anti-poverty initiatives directed at impoverished African Americans, Moynihan’s report inadvertently sparked a sometimes vitriolic debate that reverberated through the next half century of social policy.3 Characterized as everything from a “subtle racist”4 to a “prescient”5 prophet, Moynihan and his assessment of black urban family life have been endlessly analyzed, vilified, and rehabilitated by commentators in the years since his report identified a “tangle of pathology” that threatened the welfare and stability of poor African American communities.6 At the center of the “pathology” Moynihan lamented was a “matriarchal” family structure characterized by “illegitimate” births, welfare dependency, and juvenile ∗ Professor of Law and History, University of Pennsylvania Law School. I am grateful to Kristin Collins for helpful comments on an earlier draft of this Essay; to Linda McClain, Hanna Rosin, and participants in the Conference, “Evaluating Claims About the ‘End of Men’: Legal and Other Perspectives,” out of which this Symposium grew; and to the staff of the Boston University Law Review for editorial assistance.
    [Show full text]
  • Betty Friedan and Simone De Beauvoir
    Fast Capitalism ISSN 1930-014X Volume 2 • Issue 1 • 2006 doi:10.32855/fcapital.200601.014 Betty Friedan and Simone de Beauvoir Charles Lemert Betty Friedan died February 4, 2006 on her eighty-fifth birthday. Her passing marks the ending of an era of feminist revolution she helped to spark. Some would say that in America she started it all by herself. Certainly, The Feminine Mystique in 1963 fueled the fire of a civil rights movement that was about to burn out after a decade of brilliant successes in the American South. The rights in question for Friedan were, of course, those of women— more exactly, as it turned out, mostly white women of the middle classes. Unlike other movement leaders of that day, Friedan was a founder and first president of an enduring, still effective, woman’s rights organization. NOW, (the National Organization for Women), came into being in 1966, but soon after was eclipsed by the then rapidly emerging radical movements. Many younger feminists found NOW’s emphasis on political and economic rights too tame for the radical spirit of the moment. The late 1960s were a time for the Weather Underground, the SCUM Manifesto, Black Power and the Black Panthers. By 1968 even SDS was overrun by the radicalizing wave across the spectrum of social movements. Yet, in time, Friedan’s political and intellectual interventions proved the more lasting. SDS and SNCC are today subjects of historical study by academic sociologists who never came close to having their skulls crushed by a madman. But NOW survives in the work of many thousands in every state of the American Union.
    [Show full text]
  • Changemakers: Biographies of African Americans in San Francisco Who Made a Difference
    The University of San Francisco USF Scholarship: a digital repository @ Gleeson Library | Geschke Center Leo T. McCarthy Center for Public Service and McCarthy Center Student Scholarship the Common Good 2020 Changemakers: Biographies of African Americans in San Francisco Who Made a Difference David Donahue Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.usfca.edu/mccarthy_stu Part of the History Commons CHANGEMAKERS AFRICAN AMERICANS IN SAN FRANCISCO WHO MADE A DIFFERENCE Biographies inspired by San Francisco’s Ella Hill Hutch Community Center murals researched, written, and edited by the University of San Francisco’s Martín-Baró Scholars and Esther Madríz Diversity Scholars CHANGEMAKERS: AFRICAN AMERICANS IN SAN FRANCISCO WHO MADE A DIFFERENCE © 2020 First edition, second printing University of San Francisco 2130 Fulton Street San Francisco, CA 94117 Published with the generous support of the Walter and Elise Haas Fund, Engage San Francisco, The Leo T. McCarthy Center for Public Service and the Common Good, The University of San Francisco College of Arts and Sciences, University of San Francisco Student Housing and Residential Education The front cover features a 1992 portrait of Ella Hill Hutch, painted by Eugene E. White The Inspiration Murals were painted in 1999 by Josef Norris, curated by Leonard ‘Lefty’ Gordon and Wendy Nelder, and supported by the San Francisco Arts Commission and the Mayor’s Offi ce Neighborhood Beautifi cation Project Grateful acknowledgment is made to the many contributors who made this book possible. Please see the back pages for more acknowledgments. The opinions expressed herein represent the voices of students at the University of San Francisco and do not necessarily refl ect the opinions of the University or our sponsors.
    [Show full text]
  • Centennial Bibliography on the History of American Sociology
    University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Sociology Department, Faculty Publications Sociology, Department of 2005 Centennial Bibliography On The iH story Of American Sociology Michael R. Hill [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/sociologyfacpub Part of the Family, Life Course, and Society Commons, and the Social Psychology and Interaction Commons Hill, Michael R., "Centennial Bibliography On The iH story Of American Sociology" (2005). Sociology Department, Faculty Publications. 348. http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/sociologyfacpub/348 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Sociology, Department of at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Sociology Department, Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. Hill, Michael R., (Compiler). 2005. Centennial Bibliography of the History of American Sociology. Washington, DC: American Sociological Association. CENTENNIAL BIBLIOGRAPHY ON THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN SOCIOLOGY Compiled by MICHAEL R. HILL Editor, Sociological Origins In consultation with the Centennial Bibliography Committee of the American Sociological Association Section on the History of Sociology: Brian P. Conway, Michael R. Hill (co-chair), Susan Hoecker-Drysdale (ex-officio), Jack Nusan Porter (co-chair), Pamela A. Roby, Kathleen Slobin, and Roberta Spalter-Roth. © 2005 American Sociological Association Washington, DC TABLE OF CONTENTS Note: Each part is separately paginated, with the number of pages in each part as indicated below in square brackets. The total page count for the entire file is 224 pages. To navigate within the document, please use navigation arrows and the Bookmark feature provided by Adobe Acrobat Reader.® Users may search this document by utilizing the “Find” command (typically located under the “Edit” tab on the Adobe Acrobat toolbar).
    [Show full text]
  • Poststructuralist Feminism, Ecofeminism and Intersectionality Maclaran, P
    WestminsterResearch http://www.westminster.ac.uk/westminsterresearch Thinking Through Feminist Theorizing: Poststructuralist Feminism, Ecofeminism and Intersectionality Maclaran, P. and Stevens, L. This is a draft chapter. The final version is available in: Dobscha, S. (ed.) Handbook of Research on Gender and Marketing, Edward Elgar, published in 2018. The material cannot be used for any other purpose without further permission of the publisher, and is for private use only. The WestminsterResearch online digital archive at the University of Westminster aims to make the research output of the University available to a wider audience. Copyright and Moral Rights remain with the authors and/or copyright owners. Whilst further distribution of specific materials from within this archive is forbidden, you may freely distribute the URL of WestminsterResearch: ((http://westminsterresearch.wmin.ac.uk/). In case of abuse or copyright appearing without permission e-mail [email protected] Thinking Through Feminist Theorising: Poststructuralist Feminism, Ecofeminism, and Intersectionality Pauline Maclaran, Royal Holloway University of London and Lorna Stevens, University of Westminster Feminist scholarship has played a major role in revealing the gendered nature of much theorising that masks taken-for-granted assumptions about the roles of men and women in society and associated heteronormative ideologies. From the study of theology, through the physical and social sciences to research on consumers, a feminist lens has brought new insights time and time again. Despite a proven track record, however, much confusion still exists over what exactly comprises feminist scholarship, and how to use the many theories it espouses. In this chapter we seek first to give a broad, explanatory overview of the basic principles inherent in any feminist thinking.
    [Show full text]
  • Betty Friedan: the Feminine Mystique (1963)
    Betty Friedan: The Feminine Mystique (1963) Born in 1921, Betty Friedan graduated with honors from Smith College and pursued a doctoral degree in psychology at the University of California at Berkeley before dropping out to marry. She raised three children during the 1950s and performed the role of the dutiful housewife and mother. In 1957, however, she experienced a revelation of sorts when she mailed an alumni questionnaire to her Smith classmates. The replies stunned her. Most of her classmates reported that while their lives were superficially successful they suffered from an aching "sense of dissatisfaction." This prompted Friedan to spend five years researching a book dealing with what she called the "problem with no name." Published in 1963, The Feminine Mystique dissected the prevailing "mystique" of the blissful suburban housewife, and it helped launch the feminist movement. From The Feminine Mystique by Betty Friedan. Copyright © 1983, 1974, 1973, 1963 by Betty Friedan. The suburban housewife – she was the dream image of the young American women and the envy, it was said, of women all over the world. The American housewife – freed by science and labor-saving appliances from the drudgery, the dangers of childbirth and the illnesses of her grandmother. She was healthy, beautiful, educated, concerned only about her husband, her children, her home. She had found true feminine fulfillment. As a housewife and mother, she was respected as a full and equal partner to man in his world. She was free to choose automobiles, clothes, appliances, supermarkets; she had everything that women ever dreamed of. In the fifteen years after World War II, this mystique of feminine fulfillment became the cherished and self- perpetuating core of contemporary American culture.
    [Show full text]
  • Recipients of Asa Awards
    APPENDIX 133 APPENDIX 11: RECIPIENTS OF ASA AWARDS MacIver Award 1956 E. Franklin Frazier, The Black Bourgeoisie (Free Press, 1957) 1957 no award given 1958 Reinhard Bendix, Work and Authority in Industry (Wiley, 1956) 1959 August B. Hollingshead and Frederick C. Redlich, Social Class and Mental Illness: A Community Study (Wiley, 1958) 1960 no award given 1961 Erving Goffman, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (Doubleday, 1959) 1962 Seymour Martin Lipset, Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics (Doubleday, 1960) 1963 Wilbert E. Moore, The Conduct of the Corporation (Random House, 1962) 1964 Shmuel N. Eisenstadt, The Political Systems of Empires (Free Press of Glencoe, 1963) 1965 William J. Goode, World Revolution and Family Patterns (Glencoe, 1963) 1966 John Porter, The Vertical Mosaic: An Analysis of Social Class and Power in Canada (University of Toronto, 1965) 1967 Kai T. Erikson, Wayward Puritans (Wiley, 1966) 1968 Barrington Moore, Jr., Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy (Beacon, 1966) Sorokin Award 1968 Peter M. Blau, Otis Dudley Duncan, and Andrea Tyree, The American Occupational Structure (Wiley, 1967) 1969 William A. Gamson, Power and Discontent (Dorsey, 1968) 1970 Arthur L. Stinchcombe, Constructing Social Theories (Harcourt, Brace, & World, 1968) 1971 Robert W. Friedrichs, A Sociology of Sociology; and Harrison C. White, Chains of Opportunity: Systems Models of Mobility in Organization (Free Press, 1970) 1972 Eliot Freidson, Profession of Medicine: A Study of the Sociology of Applied Knowledge (Dodd, Mead, 1970) 1973 no award given 1974 Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures (Basic, 1973); and Christopher Jencks, Inequality (Basic, 1972) 1975 Immanuel Wallerstein, The Modern World System (Academic Press, 1974) 1976 Jeffrey Paige, Agrarian Revolution: Social Movements and Export Agriculture in the Underdeveloped World (Free Press, 1975); and Robert Bellah, The Broken Covenant: American Civil Religion in Time of Trial (Seabury Press, 1975) 1977 Kai T.
    [Show full text]
  • Remembering Liberal Feminism in Radical Ways: Locating Conservative Strategies in the Narratives of Dr
    University of Denver Digital Commons @ DU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Graduate Studies 1-1-2009 Remembering Liberal Feminism in Radical Ways: Locating Conservative Strategies in the Narratives of Dr. Christina Hoff Sommers, Tammy Bruce, and Dr. Laura Schlessinger Jenni Marie Simon University of Denver Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/etd Part of the Communication Commons Recommended Citation Simon, Jenni Marie, "Remembering Liberal Feminism in Radical Ways: Locating Conservative Strategies in the Narratives of Dr. Christina Hoff Sommers, Tammy Bruce, and Dr. Laura Schlessinger" (2009). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 929. https://digitalcommons.du.edu/etd/929 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Studies at Digital Commons @ DU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ DU. For more information, please contact [email protected],[email protected]. REMEMBERING LIBERAL FEMINISM IN RADICAL WAYS: LOCATING CONSERVATIVE STRATEGIES IN THE NARRATIVES OF DR. CHRISTINA HOFF SOMMERS, TAMMY BRUCE, AND DR. LAURA SCHLESSINGER __________ A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of Social Sciences University of Denver __________ In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy __________ by Jenni M. Simon November 2009 Advisor: Dr. Christina Foust Author: Jenni M. Simon Title: REMEMBERING LIBERAL FEMINISM IN RADICAL WAYS: LOCATING CONSERVATIVE STRATEGIES IN THE NARRATIVES OF DR. CHRISTINA HOFF SOMMERS, TAMMY BRUCE, AND DR. LAURA SCHLESSINGER Advisor: Dr. Christina R. Foust Degree Date: November, 2009 ABSTRACT This dissertation identifies and challenges post-feminist narratives that remember the second wave or 1960s and 1970s liberal feminism as a radical form of activism.
    [Show full text]
  • Building a Movement: Betty Friedan and the Feminine Mystique
    09-RHR 80 Williams.btw 5/9/01 11:20 AM Page 149 (RE)V EWS Buildi g a Moveme t: Betty Frieda a d The Fem n ne Myst que Jean Ca terone Wi iams Judit Hennessee, Betty Friedan: Her Life. New York: Random House, 1999. Daniel Horowitz, Betty Friedan and the Making of “The Feminine Mystique”: The American Left, the Co d War, and Modern Feminism. Boston: University of Massac usetts Press, 1998. Read toget er, Hennessee’s and Horowitz’s new books provide a fascinating and complex look at feminism and t e ways t at Betty Friedan s aped t e movement’s trajectory in t e 1960s and 1970s. Bot aut ors purport to ave written Friedan’s biograp y, but t ere is minimal overlap in t e information t ey present. T oug eac book elps to make sense of t e feminist movement, Hennessee and Horowitz ave particular sets of concerns t at ultimately make for accounts very different in approac and focus. In t e process of writing t e story of Friedan’s life, Hennessee describes t e personalities and political actions central to t e development of “sec- ond-wave” feminism, including t e founding of t e National Organization for Women (NOW) and t e National Women’s Political Caucus (NWPC). S e writes as somet ing of an insider, caug t up in t e 1970s in w at s e describes as “t e most ex ilarating time of my life” (xv), crediting Friedan for many of t e movement’s early successes.
    [Show full text]